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BSnyOO    .H65    f845  V7A      ^ 
Hook,    Walter   Farquhar,    179fi 

1875.  .      ^' 

An  ecclesiastical  biograph5^ 




ILtbes  of  Ancient  ffat^tx^  anti  iiHo^crn  HPibines, 






VOL.    IV. 








The  present  Volume  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Biography  is 
perhaps  the  most  interesting  of  the  series,  as  the  Reader 
will  at  once  perceive,  when  he  refers  to  the  names  of 
those  Fathers  and  Divines  of  whom  the  Biography  is 

Several  important  portions  of  Ecclesiastical  Histoi-y 
are,  under  some  of  the  Lives,  brought  before  the  Reader: 
in  the  Life  of  St.  Cyprian  he  will  observe  the  freedom 
of  the  Primitive  Church,  from  the  dominion  of  the  see 
of  Rome ;  in  the  Lives  of  St.  Clement,  St.  Chrysostom, 
Epiphanius,  and  Dionysius,  he  will  gain  some  insight 
into  the  practices  of  the  Early  Church ;  and  he  will  find 
a  History  of  the  Nestorian  Controversy  under  the  head  of 
St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  a  controversy  of  much  importance 
in  the  present  age,  when  many  are  unconsciously  Nesto- 
rian s,  who  account  themselves  Orthodox. 

The  History  of  our  Church  before  the  Reformation  is 
illustrated  in  the  Lives  of  Cuthbert,  Columba,  Dunstan, 
St.  Edmund,  Courtney,  and  Colet ;  and  of  the  early  years 
of  the  Reformation,  in  that  of  Cranmer.  The  Articles  on 
Dominic,  Erasmus,  Eck,  and  Compton,  will  be  interest- 

iDg  to  those  who  are  investigating  the  character  and 
pretensions  of  Romanism  ;  and  in  the  History  of  the 
Remonstrants,  which  is  given  in  the  Life  of  Ej^iscopius, 
is  displayed  the  persecuting  and  intolerant  temper  which 
seems  to  be  inherent  in  Calvinism. 

For  the  Life  of  St.  Cyprian,  the  Reader  is  indebted  to 
the  Rev.  G.  A.  Poole.  For  the  other  Lives  the  Compiler 
is  responsible. 

The  Work  is  still  continued  in  Numbers,  as  many 
persons  prefer  receiving  it  as  a  Monthly  Periodical,  in 
which  shape  they  can  easily  peruse  the  whole  work. 

The  object  of  this  Work  is  to  supply  the  Reader  with 
an  Ecclesiastical  History,  in  a  form  which  will  admit  of 
easy  reference.  Although  the  labour  is  of  a  humble 
character,  still  it  is  considerable ;  and  the  contribution 
of  Articles,  by  persons  competent  to  prepare  them,  will 
be  gratefully  received,  as  the  work  has  become  much 
more  extensive  than  was  originally  contemplated,  and  has 
hitherto  been  conducted  without  help. 


Jan.  12th,  1848. 



William  Chillingworth  was  the  son  of  William 
Chillingworth,  citizen,  afterw^ards  mayor  of  Oxford,  and 
was  born  there  in  October,  1602.  He  was  baptized  on  the 
last  of  that  month,  the  celebrated  William  Laud,  then 
fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  being  one  of  his  sponsors. 
After  he  had  been  educated  in  grammar  learning  at  a 
private  school  in  Oxford,  he  was  admitted  a  scholar  of 
Trinity  College,  in  1618,  and  was  elected  fellow  in  1628. 
He  studied  divinity  and  geometry,  and  showed  some  skill 
in  versification.  The  conversation  and  study  of  the  uni- 
versity scholars,  in  his  time,  turned  chiefly  upon  the  con- 
troversies between  the  churches  of  England  and  Rome, 
occasioned  by  the  liberty  allowed  the  Romish  priests  by 
James  I.  and  Charles  I. ;  several  of  whom  lived  at,  or 
near,  Oxford,  and  made  frequent  attempts  to  pervert  the 
young  men.  Of  these  Jesuits,  the  most  famous  was  John 
Fisher,  alias  John  Perse ;  and  Chillingworth  being  ac- 
counted a  very  ingenious  man,  Fisher  earnestly  sought  his 
society.  Their  conversation  soon  turned  upon  the  points 
controverted  between  the  two  Churches,  but  particularly 
on  the  necessity  of  an  infallible  living  judge  in  matters  of 
faith.  Chillingworth  unable  to  answer  the  argimients  of 
the  Jesuit  on  this  head,  was  brought  to  believe  that  this 
judge  was  to  be  found  only  in  the  Church  of  Rome,  which, 

VOL  IV.  A 


therefore,  must  be  the  true  Church,  out  of  which  there 
could  be  no  salvation.  Upon  this  he  forsook  the  com- 
munion of  the  Church  of  England,  and  embraced  the 
Romish  religion.  In  order  to  secure  hi^  conquest,  Fisher 
persuaded  Chillingworth  to  go  to  the  college  of  the  Jesuits 
at  Douay ;  and  he  was  desired  to  set  down  in  writing  the 
motives  or  reasons  which  had  engaged  him  to  embrace  the 
Romish  rehgion.  But  his  godfather,  Laud,  who  was  then 
Bishop  of  London,  hearing  of  this  affair,  and  being  ex- 
tremely concerned  at  it,  wrote  to  him ;  and,  Chillingworth's 
answer  expressing  much  moderation,  candour,  and  impar- 
tiality, that  prelate  continued  to  correspond  with  him,  and 
to  press  him  with  several  arguments  against  the  doctrine 
and  practice  of  the  Romanists.  This  set  Chillingworth 
upon  a  new  enquiry,  which  had  the  desired  effect.  But 
the  place  where  he  was  not  being  suitable  to  the  state  of  a 
free  and  impartial  enquirer,  he  resolved  to  come  back  to 
England,  and  left  Douay  in  1631,  after  a  short  stay  there. 
Upon  his  return  into  England,  he  was  received  with  great 
kindness  and  affection  by  Bishop  Laud,  who  approved  his 
design  of  retiring  to  Oxford,  of  which  university  that  pre- 
late was  then  chancellor,  in  order  to  complete  the  im- 
portant work  he  was  upon,  a  free  enquiry  into  religion. 
At  last,  after  a  thorough  examination,  the  protestant  prin- 
ciples appearing  to  him  the  most  agreeable  to  the  holy 
Scripture  and  reason,  he  declared  for  them  ;  and  having 
fully  discovered  the  sophistry  of  the  arguments,  which  had 
induced  him  to  go  over  to  the  Church  of  Rome,  he  wrote 
a  paper  about  the  year  1634  to  confute  them,  but  did  not 
think  proper  to  publish  it.  This  paper  is  now  lost ;  for 
though  we  have  a  paper  of  his  upon  the  same  subject, 
which  was  first  published  in  1687,  among  the  additional 
discourses  of  Chillingworth,  yet  it  seems  to  have  been 
written  on  some  other  occasion,  probably  at  the  desire  of 
some  of  his  friends. 

That  ChillingwTjrth's  return  to  the  Church  of  England 
was  owing  to   Bishop  Laud,   appears  from  that  prelate's 


appeal  to  the  letters,  which  passed  between  him  and 
Chillingworth ;  which  appeal  was  made  in  his  speech 
before  the  Lords  at  his  trial,  in  order  to  vindicate  himself 
from  the  charge  of  Popery.  "  Mr.  Chillingworth  s  learn- 
ing and  ability/'  says  he,  "  are  sufficiently  known  to  ail 
your  lordships.  He  was  gone  and  settled  at  Douay.  My 
letters  brought  him  back,  and  he  lived  and  died  a  de- 
fender of  the  Church  of  England.  And  that  this  is  so, 
your  lordships  cannot  but  know;  for  Mr.  Prynne  took 
away  my  letters,  and  all  the  papers  which  concerned  him, 
and  they  were  examined  at  the  committee." 

As  Chillingworth,  in  forsaking  the  Church  of  England, 
as  well  as  in  returning  to  it,  was  solely  influenced  by  a 
love  of  truth,  so,  upon  the  same  principles,  even  after  his 
return  to  Protestantism,  he  thought  it  incumbent  upon 
him  to  re-examine  the  grounds  of  it.  This  appears  by  a 
letter  he  wrote  to  Dr.  Sheldon,  containing  some  scruples 
he  had  about  leaving  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  returning 
to  the  Church  of  England  :  and  these  scruples,  which  he 
declared  ingenuously  to  his  friends,  seem  to  have  occa- 
sioned a  report,  but  it  was  a  very  false  and  groundless 
one,  that  he  had  turned  papist  a  second  time,  and  then 
protestant  again.  His  return  to  the  protestant  religion 
making  a  great  deal  of  noise,  he  became  engaged  in  seve- 
ral disputes  with  those  of  the  Romish  religion ;  and  par- 
ticularly with  Mr.  John  Lewgar,  Mr.  John  Floyd  a  Jesuit, 
who  went  under  the  name  of  Daniel,  or  Dan.  a  Jesu, 
and  Mr.  White.  Mr.  Lewgar,  a  great  zealot  for  the 
Church  of  Rome,  and  one  who  had  been  an  intimate 
friend  of  our  author,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  his  return  to 
the  Church  of  England,  sent  him  a  very  angry  and 
abusive  letter ;  to  which  Chillingworth  returned  a  mild 
and  affectionate  answer,  in  the  course  of  which  he 
observes,  that  it  seems  to  him  very  strange  and  not  far 
from  a  prodigy,  that  this  doctrine  of  the  Roman  churches 
being  the  guide  of  faith,  or  having  the  privilege  of  infalli- 
bility, if  it  be  true  doctrine,  should  not  be  known  to  the 
Evangelists,  to  the  Apostles,  and  to  the  primitive  Church, 


AS  he  shews  it  was  not ;  and  concludes  thus :  "  All  these 
thin,i^s,  says  he,  and  many  more  are  very  strange  to  me,  if 
the  infallibility  of  the  Roman  Church  be  indeed  and  were 
always  by  Christians  acknowledged  the  foundation  of  our 
faith  :  and  therefore  I  beseech  you  pardon  me,  if  I  choose 
to  build  mine  upon  one  that  is  much  firmer  and  safer, 
and  lies  open  to  none  of  these  objections,  which  is  Scrip- 
ture and  universal  Tradition ;  and  if  one  that  is  of  this 
faith  may  have  leave  to  do  so ;  I  will  subscribe  with  hand 
and  heart,  your  very  loving  and  tine  friend,"  &c. 

Lewgar  was  so  far  softened  by  this  letter,  that  he  had 
an  interview  with  his  old  friend.  They  had  a  conference 
upon  religion  before  Skinner  and  Sheldon ;  and  we  have 
a  paper  of  Chillingworth  printed  among  the  additional 
discourses  above-mentioned,  which  seems  to  contain  the 
abstract  or  summary  of  their  dispute.  Besides  tlie  pieces 
already  mentioned,  he  wrote  one  to  demonstrate,  that 
"  the  doctrine  of  infallibility  is  neither  evident  of  itself, 
nor  grounded  upon  certain  and  infallible  reasons,  nor 
warranted  by  any  passage  of  Scripture."  And  in  two 
other  papers,  he  shews  that  the  Church  of  Rome  had 
formerly  erred;  first,  "by  admitting  of  infants  to  the 
Eucharist,  and  holding,  that  without  it  they  could  not  be 
saved  ;"  and  secondly,  "  by  teaching  the  doctrine  of  the 
Millenaries,  viz :  that  before  the  world's  end  Chnst  shall 
reign  upon  the  earth  1000  years,  and  that  the  saints 
should  live  under  Him  in  all  holiness  and  happiness  ;" 
both  which  doctrines  are  condemned  as  false  and  heretical 
by  the  present  Church  of  Rome.  He  wrote  also  a  short 
letter,  in  answer  to  some  objections  by  one  of  his  friends, 
in  which  he  shews,  that  "  neither  the  fathers  nor  the 
councils  are  infallible  witnesses  of  tradition  ;  and  that  the 
infallibility  of  the  Church  of  Ptome  must  first  of  all  be 
proved  from  Scripture."  Lastly,  he  wrote  an  answer  to 
some  passages  in  the  dialogues  published  under  the  name 
of  Rushworth.  In  1635  he  was  engaged  in  a  work  which 
gave  him  a  far  greater  opportunity  to  confute  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  to  vindicate  the  religion 


of  Protestants.  A  Jesuit  called  Edward  Knott,  though  his 
true  name  was  Matthias  Wilson,  had  published  in  1630 
a  little  book  called  "  Charity  mistaken,  with  the  want 
whereof  Catholics  are  unjustly  charged,  for  affirming,  as 
they  do  with  grief,  that  protestancy  unrepented  destroys 
salvation."  This  was  answered  by  Dr.  Potter,  provost  of 
Queen's  College,  Oxford,  in  1633,  in  a  tract  entitled, 
"  Want  of  charity  justly  charged  on  all  such  Romanists  as 
dare  without  truth  or  modesty  affirm,  that  protestancy 
destroys  salvation."  The  Jesuit  in  1634  published  an 
answer,  called  "  Mercy  and  truth,  or  charity  maintained 

by  Catholics  : with  the  want  whereof  they  are 

unjustly  charged,  for  affirming  that  protestancy  destroyeth 
salvation."  Knott  being  informed  of  Chillingworth's  in- 
tention to  reply  to  this,  resolved  to  prejudice  the  public 
both  against  the  author  and  his  book,  in  a  pamphlet 
called  "  A  direction  to  be  observed  by  N.N.  if  he  means 
to  proceed  in  answering  the  book  entitled  Mercy  and 
Truth,  &c.,  printed  in  1636,  permissu  superiorum  :"  in 
which  he  makes  no  scruple  to  represent  Chillingworth  as 
a  Socinian,  a  charge  which  has  been  since  brought  against 
him  with  more  etfect.  Chillingvvorth's  answer  to  Knott 
was  very  nearly  finished  in  the  beginning  of  1637,  when 
Laud,  who  knew  our  author  s  freedom  in  delivering  his 
thoughts,  and  was  under  some  apprehension  he  might 
indulge  it  too  much  in  his  book,  recommended  the  revisal 
of  it  to  Dr.  Prideaux,  professor  of  divinity  at  Oxford, 
afterwards  Bishop  of  Worcester  ;  and  desired  it  might  be 
published  with  his  approbation  annexed  to  it.  Dr.  Baylie, 
vice-chancellor,  and  Dr.  Fell,  Lady  Margaret's  professor  in 
divinity,  also  examined  the  book ;  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  it  was  published,  with  their  approbation,  under  this 
title  ;  "  The  Religion  of  Protestants  a  safe  way  to  Salva- 
tion :  or,  an  answer  to  a  book  entitled  Mercy  and  Truth, 
or  Charity  maintained  by  Catholics,  which  pretends  to 
prove  the  contrary." 

In  this  work  he   was  successful  in  his  iittack   upon 


Komanisin.  but  laid  himself  sadly  open  to  triumphant 
retaliation,  by  his  taking  too  wide  ground.  The 
Church  of  England  can  successfully  maintain  her  ground 
against  the  Church  of  Rome :  but  when  the  dispute 
is  between  Romanism  and  Protestantism  in  general, 
it  is,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  a  drawn  battle.  It  was 
in  this  book  that  he  propounded  the  ultra-protestant 
fallacy  of  the  Bible  and  the  Bible  only  being  the  religion 
of  Protestants.  TVhat  he  meant  by  the  religion  of  Pro- 
testants he  expresses  thus  :  "  When  I  say  the  religion  of 
Protestants  is  in  prudence  to  be  preferred  before  yours  : 
as  on  the  one  side  I  do  not  understand  by  your  religion, 
the  doctrine  of  Bellarmine  or  Baronius,  or  any  other 
private  man  amongst  you,  nor  the  doctrine  of  the  Sor- 
bonne,  or  of  the  Jesuits,  or  of  the  Dominicans,  or  of  any 
other  particular  company  among  you,  but  that  wherein 
you  all  agi'ee,  or  profess  to  agree,  the  doctrine  of  the 
council  of  Trent :  so  accordingly  on  the  other  side,  by  the 
religion  of  Protestants,  I  do  not  understand  the  doctrine 
of  Luther,  or  Calvin,  or  Melancthon  :  nor  the  confession 
of  Augusta,  or  Geneva,  nor  the  catechism  of  Heidelberg, 
nor  the  articles  of  the  Church  of  England,  no,  nor  the 
Harmony  of  Protestant  Confessions  ;  but  that  wherein 
they  all  agree,  and  which  they  all  subscribe  with  a  greater 
harmony,  as  a  perfect  rule  of  their  faith  and  actions,  that 
is,  the  Bible.  The  Bible,  I  say,  the  Bible  only,  is  the 
religion  of  Protestants."  "I  am  fully  assured,"  he  says 
in  another  place,  "  that  God  does  not,  and  therefore  man 
ought  not  to  require  any  more  of  any  man  than  this,  to 
believe  the  Scripture  to  be  Gods  word,  to  endeavour  to 
find  the  tme  sense  of  it,  and  to  live  acccording  to  it." 

This  work  of  Chilling\vorth's  has  been  by  some  over- 
praised, and  by  others  unduly  depreciated.  It  should  be 
borne  in  mind  that  in  such  passages  as  those  quoted 
above,  Chillingworth's  object  was  not  to  point  out  the  way 
in  which  tmth  is  to  be  discovered,  but  what  it  is  sufificient 
to  hold  as  the  foundation  when  the  heart  is  honest.     His 


arfjument  is  intended  to  establish  this  position,  that 
taking  Protestantism  in  general,  it  is  as  safe  a  way  to 
Balvation  as  Romanism  :  its  general  principle,  of  taking 
the  Bible  only  for  the  guide,  is  as  definite  and  as  safe  as 
that  which  rests  on  the  infallibility  of  the  Church  of 
Rome.  But  when  the  question  arises,  as  to  what  is  the 
way  to  arrive  at  the  truth, — how  are  we  to  understand  the 
real  sense  of  Scripture, — then  he  takes  very  different 
grounds,  and  in  the  preface,  where  this  question  was 
started,  he  says,  "  I  profess  sincerely,  that  1  believe  all 
those  books  of  Scripture,  which  the  Church  of  England 
accounts  canonical,  to  be  the  infallible  word  of  God :  I 
believe  all  things  evidently  contained  in  them  ;  all  things 
evidentlv,  or  even  probably,  deducible  from  them  :  I 
acknowledge  all  that  to  be  heresy,  which  by  the  act  of 
parliament  primo  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  is  declared  to  be  so, 
and  only  to  be  so  :  and  though  in  such  points  which  may 
be  held  diversly  of  divers  men  salva  Fidei  compage,  I 
would  not  take  any  mans  liberty  from  him,  and  humbly 
beseech  all  men,  that  they  would  not  take  mine  from  me  I 
Yet  thus  much  I  can  say  (which  I  hope  vcill  satisfy  any 
man  of  reason.)  that  whatsoever  hath  been  held  necessary 
to  salvation,  either  by  the  Catholic  Church  of  all  ages, 
or  by  the  consent  of  fathers,  measured  by  Vincentius 
Lyrinensis'  rule,  or  is  held  necessaiy  either  by  the  Catholic 
Church  of  this  age,  or  by  the  consent  of  Protestants,  or 
even  by  the  Church  of  England,  that,  against  the  Soci- 
nians,  and  all  others  whatsoever,  I  do  verily  believe  and 

In  the  mean  time.  Chillingwoith  had  refused  prefer- 
ment, which  was  offered  him  by  Sir  Thomas  Coventry, 
keeper  of  the  great  seal,  because  his  conscience  would  not 
allow  him  to  subscribe  the  thirty-nine  articles.  Consider- 
ing that,  by  subscribing  the  articles,  he  must  not  only 
declare  willingly  and  ex  animo,  that  every  one  of  the 
articles  is  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God  :  but  also  that 
the  book  of  common  prayer  contained  nothing  contrary  to 
the    word  of  God ;  that  it  might  lawfully  be  used ;  and 


that  he  himself  would  use  it :  and  conceiving  at  the  same 
time,  that,  both  in  the  articles,  and  in  the  book  of  common 
prayer,  there  were  some  things  repugnant  to  the  Scripture, 
or  that  were  not  lawful  to  be  used,  he  fully  resolved  to 
lose  for  ever  all  hopes  of  preferment,  rather  than  comply 
with  the  subscriptions  required.  One  of  his  chief  objec- 
tions to  the  common  prayer  related  to  the  Athanasian 
Creed  :  the  damnatory  clauses  of  which  he  looked  upon  as 
contrary  to  the  word  of  God.  Another  objection  concerned 
the  fourth  commandment ;  which,  by  the  prayer  subjoined 
to  it.  Lord,  have  mercy  upon  us,  &c.,  appeared  to  him  to 
be  made  a  part  of  the  Christian  law,  and  consequently  to 
bind  Christians  to  the  observation  of  the  Jewish  Sabbath ; 
and  this  he  found  contrary  both  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Gospel  and  to  the  sense  of  the  Church  of  England,  con- 
cerning that  holy  day  of  the  Christians  called  Sunday. 
The  true  notion  of  that  and  other  holy-days,  and  the 
reasons  for  appointing  them  for  the  service  of  God,  are  thus 
expressed  in  the  act  of  parliament  passed  in  the  year  1552. 
That  act  sets  forth,  that,  "  as  at  all  times  men  be  not  so 
mindful  to  laud  and  praise  God,  so  ready  to  resort  and 
hear  God's  holy  word,  and  to  come  to  the  holy  communion, 
and  other  laudal)le  rites,  which  are  to  be  observed  in  every 
Christian  congregation,  as  their  bounden  duty  doth  re- 
quire :  therefore  to  call  men  to  remembrance  of  their  duty, 
and  to  help  their  infirmity,  it  hath  been  wholesomely  pro- 
vided, that  there  should  be  some  certain  times  and  days 
appointed,  wherein  the  Christians  should  cease  from  all 
other  kinds  of  labours,  and  should  apply  themselves  only 
and  wholly  unto  the  aforesaid  holy  works,  properly  per- 
taining unto  true    religion and as  these  works   are 

both  most  commonly,  and  also  may  well  be  called  God's 
service,  so  the  times  appointed  specially  for  the  same,  are 
called  holy-days,  not  for   the  matter  or  nature  either  of 

the  time  or  day (for  so  all  days  and  times  considered 

are of  like  holiness)  but  for  the  nature  and  condition 

of  those  godly  and  holy  works.. »...whereunto  such  times 
and    days   are  sanctified   and    hallowed ;    that  is  to  say. 


ficparalod  from  all  profane  uses,  and  dedicated  and  ap- 
pointed, not  unto  any  saint  or  creature,  Vjut  only  unto  God, 
and  his  true  worship." 

And  lest  any  hody  should  imagine  that  these  holy-days 
have  been  determined  by  the  Scripture,  it  is  added  : 
"  Neither  is  it  to  be  thought  that  there  is  any  certain  time 
or  definite  number  of  days  prescribed  in  holy  Scripture, 
but  that  the  appointment  both  of  the  time,  and  also  of 
the  number  of  the  days  is  left  by  the  authority  of  God's 
word  to  the  liberty  of  Christ's  Church  to  be  determined 
and  assigned  orderly  in  every  country,  by  the  direction  of 
the  rulers  and  ministers  thereof,  as  they  shall  judge  most 
expedient  to  the  true  setting  forth  of  God's  glory,  and  the 
edification  of  their  people." 

And  that  these  judicious  reflections  do  not  relate  to 
holy-days  or  saint>days  only,  but  also  to  Sundays  or  Lord's 
days,  is  evident  by  what  follows  :  "  Be  it  therefore  en- 
acted  that   all  the  days  hereafter  mentioned  shall  be 

kept,  and  commanded  to  be  kept  holy-days,  and  none 
other ;  that  is  to  say,  all  Sundays  in  the  year,  the  days  of 
the  Feast  of  the  Circumcision  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  of 
the  Lpipliany,  of  the  Purification  of  the  Jilessed  Virgin,  of 
Saint  Matthew  the  Apostle,  of  the  Annunciation  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin,"  &c.  All  the  other  holy-days  now  kept 
are  here  named.  By  which  it  appears,  that  the  Sunday  is 
rift  otherwise  ordered  to  be  kept  holy-day  than  these  other 

And  in  order  to  settle  still  more  clearly  the  notion 
people  are  to  have  of  the  Sunday  and  other  holy-days,  it  is 
further  provided  and  enacted  :  "  that  it  shall  be  lawful  to 
every  husbandman,  labourer,  fisherman,  and  to  all  and 
every  other  person  and  persons,  of  what  estate,  degree  or 
condition  he  or  they  be,  upon  the  holy-days  aforesaid,  in 
harvest,  or  at  any  other  time  in  the  year  wVien  necessity 
shall  require,  to  labour,  ride,  fish,  or  work  any  kind  of 
work,  at  their  free  wills  and  pleasure." 

Which  perfectly  agrees  with  the  injunctions  of  King 
Edward  VI.,  published   in    1547  (five  years  before  the 


said  act),  wherein  it  is  ordered,  that  *'  all  parsons,  vicars, 
and  curates  shall  teach  and  declare  unto  their  parishioners, 
that  they  may  with  a  safe  and  quiet  conscience,  in  the 
time  of  harvest,  labour  upon  the  holy  and  festival  days, 
and  save  that  thing  which  God  hath  sent.  And  if  for 
any  scrupulosity,  or  grudge  of  conscience,  men  should 
euperstitiously  abstain  from  working  upon  those  days, 
that  they  then  should  grievously  offend  and  displease 
God."  These  very  words  Queen  Elizabeth  inserted  in  her 
injunctions  published  in  1559  :  save  only  that  after  the 
words  quiet  conscience,  these  are  added,  after  their  com- 
mon prayer. 

This  shews  the  sense  of  the  Church  of  England  as  to 
the  manner  of  observing  the  Christian  Sabbath  or  Sunday 
But  then  another  difficulty  arises  as  to  the  day  itself,  the 
fourth  commandment  being  thus  :  "  Remember  that  thou 
keep  holy  the  Sabbath-day.  Six  days  shalt  thou  labour, 
and  do  all  that  thou  hast  to  do  ;  but  the  seventh  day  is 
the  Sabbath  of  the  Lord  thy  God.  In  it  thou  shalt  do  no 
manner  of  work,  thou,  and  thy  son,  and  thy  daughter, 
thy  man-servant,  and  thy  maid-servant,  thy  cattle,  and 
the  stranger  that  is  within  thy  gate.  For  in  six  days 
the  Lord  made  heaven  and  earth,  the  sea,  aud  all  that 
in  them  is,  and  rested  the  seventh  day :  wherefore 
the  Lord  blessed  the  seventh  day,  and  hallowed  it." 
Mr.  Chillingworth  conceived  that  praying  to  God  to 
incline  our  hearts  to  keep  this  law,  imported  that  the 
Jewish  Sabbath,  or  Saturday  is  still  in  foi'ce :  which 
he  thought  neither  true,  nor  lawful  to  be  said,  and 
consequently  the  Common  Prayer  Book  unlawful  to  be 

This  difficulty  has  embarrassed  our  divines.  But 
Chillingworth,  at  last,  was  convinced  of  the  lav»'fulness  of 
declaring  his  assent  and  consent  to  the  use  of  the  Common 
Prayer  Book,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter. 

On  this  subject  Chillingworth  corresponded  with 
Dr.  Sheldon,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  It 
appears  that  several  letters  passed  between  them  on  the 


subject  of  conformity,  and  that  Chillingworth  objected  to 
the  XXth  Article,  importing,  "that  the  Church  hath  power 
to  decree  rites  or  ceremonies,  and  authority  in  controver- 
sies of  faith. 

2.  "To  the  XlVth  Article,  that  voluntary  works  besides 
over  and  above  God's  commandments,  which  they  call 
works  of  supererogation,  cannot  be  taught  without  arro- 
gancy  and  impiety,  &c.  :  which  seemed  to  condemn  the 
doctrine  of  Evangelical  Counsels,  maintained  by  the 
fathers,  and  by  several  eminent  divines  of  the  Church 
of  England,  as  Bishop  Andrews,  Bishop  Morton,  Bishop 
Montague,  &c. 

3.  "To  the  XXXIst  Article,  that  the  offering  of  Christ 
once  made,  is  that  perfect  redemption,  propitiation,  and 
satisfaction  for  all  the  sins  of  the  whole  world,  both  original 
and  actual :  and  that  there  is  none  other  satisfaction 
for  sin  but  that  alone.  Wherefore  the  sacrifices  of  masses, 
in  which  it  was  commonly  said,  that  the  priest  did  offer 
Christ  for  the  quick  and  the  dead,  to  have  remission  of 
pain  or  guilt,  were  blasphemous  fables  and  dangerous 
deceits  :  scrupling,  I  presume  the  generality  of  the  ex- 
pressions contained  in  the  first  part  of  this  article,  and 
disliking  the  w^ord  blasphemous,  which  is  the  latter  part 
of  it. 

4.  "  To  the  Xlllth  Article,  that  works  done  before  the 
grace  of  Christ,  and  the  inspiration  of  His  Spirit,  are  not 
pleasant  to  God,  forasmuch  as  they  spring  not  of  faith  in 
Jesus  Christ,  neither  do  they  make  men  meet  to  receive 
grace,  (or  as  the  school-authors  say)  deserve  grace  of  con- 
gruity  :  yea,  rather  for  that  they  are  not  done  as  God 
hath  willed  and  commanded  them  to  be  done,  we  doubt 
not  but  they  have  the  nature  of  sin :  which  appeared  to 
him  to  confine  God's  grace  within  too  narrow  bounds,  and 
to  exclude  from  salvation  the  most  virtuous  among  the 
pagans,  &c. 

5.  "  Lastly,  he  objected  to  the  Articles  in  general,  as  an 
imposition  on  men's  consciences,  much  like  that  authority 
which  the  Church  of  Rome  assumes." 


To  his  objections  Sheldon  replied,  with  respect  to 
the  XXth  Article,  that  if  "  occasion  require,  the  Church 
hath  power  to  establish  ceremony  or  doctrine  according  to 
Scripture,  but  not  against  the  Scripture. 

2.  "  To  the  XlVth  Article,  he  desires  him  to  consider, 
that  this  article  only  condemns  such  Evangelical  Counsels 
as  suppose  a  fulfilling  of  the  law,  and  going  beyond  it,  to 
satisfy  and  merit  for  us,  which  the  papists  call  works  of 
supererogation.  And  upon  these  reasons,  says  he,  I  pre- 
sume did  that  reverend  prelate  Andrews,  and  that  learned 
Mountague,  subscribe,  when  they  publicly  taught  Evangeli- 
cal Counsels  in  their  writings. 

3.  *'  To  the  XXXIst  Article,  that  it  was  framed  against 
the  popish  doctrine  of  the  mass,  wherein  it  is  pretended  that 
the  priest  doth  offer  Christ  for  the  quick  and  the  dead ; 
as  another  satisfaction  for  sin  :  there  being  no  such  offer- 
ing of  Christ  in  the  Scripture,  where  he  will  find  it  once 
offered  for  all.  And  that  the  consequences,  which  may  be 
drawn  from  transubstantiation,  amount  to  little  less  than 

4  "  To  the  Xlllth  Article,  he  observes,  that  works  done 
by  bare  nature  are  not  meiitorious  de  congruo :  nature  of 
sin  they  must  have,  if  sin  be  in  them :  and  that  unless  he 
be  a  downright  Pelagian,  he  may  give  it  a  fair,  and  safe, 
and  true  interpretation. 

5.  "To  the  objection  agaiUvSt  confessions  of  faith,  or 
articles  of  religion,  he  answers,  that  the  end  of  these 
general  forms  of  peace,  if  capable  of  any  construction,  lies 
against  the  papists.  And  he  concludes  by  admonishing 
him  not  to  be  too  forward,  nor  possessed  with  a  spirit  of 
contradiction :  thus  he  might — The  sentence  is  here  broke 
off — but  no  doubt  Dr.  Sheldon  meant,  that  if  Mr.  Chilling- 
worth  would  lay  aside  his  mistaken  scruples  and  objec- 
tions ;  he  might  then  comply  with  the  subscription 
required,  and  enjoy  the  advantages  of  subscribing." 

Maizeaux,  the  biographer  of  Chillingworth,  illustrates 
what  Sheldon  says  of  Evangelical  Counsels,  by  the  follow- 
ing quotation  from  Montague's  Appeal  to  Caesar : 


*•  I  do  believe  there  are,"  says  he,  *'  and  ever  were, 
Evangelical  Counsels ;  such  as  St.  Paul  mentions  in  his 
Consilium  autem  do  ;  such  as  our  Saviour  pointed  at  and 
directed  unto  his  Qui  potest  capere  capiat ;  such  as  a  man 
may  do  or  not  do,  without  guilt  of  sin,  or  breach  of  law ; 
but  nothing  less  than  such  as  the  papists  fabric  up  unto 
themselves  in  their  works  of  supererogation.  It  is  an 
error  in  divinity,  not  to  put  a  difference  between  such 
works,  and  works  done  upon  counsel  and  advice.  If  any 
man,  not  knowing  or  not  considering  the  state  of  the 
question,  hath  otherwise  written,  or  preached,  or  taught, 
what  is  that  to  me,  or  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  of 
England?  His  ignorance,  or  fancy,  or  misunderstanding, 
or  misapplying,  is  not  the  doctrine  of  antiquity,  which 
with  universal  consent  held  Evangelical  Counsels  ;  nor  of 
our  Church,  in  which  our  Gamaliel  hath  told  us ;  Quis 
nescit  fieri  a  nobis  multo  libere,  et  quae  a  Deo  non  sunt 
imperata  voveri  et  reddi  ?  These  promoters  knew  it  not. 
B.  Morton  in  his  Appeal  saith  (if  he  does  not  say  true, 
inform  against  him  for  it)  that  we  allow  the  distinction  of 
precepts  and  counsels,  lib.  v.  cap.  iv.  sect.  3.  For  his  sake 
excuse  me  from  popery,  who  write  no  more  than  he  did 
before  me  :  what  in  God's  indulgence  is  a  matter  of  coun- 
sel?; in  regard  of  strict  justice,  may  come  under  precept." 
Cap.  iv.  sect.  v. 

The  scruples  of  Chillingworth  to  subscription  were 
known  to  his  antagonist  Knott,  and  furnished  him  with 
an  objection  ;  but  the  scruples  had  been  overcome  before 
the  religion  of  Protestants  was  published,  as  will  have  been 
seen  from  a  passage  already  quoted,  and  at  the  close  of 
the  preface,  he  says,  that  "  though  he  does  not  hold  the 
doctrine  of  all  Protestants  absolutely  true,  yet  he  holds  it 
free  from  all  impiety,  and  from  all  error  destructive  of 
salvation,  or  in  itself  damnable.  And  this  he  thinks,  in 
reason,  may  sufficiently  qualify  him  for  a  maintainor  of 
this  assertion,  that  Protestancy  destroys  not  salvation." 
Then   he    adds   this   remarkable   declaration  :  "  For  the 

VUL    IV.  B 


Church  of  England,  I  am  persuaded,  that  the  constant 
doctrine  of  it  is  so  pure  and  orthodox,  that  whosoever 
beheves  it,  and  hves  according  to  it,  undoubtedly  he  shall 
be  saved  ;  and  there  is  no  error  in  it  which  may  necessi- 
tate or  warrant  any  man  to  disturb  the  peace,  or  renounce 
the  communion  of  it.  This,  in  my  opinion,  says  he,  is 
all  intended  by  subscription ;  and  thus  much,  if  you  con- 
ceive me  not  ready  to  subscribe,  your  charity,  I  assure 
you,  is  much  mistaken."  Chillingworth  expresses  here, 
not  only  his  readiness  to  subscribe,  but  also  what  he  con- 
ceives to  be  the  sense  and  intent  of  such  a  subscription : 
which  he  now  takes  to  be  a  subscription  of  peace  or  union^ 
and  not  of  belief  or  assent,  as  he  formerly  thought  it  was. 
When  he  had  got  the  better  of  his  scruples,  he  w^as  pro- 
moted to  the  chancellorship  of  Salisbury,  with  the  prebend 
of  Brix worth,  in  Northamptonshire,  annexed ;  and,  as 
appears  from  the  subscription- book  of  the  church  of  Salis- 
bury, upon  July  20,  1638,  he  complied  with  the  usual 
subscription,  in  the  manner  just  related.  About  the  same 
time  he  was  appointed  master  of  Wigston's  hospital,  in 
Leicestershire.  In  1646  he  was  deputed  by  the  chapter 
of  Salisbury  their  proctor  in  convocation.  He  was  zea- 
lously attached  to  the  royal  party,  and  at  the  siege  of 
Gloucester,  begun  August  10,  1643,  was  present  in  the 
Kings  army,  where  he  advised  and  directed  the  m: iking 
certain  engines  for  assaulting  the  town,  after  the  manner 
of  the  Roman  iestudines  cum  joluteis,  but  which  the  success 
of  the  enemy  prevented  him  from  employing.  Soon  after, 
having  accompanied  the  Lord  Hopton,  general  of  the 
King's  forces  in  the  west,  to  Arundel  Castle,  in  Sussex, 
and  choosing  to  repose  himself  in  that  garrison,  on  ac- 
count of  an  indisposition  occasioned  by  the  severity  of  the 
season,  he  was  taken  prisoner  on  the  9th  of  December, 
1643,  by  the  parliament  forces  under  the  command  of 
Sir  William  Waller.  But  his  illness  increasing,  and  not 
being  able  to  go  to  London  with  the  garrison,  he  obtained 
leave  to  be  conveyed  to  Chichester ;  where  he  was  lodged 


in  the  bishop's  palace,  and  where,  after  a  short  illness,  he 
died.  It  was  at  Arundel  Castle  that  he  first  met  with 
Cheynell  (see  Cheynell),  at  whose  request  he  was  removed 
to  Chichester,  where  that  wild  fanatic  attended  him  con- 
stantly, and  treated  him  with  as  much  compassion  as 
his  uncharitable  principles  would  permit.  He  is  supposed 
to  have  died  on  the  30th  of  January,  1644,  and  was 
buried,  according  to  his  own  desire,  in  the  cathedral  of 

Chillingworth's  loyalty  made  him  look  with  a  friendly 
eye  upon  the  doctrine  of  Episcopacy.  He  wrote  a  small 
tract  to  shew  that  Episcopacy  is  not  repugnant  to  the 
government  settled  in  the  Church  for  perpetuity  by  the 
Apostles.  The  occasion  was  this  :  Dr.  Morton,  Bishop  of 
Durham,  having  composed  a  treatise,  entitled,  The  judg- 
ment of  Protestant  Divines,  of  remote  Churches,  as  well 
such,  as  were  the  first  Reformers  of  religion,  as  others, 
after  them,  in  behalf  of  episcopal  degree  in  the  Church : 
his  manuscript  was  sent  to  Archbishop  Usher,  who  was 
then  at  Oxford  ;  and  he  published  it  without  the  author's 
name  to  it,  and  knowledge  of  it,  under  the  title  of  Con- 
fessions and  Proofs  of  Protestant  Divines  of  Reformed 
Churches,  that  Episcopacy  is  in  respect  of  the  office 
according  to  the  word  of  God,  and  in  respect  of  the  use 
the  best.  The  learned  Primate  added  to  it  a  brief  treatise 
of  his  own,  with  his  name  prefixed  before  it,  touching  the 
original  of  Bishops  and  Metropolitans.  And  in  order  to 
complete  that  collection,  Mr.  Chillingworth  furnished  him 
with  the  aforesaid  tract,  which  being  subjoined  to  the 
other  two,  as  a  conclusion,  was  in  titled.  The  Apostolical 
Institution  of  Episcopacy ;  deduced  out  of  the  premises 
by  W,  C.  This  little  piece  has  been  reprinted  several 
times:  "and  I  don't  find,"  says  Maizeaux,  "anything 
was  published  against  it  till  of  late.  But  whether  it  may 
be  easily  confuted,  the  reader  will  judge  by  the  ensuing 

"If  we   abstract   from    Episcopal  government,"   says 
Mr.   Chillingworth,    "  all  axjcidentals,   and  consider  only 


what  is  essential  and  necessary  to  it ;  we  shall  find  in  it 
no  more  but  this.  An  appointment  of  one  man  of 
emioent  sanctity  and  sufficiency  to  have  the  care  of  all  the 
churches,  within  a  certain  precinct  or  diocese ;  and  fur- 
nishing him  with  authority,  not  absolute  or  arbitrary,  but 
regulated  and  bounded  by  laws,  and  moderated  by  join- 
ing to  him  a  convenient  number  of  assistants.  To  the 
intent  that  all  the  churches  under  him  may  be  provided 
of  good  and  able  pastors  :  and  that  both  of  pastors  and 
people  conformity  to  the  laws  and  performance  of  their 
duties  may  be  required,  under  penalties,  not  left  to  dis- 
cretion, but  by  law  appointed. 

"  To  this  kind  of  government,"  pursues  he,  "  I  am  not 
by  any  particular  interest  so  devoted  as  to  think  it  ought 
to  be  maintained,  either  in  opposition  to  Apostolic  institu- 
tion, or  to  the  much  desired  reformation  of  men  s  lives, 
and  restoration  of  primitive  discipline,  or  to  any  law  or 
precept  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ:  for  that 
were  to  maintain  a  means  contrary  to  the  end  :  for  obedi- 
ence to  our  Saviour  is  the  end  for  which  church  govern- 
ment is  appointed.  But  if  it  may  be  demonstrated,  or 
made  much  more  probable  than  the  contrary,  as  I  verily 
think  it  may :  1.  That  it  is  not  repugnant  to  the  govern- 
ment settled  in  and  for  the  Church  by  the  Apostles: 
2.  That  it  is  as  compilable  with  the  reformation  of  any 
evil,  which  we  desire  to  reform  either  in  Church  or  State, 
or  the  introduction  of  any  good  which  we  desire  to  intro- 
duce, as  any  other  kind  of  government :  and  3.  That 
there  is  no  law,  no  record  of  our  Saviour  against  it :  then 
I  hope  it  will  not  be  thought  an  unreasonable  motion,  if 
we  humbly  desire  those  that  are  in  authority,  especially 
the  high  court  of  parliament,  that  it  may  not  be  sacrificed 
to  clamour,  or  overborne  by  violence  :  and  though  (which 
God  forbid)  the  greater  part  of  the  multitude  should  cry. 
Crucify,  crucify,  yet  our  governors  would  be  so  full  of 
justice  and  courage,  as  not  to  give  it  up  until  they  per- 
fectly understand  concerning  Episcopacy  itself.  Quid  mali 
fecit.     I  shall  speak  at  this  time  only  of  the  first  of  these 


three  points  ;  that  Episcopacy  is  not  repugnant  to  the 
government  settled  in  the  Church  for  perpetuity  by  the 
Apostles.  Whereof  I  conceive  this  which  follows  as  clear 
a  demonstration  as  any  thing  of  this  nature  is  capable 
of,"  &c. 

What  he  says  afterw^ards  upon  that  point  he  resumes 
thus  in  the  conclusion  :  "  Episcopal  government  is  ac- 
knowledged to  have  been  universally  received  in  the 
church  presently  after  the  Apostles'  times.  Between  the 
Apostles'  times  and  this  presently  after,  there  was  not 
time  enough  for,  nor  possibility  of  so  great  an  alteration. 
And  therefore  there  was  no  such  alteration  as  is  pretended. 
And  therefore  Episcopacy,  being  confessed  to  be  so  an- 
cient and  catholic,  must  be  granted  also  to  be  apostolic. 
Quod  erat  demonstrandum." — Maizeaux.     Birch. 


Edmund  Chishull  was  born  at  Eyworth  in  Bedford- 
shire, and  educated  at  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford, 
where  he  took  his  degree  of  master  of  arts  in  1693,  pre- 
viously to  which  he  published  a  Latin  poem  on  the  battle 
of  La  Hogue.  In  1698  he  became  chaplain  to  the  factory 
at  Smyrna,  where  he  continued  till  1702.  In  1705  he 
was  admitted  to  his  degree  of  B.D.,  and  the  next  year  he 
wrote  an  answer  to  Mr.  Dodwell  on  the  immortality  of 
the  soul.  In  1707  he  zealously  exposed  the  enthusiastic 
absiTrdities  of  the  French  prophets,  in  a  sermon,  on  the 
28rd  of  November,  at  Seijeant's  Inn  chapel,  in  Chancery- 
lane.  On  the  1st  of  September,  1708,  he  w^as  presented 
to  the  vicarage  of  Walthamstow,  in  Essex;  and  in  1711 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  chaplains  in  ordinary  to  the 
Queen.  He  now  became  distinguished  for  his  researches 
in  classical  antiquities,  and  in  1721  he  published,  Inscrip- 
tio  Sigaea  antiquissima  BOTSTPO^HAON  exarata.  Com- 
mentario  eam  Historico-Grammatico-Gritico  iliustravit 

18  CHOISY. 

Edrmindus  ChishuU,  S.T.B.  Regiae  Majestati  a  sacris, 
folio.  This  was  followed  by  Notarum  ad  Inscriptionem 
Sigaeam  appendicula ;  addita  a  Sigseo  altera  ADtiochi 
Soteris  inscriptione,  folio,  in  fifteen  pages,  without  a  date. 
Both  these  pieces  were  afterwards  incorporated  in  his 
Antiquitaties  Asiaticae.  When  Dr.  Mead,  in  1724,  pub- 
lished his  Harveian  oration,  delivered  in  the  preceding 
year  at  the  Royal  College  of  Physicians,  Mr.  Chishull 
added  to  it,  by  way  of  appendix,  Dissertatio  de  Nummis 
quibusdam  aSmyrnaeis  in  Medicorum  Honorem  percussis. 
In  1728  appeared,  in  folio,  his  great  work,  Antiquitates 
Asiaticae  Christianam  ^Eram  antecedentes ;  ex  primariis 
Monumentis  Graecis  descriptse,  Latine  versae,  Notisque  et 
Commentariis  illustratae.  Accedit  Monumentum  Latinum 
Ancyranum.  The  work  contains  a  collection  of  inscrip- 
tions made  by  consul  Sherard,  Dr.  Picenini,  and  Dr.  Lisle, 
afterwards  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph.  Chishull  added  to  the 
Antiquitates  Asiaticae  two  small  pieces  which  he  had 
before  publihsed,  viz:  Conjectanea  de  Nummo  CKnni 
inscripto,  and  Iter  Asias  Poeticum,  addressed  to  the 
Rev.  John  Horn.  In  1731  he  was  presented  to  the 
rectory  of  South-church  in  Essex.  He  died  in  1733. 
Dr.  Mead  testified  his  regard  for  the  memory  of  Chishull 
by  publishing,  in  1747,  his  travels  in  Turkey,  and  back 
to  England,  folio. — Biog.  Brit.   Nichols  s  Bowyer. 


Fbancis  Timoleon  de  Choisy  was  born  in  Paris,  in 
1644.  His  youth  was  very  irregular,  and  so  indeed  were 
his  maturer  years ;  nevertheless,  notwithstanding  the 
boasted  discipline  of  Roman  Catholic  Churches,  he  was 
highly  preferred,  and  that  too,  through  the  interest  of  the 
French  court,  the  patronage  of  which,  especially  of  Mon- 
sieur, the  brother  of  Louis  XIV.,  those  very  irregularities 
procured  him.      He   became   dean   of  the  cathedral   at 


Bayeaux,  and  a  member  of  the  French  academy.  He  was 
sent  to  the  King  of  Siam,  with  the  ChevaUer  de  Chaumont 
in  1685,  and  was  ordained  priest  in  the  Indies  by  the 
apostoHcal  vicar.  He  died  in  17-^4.  His  principal  works 
are: — 1.  Quatre  Dialogues  sur  llmmortalite  de  I'Ame, 
&c.  which  he  wrote  with  M.  Dangeau,  l'2mo.  2.  Relation 
du  Voyage  de  Siam,  12mo.  3.  Histoires  de  Piete  et  de 
Morale,  2  vols,  12mo.  4.  Hist,  de  TEglise,  11  vols,  in  4to, 
and  in  12mo.  5.  La  Vie  de  David,  avec  une  Interpre- 
tation des  Pseaumes,  4to,  6.  The  Lives  of  Solomon  ;  of 
St.  Louis,  4to  ;  of  Philip  de  Valois,  and  of  King  John, 
4to;  of  Charles  V.  4to  ;  and  of  Charles  VL  4to  ;  and  of 
Mad.  de  Miramion,  12mo;  his  Memoirs,  l*2mo. — lyAlem- 
bert.     Moreri. 


John  Christopherson  was  a  native  of  Lancashire,  and 
was  educated  at  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge.  He  was 
one  of  the  first  fellows  of  Trinity  College,  being  appointed 
in  1546.  He  shortly  after  became  master  of  that  house. 
During  the  reign  of  Edward  VL,  being  adverse  to  the 
reformation  party  then  in  power,  he  resided  abroad,  being 
supported  by  his  college.  On  the  accession  of  Mary  he 
returned  to  England,  and  in  October,  1554,  he  was  sent 
by  Bonner  to  Cambridge,  to  enforce  the  observation  of 
three  articles,  which  it  seems  w^ere  not  so  exactly  regarded 
before  ; 

I.  That  every  scholar  should  wear  his  apparel  according 
to  his  degree  in  the  schools. 

II.  Touching  the  pronunciation  of  the  Greek  tongue. 
In  which,  no  question,  the  university  follow^ed  Sir  John 
Cheke's  reformed  and  correct  way  of  reading  and  sounding 
it;  though  this  Gardiner,  their  chancellor,  in  King 
Henry's  days,  had  sent  a  peremptory  order  forbidding  it. 
But  he  being  under  a  cloud  in  the  reign  of  King  Edward, 
Cheke's  way  prevailed  again.  And  so  now  it  was  to  be 
forbidden  again. 


III.  That  every  preacher  there  should  declare  the  whole 
style  of  the  King  and  Queen  in  their  sermons. 

Upon  these  and  several  other  orders,  many  students 
left  the  university.  Some  were  thrust  out  of  their  fellow- 
ships ;  some  miserably  handled.  Four  and  twenty  places 
in  St.  John's  College  became  vacant,  and  others  more 
ignorant  put  in  their  rooms. 

He  also  published  an  exhortation  upon  occasion  of  the 
late  insurrection  directed  to  all  men  to  take  heed  of  rebel- 
lion, wherein  are  set  down  the  causes  which  commonly 
lead  men  to  rebel,  and  shewing  there  was  no  cause  that 
ought  to  move  a  man  thereto.  It  was  printed  in  8vo  by 
Cawood.  He  was  soon  after  made  dean  of  Norwich,  and 
taking  an  active  part  against  the  reformers,  has  the  dis- 
credit of  being  associated  with  Bonner,  through  whose 
influence  he  was  appointed  examiner  of  heretics.  While 
the  Elect  of  Chichester,  to  which  see  he  was  consecrated 
in  1557,  he  acted  under  a  commission  from  Cardinal  Pole, 
and  went  to  Cambridge  with  two  other  prelates,  when, 
after  a  formal  process,  they  caused  the  body  of  Martin 
Bucer  to  be  disinterred  and  burnt.  He  was  one  of  the 
prelates  who  sat  in  judgment  upon  the  martyr  Philpot, 
and  w^hen  he  had  reproached  him  with  ignorance  of  the 
doctors,  Philpot  told  the  bishop,  "  that  it  was  a  shame  for 
them  to  wrest  and  wreath  the  doctors  as  they  did,  to 
maintain  a  false  religion :  and  that  the  doctors  were  alto- 
gether against  them,  if  they  took  them  aright :  and  that  it 
was  indeed  their  false  packing  of  doctors  together  had 
given  him  and  others  occasion  to  look  upon  them  :  where- 
by we  find  you,"  said  he,  "  shameful  liars,  and  misrepre- 
senters  of  the  ancient  doctors." 

He  died  in  1658,  and  was  buried  at  Christ  Church, 
London,  with  all  the  popish  ceremonies.  A  great  banner 
was  carried  of  the  arms  of  the  see  of  Chichester,  and  his 
own  arms  ;  and  four  banners  of  saints.  Five  bishops  did 
offer  at  the  mass,  and  two  sung  mass.  And  after,  all 
retiring  from  the  place  of  burial,  were  entertained  at  a 
great  dinner.     He  translated  Philo  Judfeus  into  Latin, 


Antwerp,  1558,  4to,  and  also  the  ecclesiastical  histories  of 
Eusebius,  Socrates,  Sozomen,  Evagrius,  and  Theodoret, 
Louvain,  1570,  8vo ;  Cologne,  1570,  fol. 

Valesius,  in  his  preface  to  Eusebius,  says,  that,  compared 
with  Ruffinus  and  Musculus,  who  had  translated  these 
historians  before  him,  Christopherson  may  be  reckoned 
a  diligent  and  learned  man,  but  that  he  is  far  from  de- 
serving the  character  of  a  good  translator ;  that  his  style 
is  impure,  and  full  of  barbarisms ;  that  his  periods  are 
long  and  perplexed;  that  he  has  frequently  acted  the 
commentator,  rather  than  the  translator  ;  that  he  has  en- 
larged and  retrenched  at  pleasure ;  that  he  has  transposed 
the  sense  oftentimes,  and  has  not  always  preserved  the 
distinction  even  of  chapters.  The  learned  Huet  has 
passed  the  same  censure  on  him,  in  his  book  De  Inter- 
pretatione.  Hence  Baronius,  among  others,  has  often  been 
misled  by  him.  Christopherson  wrote,  also,  about  the 
year  1546,  the  tragedy  of  Jephthah,  both  in  Latin  and 
Greek,  dedicated  to  Henry  YIII.,  which  was  most  prO" 
bably  a  Christmas  play  for  Trinity  College. — Strype. 


John,  surnamed  Chkysostom,  or  the  Golden  Mouth, 
from  his  eloquence,  was  born  at  iVntioch,  about  a.d.  347, 
of  a  wealthy  family.  He  was  piously  educated  by  his 
widowed  mother,  Anthusa,  a  woman  worthy  to  take  rank 
wath  Monica,  the  mother  of  Augustine,  and  Nouna,  the 
mother  of  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen.  He  studied  under 
Libenius,  the  celebrated  teacher  of  eloquence  and  litera- 
ture at  Antioch.  He  afterwards  devoted  himself  to  the 
avocations  of  the  Forum,  and  practised  as  an  advocate. 
But  his  mind  w^as  bent  upon  higher  studies,  and  in  the 
study  of  sacred  literature  he  was  encouraged  and  assisted 
by  Meletius,  his  bishop,  who,  at  the  same  time,  pre- 
pared him  for  the  Sacrament  of  Baptism.  In  those  days> 
many  parents,   through  a  mistaken  awe  of  the  Sacrament, 


neglected  to  have  their  children  baptized  in  infancy, 
and  such  had  been  the  mistaken  conduct  of  Anthusa. 
After  three  years'  instruction  under  Meletius,  Chrysostom 
was  baptized  by  that  bishop,  and  soon  after  was  ordained 
as  a  reader. 

It  was  the  custom  of  that  day  for  couverts  to  choose 
between  the  ecclesiastical  and  monastic  state,  according  to 
their  inclinations  to  an  active  or  retired  life.  Many  of  the 
young  men  of  Antioch  thus  spiritually  awakened,  con- 
nected themselves  with  the  monks  who  lived  in  cells  upon 
the  hills  near  the  city,  and  who  occupied  themselves  by 
prayer  and  devotional  music,  by  religious  meditation,  the 
study  of  the  sacred  writings,  and  various  manual  occupa- 
tions. The  enthusiasm  of  that  age  tended  to  asceticism, 
just  as  the  religious  enthusiasm  of  the  present  age  tends 
to  excitement,  self-indulgence,  and  the  violent  advocacy 
of  human  systems  of  theology,  such  as  Calvinism.  The 
young  mind  of  St.  Chrysostom  was  ascetic,  and  if  he  had 
been  his  own  master,  he  would  have  joined  the  monks ; 
but  his  mother,  dreading  to  be  separated  from  her  son, 
endeavoured  to  retain  him  in  her  house,  and  without  con- 
sulting him,  provided  for  all  his  personal  wants,  that  he 
might  follow  the  bent  of  his  mind  the  more  undisturbed. 
On  the  other  hand  his  friend  Basil,  the  companion  of 
his  youthful  studies,  having  chosen  a  path  of  life  different 
from  his  own,  and  having  joined  the  monks,  exerted  him- 
self in  every  way  to  bring  over  Chrysostom  to  his  views. 
This,  however,  his  mother  strove  to  prevent,  representing 
to  him,  that  he  was  the  only  comfort  of  her  old  age,  and 
that  there  was  no  sacrifice  she  had  not  made  for  his 
sake ;  and  without  doubt  he  was  influenced  by  these 

In  this  retirement  he  was  zealously  occupied  by  the 
study  of  the  Bible.  His  spiritual  father,  Meletius,  could 
no  longer  be  his  guide  and  instructor ;  he  had  been 
exiled  p.  c.  o70,  by  the  Emperor  Yalens,  who  persecuted 
many  of  the  opponents  of  Arianism,  and  he  passed  several 
years  in  banishment.      His  place  was  supplied    by  the 


presbyters  Eyagrius  and  Diodorus,  the  latter  of  whom  was 
afterwards  known  as  Bishop  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  and  who 
obtained  great  esteem  by  his  learning  and  persevering 
zeal  in  the  defence  of  divine  truth  against  heathens  and 
heretics,     tie  w^andered  unwearied  through  the  old  town 
of  Antioch  on  the   further  side  of  the  Orontes,  where  the 
congregation  of  Meletius  had  fixed  their  seat,  to  confirm 
men  in  the  true  faith.     He  would  not  accept  any  settled 
income  with  his  office  ;   but  he  was  received  first  in  one 
house  and  then  in  another,  and  was   content  to   have  his 
daily  need  relieved  by  the  love  of  those,  for  whose  salvation 
he  laboured  amid  so  many  perils      He  also  couferred  a 
great  benefit  upon  the  Church  of  this  district,  by  assem- 
bling around  him,  as  the  presbyters  Dorotheus  and  Lucia- 
nus  had  done  at  the  latter  end  of  the  third  century,  a 
circle  of  young  men,  whose  religious  education  he  superin- 
tended.    In  this  union  Chrysostom  and  Theodorus  were 
alike  conspicuous,  the  latter  of  whom  subsequently  distin- 
guished himself  as  the  successor  of  Diodorus,   both  in  this 
and  in  the  episcopal  office.     We  may  suppose  that  the 
influence  exercised  by  Diodorus  over  Chrysostom   must 
have  been  great,   when  we  remember  that  Diodorus  above 
all  others  contributed  to  form  that  Antiochian  school  so 
remarkably  distinguished  by  the  character  of  its  theology, 
and  which  was  perfected  by  Theodoras.     In  this  school 
Chrysostom  acquired  that  simple,  sound,   grammatic   and 
historical  mode  of  interpreting  the  Bible,   in  which  he 
suffered  himself  to  be  guided  and  determined  by  its  spirit, 
rather  than  by  that  capricious  system  of  allegory  adopted 
by  others,   which  gave  to  the  inspired  volume  a  sense 
foreign  to  it,  and  substituted  for  its  simplicity  far-fetched 
and  specious  meanings,  supposed  to  lie  concealed  within 
it.     Thus  from  the  simple  w^ord  did  Chrysostom  derive 
the  rich  treasures  which  are  to  be  met  with  in  his  homilies ; 
and   thus   was  formed  the    sober,    practical    Christianity 
which  afterwards  rendered  him  so  eminent,   and  which  is 
always  to  be  found  with  those,  who  in  singleness  of  heart 
seek  from  the  fountain  source  a  knowledge  of  divine  truth. 


Meanwhile  the  fame  of  his  pious  zeal  and  ability  ex- 
tended far  and  wide,  and  raised  in  bishops  and  in  flocks  a 
wish  to  draw  him  from  retirement,   and  win  him  to  a 
higher  office  of  the  Church.     Many  sought  to  persuade 
both  him   and  his   friend   Basil  to  undertake  episcopal 
ministries,  although  thirty  was  the  age  prescribed  by  the 
law,  and  they  were  not  above  twenty- six  years  old.     Both 
agreed  to  act  together  on  a  common  plan,   and  to  decline 
any  invitation  of  this  nature  ;  because  they  entertained  too 
high  an  idea  of  the  importance  and  duties  of  the  office,  to 
consider  themselves  fitted  for  it.     But  the  opinion,  which 
Chrysostom  held  of  his  friend,  totally  differed  from  that, 
which  he  formed  of  himself.    While  he  was  only  conscious 
of  his  own  defects,   he  remarked  qualities  in  his  friend, 
which  rendered  him  more  worthy  of  the  episcopal  dignity, 
than  many  others  of  his  contemporaries  and  fellow  coun- 
trymen ;   and  he  thought  himself  justified  in  a  deception, 
in  order  to  place  his  friend  in  such  a  sphere  of  action. 
Basil  was  elected  Bishop,  and  received  consecration  under 
the  impression,   that  his  friend  had  also  received  it,  ac- 
cording to  their  agreement ;  but  Chrysostom  had  contrived 
to  withdraw  himself  from  the  charge.    In  conferences  with 
Basil,  he  had  to  defend  himself  against  the  accusation  of 
having  violated  friendship  ;   and  one   word  giving  rise  to 
another,  Chrysostom  disclosed  to  him  his  views  concerning 
the  dignity  and  duties  of  the  episcopal  office  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  he  strove  to  encourage  him  in  his  undertak- 
ing.     These  conversations  gave    occasion    afterwards  to 
one  of   Chrysostom's   most  important   writings,   the   De 

On  his  mothers  death  Chrysostom  put  in  execution 
his  favourite  project  of  joining  the  monks  near  Antioch, 
but,  in  380,  his  health  having  been  injured  by  his 
studies  and  his  austerities,  he  returned  to  the  city, 
and  he  was  in  384  ordained  deacon  by  Meletius;  by 
whose  successor,  Flavian,  he  was  ordained  priest  five 
years  afterwards,  and  then  his  duties  .as  a  preacher 


Although  he  tells  us  that  some  persons  were  displeased 
at  the  slowness  of  his  speech,  his  preaching  at  Antioch 
was  attended  with  the  best  results,  and  he  himself  states 
to  us  the  principle  upon  which  he  prepared  his  discourses, 
when  he  says,  "  that  which  is  plain  will  benefit  the  simple, 
and  that  w^hich  is  deep  will  edify  those  whose  perception 
is  more  acute.  The  table  must  be  covered  with  a  variety 
of  dishes,  because  the  guests  have  diiferent  tastes."  Thus 
he  provided  much  for  the  many,  and  a  little  for  the  few. 
One  piece  of  advice  that  he  gave  to  his  congregation 
sounds  strange  to  modern  ears,  "  since  there  are  some  so 
weak  that  they  cannot  follow  the  discourse  its  whole 
length,  I  advise  them  as  soon  as  they  have  heard  as  much 
instruction  as  they  are  able  to  receive,  to  depart."  This 
is  better,  perhaps,  than  the  modern  practice  of  falling 
asleep.  The  following  passage  shews  tliat  the  custom  of 
leaving  the  church  when  the  sermon  was  concluded,  and 
before  the  Eucharist  was  administered,  prevailed  in  his 
time,  and  it  also  shews  that  the  Romish  custom  of  non- 
communicants  remaining  while  the  holy  Sacrament  is 
administered,  did  not  at  that  time  exist. 

"  Often  in  that  sacred  hour,"  he  said,  "have  I  looked 
around  for  this  vast  multitude,  which  is  now  assembled 
here,  and  listening  with  such  great  attention,  but  found 
them  not ;  and  deeply  did  I  lament,  that  ye  so  earnestly 
and  eagerly  listened  to  your  fellow-servant,  who  now  ad- 
dresseth  you,  thronging  each  other  and  remaining  to  the 
last,  but,  when  Christ  was  about  to  appear  in  His  Holy 
Supper,  that  the  church  should  be  deserted.  Your  hurry- 
ing away  the  moment  my  discourse  is  ended  is  a  proof, 
that  none  of  the  words  addressed  to  you  have  been  received 
and  treasured  up  in  your  hearts  ;  or,  fixed  in  your  souls, 
they  would  surely  have  detained  you,  and  led  you  to  receive 
the  holiest  of  mysteries  with  increased  veneration.  But 
now,  when  the  preacher  hath  ceased,  ye  depart  without 
benefit,  as  if  ye  had  listened  to  a  player  upon  the  harp. 
And  what  is  the  cold  excuse  of  the  many  ?     We  can  pray, 

VOL  IT.  c 


say  they,  at  home  ;  but  we  canoot  there  receive  instruction 
and  hear  the  sermon.  Ye  err; — ye  can  truly  pray  at 
home,  but  not  as  ye  can  pray  in  the  church,  where  so 
great  a  number  of  the  fathers  are  met  together,  and  where 
so  many  voices  unite  to  raise  a  prayer  to  God.  Ye  find 
here  what  ye  cannot  find  at  home — the  hamiony  of  souls, 
the  accord  of  voices,  the  bond  of  love^  the  prayers  of  the 
priests;  for  therefore  do  the  priests  preside,  that  the 
feeble  prayers  of  the  multitude,  borne  aloft  by  their  more 
powerful  petitions,  may  reach  together  unto  heaven.  And 
what  advantage th  the  sermon,  if  it  be  not  joined  with 
prayer?  First,  prayer;  then,  the  word.  Thus  say  the 
Apostles  :  '  We  will  give  ourselves  continually  to  prayer, 
and  to  the  ministry  of  the  word.'  And  thus  did  Paul 
commence  his  epistles  with  prayer,  that  he  might  enkindle 
with  the  sparks  of  prayer  the  fire  of  speech.  If  ye  accus- 
tom yourselves  to  pray  with  a  proper  earnestness,  ye  will 
not  need  the  instruction  of  your  fellow-servant,  but  God 
Himself  will  enlighten  your  minds  without  a  mediator." 
In  another  sermon,  he  says,  that  the  consciousness  of 
being  beloved  by  so  great  a  community  inspired  him  with 
much  confidence,  because  on  that  account  he  felt  sure  of 
their  intercession.  The  worth  of  this  intercession  might 
be  seen  in  the  instance  of  the  Apostle  Paul,  since  that 
great  Apostle  declared,  that  he  needed  the  intercession  of 
his  disciples.  He  then  comments  upon  the  powerful  in- 
fluence of  a  common  prayer.  He  said  not  this  on  his  own 
account,  but  to  stimulate  their  zeal  for  a  communion  in 
the  prayers  of  the  Church.  To  the  objection  :  Can  I  not 
pray  at  home  ?  he  answered  :  "  That,  indeed,  thou  canst ; 
but  prayer  hath  not  so  great  a  power,  as  when  it  is  offered 
up  in  communion  with  thy  brethren;  when  the  whole 
body  of  the  congregation,  out  of  one  heart  and  with  one 
voice,  poureth  forth  the  request,  in  the  presence  of  the 
priests,  who  bear  aloft  the  common  prayers  of  the  multi- 
tude." We  will  compare  with  this  extract  a  passage  from 
one  of  his  sermons  preached  at  Constantinople,  in  which 


he  expresses  himself  yet  more  strongly  upon  this  point. 
He  answered  those,  who  inquired:  "Wherefore  should  we 
go  to  church,  if  we  can  hear  no  preacher  there  ? — This 
delusion  is  your  destruction.  Wherefore  do  we  need 
a  preacher  ?  The  necessity  hath  arisen  from  our  own 
negligence.  For  what  need  have  we  of  a  sermon  ?  In 
the  Holy  Scriptures  all  is  clear  and  plain ;  every  thing 
necessary  is  therein  manifest.  But  because  ye  are 
listeners,  seeking  entertainment,  ye  long  so  much  for 
the   sermon." 

He  attached  great  value  to  the  prayers  of  the  old  Antio- 
chian  litui'gy,  drawn  from  the  depths  of  Christian  experi- 
ence, and  clothed  for  the  most  part  in  biblical  language  ; 
and  he  frequently  drew  the  attention  of  his  congregation 
to  them  in  his  sermons.  We  have  already  remarked  the 
fruitful  manner,  in  which  he  availed  himself  of  these 
prayers,  and  applied  them  ;  and  we  will  further  illustrate 
this  by  a  few  examples.  One  of  his  homilies  was  solely 
devoted  to  an  explanation  of  the  beautiful  church  prayer 
for  the  catechumens,  and  he  availed  himself  of  it  to  shew 
in  what  consisted  a  fit  preparation  for  baptism,  and  a 
lively  faith.  He  was  often  compelled  to  remark,  how 
many  listened  mechanically  to  these  beautiful  forms  of 
hturgy,  scarcely  conscious  of  their  import,  and  to  notice 
that  deficiency  of  piety,  which  betrayed  itself  in  their 
pressing  against  each  otlier  during  the  prayers  of  the 
Church,  and  during  the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Commu- 
nion, that  they  might  depart  earlier  without  waiting  for 
the  termination  of  the  prayers  and  the  solemn  dismissal 
of  the  congregation.  He  frequently  delivered  strong 
censures  upon  this  conduct.  On  one  occasion,  he  said ; 
"  Hear  these  words  of  Christ,  ye,  who  have  again  departed 
before  the  last  prayer  offered  up  after  the  celebration  of 
the  Holy  Communion  :  Christ  gave  thanks  to  God  before 
He  distributed  the  supper  among  His  disciples,  that  we 
also  might  give  thanks  ;  and  after  He  had  distributed  it 
among  them.  He  sung  a  hymn  to  the  praise  of  God,  that 
we  likewise   might  do  the  same."    And  on  the  festival  of 


the  holy  Epiphany,  he  says :  "  Let  us,  then,  to-day, 
endeavour  to  correct  a  sin  openly  committed  by  all.  Would 
ye  know  what  this  sin  is  ?  It  is  the  not  approaching  the 
Lord's  table  with  fear  and  trembling,  but  stamping, 
striking,  swelling  with  wrath,  screaming,  insulting,  and 
pushing  those  near  to  you,  full  of  passion  and  turbulence. 
Tell  me,  why  are  ye  thus  tumultuous  ?  Wherefore  hasten 
ye  ?  Doth  business  summon  you  ?  Can  ye  think,  in  that 
hour,  of  worldly  affairs  ?  Can  ye  then  remember,  that  ye 
are  upon  earth — deem  yourselves  dwelling  among  men  ? 
Doth  it  not  betray  a  heart  of  stone,  to  recollect  in  that 
moment  that  ye  are  standing  upon  earth,  and  not  amid 
the  choirs  of  angels,  with  whom  ye  have  resounded  aloft 
that  holy  hymn  ?  with  whom  ye  have  chaunted  that  song 
of  triumph  unto  God  ?  Shall  I  tell  you  whence  this  dis- 
order and  noise  proceed  ?  Because  we  do  not  close  the 
doors  during  the  whole  time  of  divine  service,  but  permit 
you,'  before  the  last  prayer  of  thanksgiving  is  offered  up, 
to  rise  suddenly,  and  depart  home.  This,  of  itself^  is  an 
act  of  great  contempt.  While  Christ  is  present,  while  the 
angels  are  standing  around,  w4iile  that  holy  table  is  spread 
before  you,  while  your  brethren  are  yet  partaking  of  the 
Holy  Supper, — ye  hasten  away.  Were  ye  invited  to  a 
feast,  though  your  own  hunger  were  appeased,  ye  would 
not  venture  to  absent  yourselves,  so  long  as  the  other 
guests  are  reclining  at  the  table."  He  likewise  exhorted 
them  to  join  with  devotion  in  these  prayers  of  the 
Church ;  and,  according  to  his  custom,  he  sought,  by 
using  the  forms  of  the  liturgy,  to  impress  his  exhorta- 
tions deeper  upon  their  minds  :  "  Even  the  words,"  he 
said,  "  of  the  deacon,  calling  upon  all:  '  Let  us  stand  up, 
as  it  beseemeth  us,'  are  not  introduced  without  a  meaning, 
but  that  we  should  raise  our  grovelling  thoughts,  and, 
throwing  off  the  fetters  of  earthly  cares,  raise  our  souls  to 
God.  That  this  is  signified — that  these  words  regard  not 
the  body,  but  the  soul,  we  may  learn  from  Paul,  who  in 
like  manner  useth  this  mode  of  speech  ;  for,  writing  to 
fallen  and  desponding  men,  he  saith  :   *  Wherefore  lift  up 


the  hands  which  haog  down,  and  the  feeble  knees.'  What 
then  ?  Shall  we  saj,  that  he  speaketh  of  the  hands  and 
knees  of  the  body  ?  Certainly  not ;  for  he  addresseth  not 
runners,  nor  pugilists ;  but  he  exhorteth  them  by  these 
words  to  raise  the  power  of  their  souls,  laid  prostrate  by 
temptations.  Consider  near  whom  thou  standest, — that 
with  the  cherubim  themselves  thou  art  about  to  call  upon 
God.  Examine  the  assembled  choir,  and  it  will  suffice  to 
excite  thy  watchfulness,  when  thou  thinkest,  that,  bearing 
about  with  thee  a  body,  and  held  together  by  flesh,  thou 
art  deemed  worthy  of  singing  hymns  to  the  common  Lord 
of  all,  in  company  with  the  spiritual  powers.  Let  no  one, 
then,  with  a  faint  heart  take  part  in  these  sacred  hymns ; 
let  no  one  in  that  season  entertain  a  wordly  thought ;  but, 
having  banished  all  earthly  things  from  his  mind,  and 
transferred  himself  entirely  to  heaven,  as  if  standing  near 
the  very  throne  of  glory,  and  flying  amid  the  seraphim,  let 
him  send  forth  that  holiest  of  hymns  to  the  God  of  glory 
and  power.  Therefore  are  we  then  called  upon  to  stand 
erect,  as  it  beseemeth  us;  for  this  signifieth  nothing 
more  than  to  stand  so,  as  it  becometh  man  to  stand  before 
God,  with  fear  and  trembling,  with  a  watchful  and  a  sober 
mind."  And  in  another  sermon,  "Oh,  man!  what  art 
thou  doing  ?  Hast  thou  not  pledged  thyself  to  the  priest, 
when  he  said  to  thee,  '  Lift  up  your  hearts,'  and  thou 
didst  answer,  '  We  lift  them  up  unto  the  Lord'  ?  Fearest 
thou  not,  and  art  thou  not  ashamed,  in  that  awful  hour  to 
be  found  a  liar  ?" 

In  his  exposition  of  the  -list  Psalm,  he  thus  speaks  on 
the  salutary  influence  of  vocal  music  in  the  churches  : 
"  Nothing  so  lifteth  up,  and,  as  it  were,  wingeth  the  soul, 
so  freeth  it  from  earth,  and  looseth  it  from  the  chains  of 
the  body,  so  leadeth  it  unto  wisdom,  and  a  contempt  of  all 
earthly  things,  as  the  choral  symphony  of  a  sacred  hymn, 
set  in  harmonious  measure.  Our  nature  delighteth  so 
much  in  song,  and  so  accordeth  with  it,  that  infants  at  the 
breast,  when  fretful  or  sobbing,  are  thereby  lulled  asleep." 


After  having  endeavoured  to  show,  hy  various  examples, 
that  when  the  soul  is  under  the  intiuence  of  song,  men 
are  better  enabled  to  endure  exertion  and  labour,  he  con- 
tinued ;  "  the  singing  of  psalms  bringeth  with  it  much 
gain,  support,  and  sanctification,  and  can  supply  various 
lessons  of  wisdom,  if  the  words  purify  the  heart,  and  the 
Holy  Ghost  straightways  descend  upon  the  soul  of  the 
singer.  For  we  learn  from  Paul,  that  those,  who  sing 
with  understanding,  call  down  upon  them  the  grace  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  He  saith  :  '  Be  not  drunk  with  wine,  where- 
in is  excess  ;  but  be  filled  with  the  Spirit,'  and  he  addeth 
thereunto  the  manner ;  in  which  we  are  to  be  filled  with 
the  Holy  Spirit :  '  By  singing  and  making  melody  in  your 
heart  to  the  Lord.'  What  signify  these  words,  'in  your 
heart"?  He  would  say  with  understanding,  that  the 
mouth  utter  not  the  words,  while  the  soul  wandereth 
everywhere  abroad ;  but  that  the  soul  be  conscious  of  that 
which  the  tongue  speaketh."  Again,  in  the  same  dis- 
course :  "  Let  us  not,  then,  without  due  thought,  enter 
here,  and  carelessly  sing  the  responses  ;  but  let  us  bear 
them  hence,  as  a  staff  for  the  rest  of  our  days.  Each 
verse  may  impart  to  us  wisdom,  correct  our  doctrines,  and 
afford  us  the  greatest  aid  in  life  ;  and  if  we  nicely  search 
each  saying,  we  shall  gather  therefrom  rich  fruit.  No  one 
can,  in  this  instance,  allege  the  excuse  of  poverty,  business, 
or  want  of  understanding  ;  for  shouldest  thou  be  poor,  and 
because  of  thy  poverty  possess  no  Bible,  or  shouldest  thou 
possess  one,  and  not  have  the  time  to  read  therein,  thou 
needest  only  to  keep  in  thy  heart  the  responses  thou  hast 
so  often  chaunted  here,  and  thou  wilt  draw  from  them  a 
great  consolation." 

He  frequently  and  earnestly  exhorted  his  people  to 
study  the  Bible.  The  following  may  be  quoted  as  one  sen- 
tence out  of  many  : 

"  Let  us  then  heed  the  reading  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
not  only  during  these  two  hours,  but  constantly  ;  for  the 
mere  listening  hero  will  not   be  sufficient  to  secure  the 


salvation  of  our  souls.  Let  each  man,  when  he  returneth 
home,  take  the  Bible  in  his  hand,  and  if  he  desire  to 
derive  a  full  and  enduring  advantage  from  the  Holy 
Scripture,  let  him  ponder  therein  upon  the  things  spoken 
in  the  church.  For  the  tree,  which  groweth  beside  the 
stream,  n^ingleth  not  with  its  waters  for  two  or  three  hours 
only,  but  during  the  whole  day  and  the  whole  night. 
Therefore  is  the  plant  rich  in  leaves :  therefore  is  it  laden 
with  fruit,  although  no  man  water  it;  because,  standing 
upon  the  bank  of  the  river,  it  draweth  up  moisture 
through  its  roots,  and  through  them  imparteth  strength  to 
the  whole  stem.  Thus  he,  who  continually  readeth  the 
Bible,  although  no  man  be  near  to  expound  it,  receiveth 
thereby  into  his  soul  abundant  nourishment  from  that 
sacred  fountain." 

But  while  he  thus  preached,  he  taught  men  also  to 
defer  in  their  interpretation  of  Scripture  to  apostolical 
tradition,  and  the  authority  of  the  Church,  for  "  Scripture 
cannot  contain  two  contradictory  meanings." 

He  was  particularly  anxious  to  promote  a  zealous  obser- 
vance of  the  festival  of  Christmas,  as  the  following  extract 
from  one  of  two  sermons  he  preached  on  this  subject  in 
the  year  387  will  shew. 

"  The  festival  approacheth,  the  most  to  be  revered, 
the  most  awful,  and  which  we  might  justly  term  the  centre 
of  all  festivals, — that  of  the  birth  and  manifestation  of 
Christ  in  the  flesh.  Hence  the  festivals  of  Epiphany,  of 
holy  Easter,  of  Ascension,  and  of  Pentecost,  derive  their 
origin  and  signification.  Had  Christ  not  been  born  a 
man,  he  w^ould  not  have  been  baptized,  and  we  should  not 
have  observed  the  festival  of  Epiphany  ;  he  would  not 
have  been  crucified,  and  we  should  not  have  solemnized 
the  festival  of  Easter ;  he  would  not  have  sent  down  the 
Holy  Ghost,  and  we  should  not  have  celebrated  the  day  of 
Pentecost.  Therefore  from  this  one  festival  all  other 
festivals  arise,  as  various  streams  flow  from  the  same  foun- 
tain. But  not  for  this  reason  alone,  should  this  day  be 
pre-eminent,  but  because  the  event,  which  occurred  upon 


it,  was  of  all  events  the  most  stupendous.  For  that 
Christ  should  die,  was  the  natural  consequence  of  His 
having  become  man ;  because  although  He  had  committed 
no  sin,  He  had  assumed  a  mortal  body.  But  that  being 
God,  He  should  have  condescended  to  become  man,  and 
should  have  endured  to  humble  Himself  to  a  degree  surpas- 
sing human  understanding,  is  of  all  miracles  the  most 
awful  and  astonishing.  It  was  at  this,  that  Paul  wondered 
and  said :  '  without  controversy  great  is  the  mystery  of 
godliness.'  What  did  he  say  was  great?  '  that  God  was 
manifest  in  the  flesh.'  And  again  :  '  Verily  He  took  not 
on  Him  the  nature  of  angels,  but  He  took  on  Him  the 
seed  of  Abraham.  Wherefore  in  all  things  it  behoveth 
Him  to  be  made  like  unto  His  brethren.'  Therefore  I 
love  and  honour  this  day  beyond  all  others,  and  I  hold 
up  this  my  love  in  the  midst  of  you,  that  ye  may  likewise 
become  participators  in  it.  Therefore  I  beseech  you  on 
this  day  to  leave  your  houses  with  zeal  and  alacrity,  and 
to  be  here  present,  that  we  may  together  behold  our  Lord 
wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes,  lying  in  the  manger.  For 
what  excuse,  what  pardon  can  there  be  for  us,  if  we  will 
not  so  much  as  come  hither  from  our  houses  to  seek  Him, 
Who  for  our  sakes  descended  from  heaven  ?  The  Magi, 
although  they  were  strangers  and  barbarians,  hastened 
from  Persia,  that  they  might  behold  the  Saviour  lying  in 
the  manger ;  and  shall  not  we,  who  are  Christians,  endure 
to  measure  so  short  a  distance  for  the  enjoyment  of  this 
blessed  sight  ?  For  if  we  approach  with  faith  we  shall 
surely  behold  Him  lying  in  a  manger.  His  holy  table 
will  supply  the  place  of  a  manger.  For  there  will  be 
spread  the  Body  of  our  Lord,  not  wrapped  in  swaddling 
clothes  as  then,  but  on  all  sides  surrounded  by  His  Holy 
Spirit.  Approach  then,  and  make  the  offering  of  thy  gifts, 
not  such  as  were  presented  by  the  Magi,  but  gifts 
infinitely  more  precious.  They  brought  gold ;  do  thou 
bring  temperance  and  virtue  :  they  offered  frankincense; 
do  thou  offer  the  prayer  of  a  pure  heart,  wjiich  is  spiritual 
frankincense :   they  presented   myrrh ;   do   thou   present 


humility,  meekness,  and  charity.  If  thou  draw  near  with 
these  gifts,  thou  mayest  with  much  confidence  partake  of 
the  Holy  Supper." 

Again  his  observations  on  Lent  are  worthy  of  being 
remembered : 

"  Wherefore  do  we  fast  during^  these  forty  days  ?  Former- 
ly  many  persons  partook  of  the  Lord's  Supper  without  due 
preparation,  and  especially  at  this  season  in  which  Christ 
instituted  that  Holy  Sacrament.  When  the  fathers  per- 
ceived the  evil  consequences  arising  from  this  careless 
attendance,  they  met  together  and  appointed  a  period  of 
forty  days  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  the  divine  word,  for 
prayer  and  fasting,  that  we  being  purified  during  these 
forty  days  by  prayer,  by  giving  of  alms,  by  fasting,  by 
vigils,  by  tears,  by  a  confession  of  our  sins  to  God,  and  by 
all  other  means,  might  be  enabled  to  approach  the  holy 
table  with  a  conscience  as  clear  as  sinners  may  possess. 
And  it  is  evident  that  the  fathers  by  this  condescension 
effected  much  good,  in  that  they  thereby  habituated  us  to 
fasting.  For  were  we  during  the  whole  year  to  raise  our 
voices,  and  to  call  upon  men  to  fast,  no  one  would  heed 
our  words ;  but  when  the  season  of  the  fast  arrive ih, 
without  the  exhortation  of  any  one,  the  most  supine  are 
awakened,  and  take  counsel  from  the  season  itself.  Should 
therefore  the  Jew  or  the  heathen  ask  :  Wherefore  fast  ye  ? 
answer  not,  on  account  of  the  festival  of  Easter,  nor  on 
account  of  the  crucifixion;  but  on  account  of  our  sins, 
because  we  would  draw  near  to  the  Lord's  Table.  For 
Easter  is  not  otherwise  a  time  for  fasting,  nor  for  grief, 
but  an  occasion  of  joy  and  exultation.  The  death  of  our 
Lord  upon  the  cross  hath  taken  away  sin ;  it  was  an  expi- 
ation for  the  whole  world  ;  it  hath  put  an  end  to  long 
enmity ;  it  hath  opened  the  doors  of  heaven  ;  it  hath 
reconciled  God  to  those  who  before  were  hateful  in  His 
sight,  and  led  them  back  to  heaven ;  it  hath  raised  our 
nature  to  the  right  hand  of  the  Almighty's  throne,  and 
hath  acquired  for  us  many  other  blessings.  Wherefore 
Paul  saith :   '  God  forbid,   that  I  should  glory,  save  in  the 


cross  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.'  And  again  :  '  God  com- 
mendeth  His  love  towards  us,  in  that,  while  we  were  .  yet 
sinners,  Christ  died  for  us.'  And  St.  John  expressly 
declareth:  'God  so  loved  the  world.'  In  what  manner? 
Passing  by  all  other  things,  he  holdeth  up  to  us  the  cross ; 
for  after  saying,  *  God  so  loved  the  world,'  he  addeth, 
'that  He  gave  His  only-begotten  Son'  to  be  crucified, 
'  that  whosoever  believeth  in  Him  should  not  perish,  but 
have  everlasting  life.'  If  then  the  cross  be  a  proof  of 
God's  love  towards  us,  and  an  occasion  of  our  exultation, 
let  us  not  say,  that  it  is  the  cause  of  our  grief.  For  we 
grieve  not  on  that  account.  God  forbid  !  but  on  account 
of  our  sins.     Therefore  we  fast." 

The  festival  of  Ascension  was  instituted,  according  to 
Chrysostom,  in  the  remembrance  of  the  glorification  of 
human  nature  through  Christ.  He  observes  that,  "  Christ 
hath  presented  to  the  Father  the  first  fruits  of  our  nature, 
and  the  Father  hath  valued  the  gift  so  highly,  on  account 
of  the  worthiness  of  Him  Who  offered  it,  and  on  account  of 
the  sanctity  of  the  thing  offered,  that  He  received  it  with 
His  own  hands,  and  placed  it  next  Himself:  saying, 
'  Sit  Thou  at  My  right  hand.'  But  to  what  nature  did 
God  ever  say,  '  Sit  thou  at  My  right  hand  ?'  To  that 
very  nature,  which  once  heard  the  words  :  '  Dust  thou  art, 
and  unto  dust  thou  shalt  return.'  Willingly  do  I  dwell 
upon  the  lowliness  of  our  nature,  that  we  may  learn  to 
prize  in  a  still  higher  degree  the  dignity  which  hath  come 
unto  us,  through  the  grace  of  our  Lord." 

He  describes  the  festival  of  Pentecost  to  be  a  comme- 
moration of  the  Divine  Spirit  having  been  communicated 
to  man,  as  a  proof  and  pledge  of  his  glorification  and 
reconciliation  to  God  :  "  Ten  days  ago  our  nature  ascend- 
ed to  tlie  Throne  of  heaven,  and  to-day  hath  the  Holy 
Spirit  descended  unto  our  nature.  Ten  days  have  scarcely- 
elapsed  since  Christ  ascended  into  heaven,  and  already 
hath  He  sent  down  to  us  the  gift  of  the  Spirit,  as  a  pledge 
of  reconciliation; — that  none  may  doubt  what  Christ 
effected  after  His  ascension;  that  none  may  incjuire,  if  He 


have  reconciled  us  to  the  Father.  Desirous  of  proving  to 
us,  that  He  had  propitiated  the  Father,  He  straightways 
sent  unto  us  the  gift  of  reconcihation ;  for  when  enemies 
become  reconciled  and  united  together,  friendly  greetings 
and  gifts  immediately  follow  the  reconciliation.  We  sent 
up  faith,  and  received  the  gift  of  the  Spirit ;  we  offered 
obedience,  and  received  justification."  He  afterwards 
brings  forward  proofs  of  the  continued  operation  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  in  the  Church  :  "  Were  not  the  Holy  Spirit 
present,  we  could  not  name  Jesus,  Lord ;  '  for  no  man 
can  say  that  Jesus  is  the  Lord,  but  by  the  Holy  Ghost.' 
Were  not  the  Holy  Spirit  present,  we,  who  believe,  could 
not  call  upon  God,  nor  say,  '  Our  Father,  which  art  in 
heaven.'  For  as  we  cannot  call  Jesus,  Lord  ;  neither  can 
we  call  God  our  Father,  but  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  For  the 
same  x\postle  saith  :  '  because  ye  are  sons,  God  hath  sent 
forth  the  spirit  of  His  Son  into  your  hearts,  crying,  Abba, 
Father.'  When  therefore  ye  call  God,  Father,  remember, 
that  ye  have  obtained  the  gift  of  thus  addressing  Him, 
through  the  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  within  your 
souls.  Were  not  the  Holy  Spirit  present,  the  gifts  of 
wisdom  and  of  knowledge  would  not  be  granted  to  the 
Church  ;  '  for  to  one  is  given  by  the  Spirit  the  word  of 
wisdom,  to  another  the  word  of  knowledge  by  the  same 
Spirit.'  Were  not  the  Holy  Spirit  present,  there  would  be 
no  pastors  nor  teachers  in  the  Church,  '  over  the  which 
the  Holy  Ghost  hath  made  you  overseers,'  Were  not  the 
Holy  Spirit  present,  the  Church  would  not  endure.  If, 
therefore,  the  Church  endure,  it  is  a  proof  that  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  preseut." 

He  often  preached  twice  in  the  week,  probably  on 
Sunday  and  on  the  Sabbath,  Saturday, — which  was  in 
many  Eastern  Churches  appointed  for  the  assembling  of 
the  congregation.  He  occasionally  preached  at  break  of 
day,  an  hour  which  was  perhaps  chosen  in  consequence  of 
the  great  heat.  Bishop  Flavian  appears  to  have  acknow- 
ledged, and  availed  himself  of  the  superior  attainments  of 
Chiysostom.     On  one  occasion,  after  the  Bishop  in  a  few 


preliminary  words  had  addressed  his  congregation  upon  a 
subject,  which  in  the  polemics  of  that  day  frequently  came 
under  discussion,  he  permitted  him  to  come  forward  and 
answer  the  objections  of  the  heretics,  which  the  congrega- 
tion desired  to  hear  refuted  by  Chrysostom.  At  another 
time,  in  the  early  morning,  when  Chrysostom  had  preach- 
ed a  sermon  to  the  catechumens  at  one  of  the  distant 
Baptisteries,  and  had  afterwards  arrived  at  the  mother 
Church;  oppressed  by  fatigue  and  expecting  to  hear  a  dis- 
course from  his  Bishop ;  the  latter  desired  to  become  the 
auditor  of  Chrysostom,  whom  he  called  upon  to  preach 
instead  of  himself,  that  the  wishes  of  the  congregation 
might  be  accomplished,  who  were  filled  with  anxiety  to 
hear  him.  The  eloquence  of  Chrysostom  soon  excited 
general  admiration  throughout  the  city,  and  attracted  men 
of  all  classes  to  the  church.  The  listeners  thronged 
around  the  pulpit,  eager  to  catch  each  word  that  he 
uttered.  At  times,  when  he  had  preached  at  greater 
length  than  he  had  intended,  and  towards  the  end  of  his 
sermon  feared  to  have  weared  his  audience,  the  tokens  of 
applause  becoming  louder  at  every  moment,  gave  him 
clearly  to  understand,  that  it  was  their  wish  still  longer  to 
receive  his  instruction;  and  in  that  age,  when  men  were 
more  accustomed  to  hear  the  word  expounded  by  their 
preachers,  than  to  study  it  in  manuscript,  a  teacher  of 
such  amazing  eloquence,  as  Chrysostom, — who  testified  by 
his  own  holy  life,  that  the  doctrines,  which  he  delivered 
with  so  much  power  and  feeling  to  others,  had  a  sanctify- 
ing and  blessed  influence  upon  himself — was  capable  of 
producing  effects,  which,  as  St.  Jerome  says,  were  wont  to 
reveal  themselves  in  a  zealous  performance  of  all  good 
works.  Chrysostom  wrote  some  of  his  sermons  with  care; 
some  he  had  composed  before  hand,  but  altered  according 
to  circumstances,  and  others  again  he  delivered  unpre- 
pared, availing  himself  of  any  event  of  the  moment.  We 
find  an  instance  of  the  latter,  when  on  a  winter-day,  as  he 
bent  his  steps  towards  the  church,  being  deeply  affected  by 
the  sight  of  a  number  of  beggars,  lying  in  a  miserable 


state  upon  the  ground,  he  was  moved  to  commence  his 
discourse  by  the  folio  wiug  address  :  "I  have  risen  to-day 
to  advocate  a  cause,  just,  useful,  and  worthy  of  you.  I  have 
been  deputed  by  the  mendicants  of  our  city.  They  have 
called  upon  me, — not  by  words, — not  by  votes, — nor  by 
any  common  resolve ;  but  by  their  frightful  and  wretched 
appearance.  For  in  hastening  to  this  assembly  as  I 
crossed  the  forum,  and  passed  through  the  narrow  streets, 
and  saw  many  of  them  lying  in  the  midst  of  the  ways,  of 
whom  some  were  deprived  of  their  hands  and  eyes,  others 
covered  with  incurable  sores,  and  exposing  those  places 
especially,  which  on  account  of  the  putrid  gore  they  dis- 
charged. Deeded  concealment,  I  held  it  to  be  the  most 
cruel  insensibility  not  to  appeal  to  your  charity  in  their 
behalf;  and  still  more,  as  the  season  itself  demanded  it  of 
me.  It  is  indeed  necessary  to  exhort  men  at  all  seasons 
to  have  pity  upon  their  brethren,  as  we  ourselves  need  it 
so  much  from  our  merciful  Lord,  but  now  especially 
during  the  severe  cold."  The  second  case  is  exemplified 
by  those  sermons,  in  which  he  instantly  perceives  and 
takes  advantage  of  the  impression  made  either  by  his 
words,  or  by  any  sudden  occurrence  in  the  church ; — thus 
upon  remarking,  that  the  attention  of  his  hearers  was 
attracted  by  the  lighting  of  the  lamps  in  the  church,  he 
exclaimed  :  "  Awake  from  your  inattention ;  lay  aside  your 
sloth ;  while  I  explain  to  you  the  Holy  Scriptures,  ye  have 
turned  your  eyes  to  the  lamps,  and  to  him,  by  whom  they 
are  lighted.  How  great  an  indifference  !  I  also  kindle  for 
you  a  light,  the  light  of  the  Holy  Scriptures ;  upon  my 
tongue  burneth  the  light  of  instruction,  a  better  and 
a  greater  light,  than  that  upon  which  ye  gaze."  It  may 
likewise  be  observed,  that  he  suffered  himself  in  a  great 
degree  to  be  impelled  by  the  feeling  of  the  moment,  when, 
according  to  his  own  confession,  the  mention  of  a  favourite 
theme  exercised  such  power  over  his  mind,  that  in  the 
remainder  of  his  homily  he  occupied  himself  with  the 
new  subject  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  that  with  which  he 

YOL    IV.  D 


had  commenced  ;  and  on  another  occasion,  when  he  had 
intended  to  preach  a  shorter  discourse, — upon  observing, 
that  notwithstanding  the  length  at  which  he  had  spoken, 
the  sympathy  of  his  flock,  instead  of  decreasing,  con- 
tinued to  augment, — he  was  induced,  contrary  to  his 
original  design,  still  further  to  enlarge  upon  the  subject. 

In  the  second  year  of  Chrysostom's  ministry  an  event 
took  place  which  spread  confusion  and  dismay  throughout 
Antioch,  and  at  the  same  time  manifested  the  influence 
which  he  possessed  over  his  flock.  In  the  year  a.d.  387, 
one  of  those  imperial  decrees,  which  frequently  in  that 
age  of  despotism  oppressed  the  cities  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, exacted  from  the  Antiochians  taxes  to  all  appearance 
impossible  to  be  raised.  A  general  alarm  was  excited 
and  the  irritation  of  the  people  was  increased  by  the 
severity  of  the  tax-gatherers.  Citizens  of  all  classes,  from 
the  highest  to  the  lowest,  hastened  to  the  churches,  and 
implored  the  Almighty  for  deliverance.  They  then 
assailed  the  Imperial  governor  with  complaints  and  en- 
treaties. No  redress  being  obtained,  an  insurrection  took 
place,  which,  as  Chrysostom  and  many  of  his  contem- 
poraries maintain,  originated  in  a  small  number  of  stran- 
gers, collected  together  from  difl'erent  countries,  and  actu- 
ated by  wantonness  or  a  desire  of  gain.  An  application  to 
the  Bishop  was  frequently  made  by  the  citizens  in  similar 
calamities,  and  by  this  means  relief  was  sometimes  obtain- 
ed. At  first  the  discontented  sought  in  the  church  the 
Bishop  Flavian,  in  order  probably  to  procure  a  diminution 
of  the  taxes  through  his  representations  to  the  Emperor 
at  Constantinople.  Not  finding  him,  they  threatened  to 
storm  the  house  of  the  governor.  Enraged,  they  hastened 
to  the  market-place,  tore  down  the  statues  of  the  Emperor, 
of  the  Empress,  and  of  the  young  Princes,  Arcadius  and 
Honorius ;  and  insulted  and  reviled  them  with  songs. 
The  more  distinguished  citizens,  who  composed  the 
senate,  and  administered  the  general  government  of  the 
city,  ventured  not  even  to  make  the  attempt  of  appeasing. 


the  rage  of  the  multitude  :  they  themselves  had  reason  to 
fear  the  anger  of  the  people,  and  were  compelled  to  seek 
concealment.  This  superior  class  found  itself  in  the  most 
embarrassing  situation.  Impoverished  and  deprived  of 
many  of  their  privileges  by  the  tyranny  of  the  government, 
they  were  called  upon  to  exercise  the  same  authority  over 
the  city,  as  in  the  days  of  their  former  prosperity  and 
opulence,  and  even  to  support  greater  burthens.  The 
people  vehemently  demanded  of  them  assistance  and 
relief,  which  they  were  incapable  of  affording;  and  the 
Imperial  government  made  them  responsible  for  the  insur- 
rection of  the  people,  which  they  could  neither  prevent  nor 

The  incensed  populace  had  already  set  fire  to  the  house 
of  the  most  distinguished  citizen,  when  a  body  of  soldiers, 
which  had  been  previously  expected,  arrived  and  repulsed 
them.  The  rebellion  was  in  a  short  time  put  down.  All 
those  who  were  taken  in  the  act  of  crime,  of  every  sex  and 
age,  were  immediately  condemned  and  executed  by  order 
of  the  governor,  who  dreaded  the  displeasure  of  the 
Emperor.  But  this  was  not  enough  :  the  violent  temper 
of  Theodosius  was  well  known,  and  an  insurrection,  in 
which  the  busts  of  the  imperial  family  had  been  insulted, 
was  sufficient  in  those  days  to  call  down  ruin  upon  a 
whole  city.  Messengers  were  dispatched  to  Constanti- 
nople to  report  the  events  which  had  taken  place,  and  to 
demand  instructions  from  the  Emperor.  Until  his  final 
decision  became  known  at  Antioch,  the  most  painful 
fluctuations  of  hope  and  fear  prevailed.  It  behoved  the 
preacher  of  the  Gospel  to  take  this  changing  mood  into 
consideration.  Chrysostom  had  frequently  reproved  the 
frivolous  and  wicked  disposition  of  those  idlers,  who  spent 
the  greatest  part  of  their  time  in  the  theatre,  and  had 
taken  the  most  active  part  in  this  insurrection.  He  had 
often  required  from  the  Antiochians  not  to  tolerate  that 
sacrilegious  feeling,  which  discovers  itself  in  the  profan- 
ation of  every  thing  sacred,  and  in  a  brutal  indifference 
towards  the  higher  concerns  of  life.     It  was  remarkable. 


that  on  the  Sunday  preceding  the  insurrection,  he  had 
more  particularly  called  their  attention  to  this  subject  in 
a  sermon  preparatory  to  the  annual  fast  of  Lent, — a  time 
especially  consecrated  to  repentance. 

After  Chrysostom  had  held  this  discourse,  a  further 
opportunity  of  working  upon  the  minds  of  his  congregation 
presented  itself.  Bishop  Flavian,  notwithstanding  his 
advanced  age,  his  infirm  state  of  health,  and  other  circum- 
stances, which  might  have  prevented  him,  was  induced  by 
a  paternal  solicitude  towards  his  flock,  to  undertake  a 
journey  to  Constantinople  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
personal  application  to  the  Emperor.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  fast  of  forty  days  preceding  Easter  had  commenced, 
which  always  produced  a  remarkable  change  in  the  lives 
both  of  the  rich  and  poor,  and  was  wont  to  give  to  the  whole 
city  a  different  aspect.  The  public  amusements  were  sus- 
pended, and  the  people  assembled  daily  in  the  Church  to 
offer  up  prayers,  and  hear  the  divine  word.  The  calamity 
of  the  times  augmented  the  severity  of  the  fast,  and  led 
the  people  to  repentance  ;  and,  bereft  of  human  aid,  they 
were  the  more  disposed  to  seek  refuge  in  God.  After  the 
departure  of  the  Bishop,  Chrysostom  had,  without  doubt, 
the  chief  direction  of  affairs  in  the  diocese.  In  the  first 
discourse  which  he  held  after  Flavian's  departure,  he 
pourtrayed  to  the  people  the  paternal  love  of  their  Bishop  : 
"  When  I  behold  that  vacant  throne  deserted,  and  without 
its  master,  I  at  the  same  time  both  weep  and  rejoice.  I 
weep,  because  I  see  not  our  father  present,  but  I  rejoice, 
that  he  hath  undertaken  this  journey  for  our  preservation, 
and  hath  departed  to  snatch  from  the  fury  of  the  Emperor 
so  great  a  multitude.  This  is  to  you,  an  ornament ;  to 
him,  a  crown.  An  ornament  to  you,  because  ye  have 
chosen  such  a  father, — a  crown  to  him,  because  he  is 
attached  with  so  much  tenderness  to  his  children,  and 
hath  confirmed  by  his  works  the  words  of  Christ.  For 
having  been  taught,  that  '  the  good  shepherd  giveth  His 
life  for  the  sheep,'  he  departed  ready  to  lay  down  his  life 
for  us  all.     Still  there  were  many  obstacles  to  his  depar- 


ture, — many  circumstances  inducing  him  to  stay ; — his 
advanced  age ;  his  bodily  infirmity  ;  the  season  of  the 
year;  the  necessity  of  his  presence  at  the  approaching 
festival ;  his  only  sister  lying  at  the  point  of  death.  But 
he  disregarded  alike  old  age,  infirmity  of  body,  the  ties  of 
consanguinity,  the  asperity  of  the  season,  and  the  difiicul- 
ties  of  the  journey ;  and  preferring  to  everything  your 
deliverance,  he  broke  through  all  these  bonds,  and  as  a 
youth  the  old  man  hasteneth,  borne  upon  the  wings  of 
zeal.  For  if,  said  he,  Christ  '  gave  Himself  for  us,'  what 
excuse  should  we  have,  or  what  pardon  should  we  deserve, 
were  we,  to  whom  He  hath  committed  the  care  of  so  great 
a  flock,  not  ready  to  do  and  to  suffer  all  things,  for  the 
salvation  of  those  entrusted  to  us.  For  if,  said  he,  the 
patriarch  Jacob,  when  set  over  cattle,  feeding  irrational 
sheep,  and  about  to  render  an  account  to  man,  passed 
sleepless  nights,  and  endured  heat,  frost,  and  every 
extreme  of  weather,  that  none  of  his  flock  might  perish ; 
much  more  behoveth  it  us,  who  are  not  set  over  irrational, 
but  spiritual  sheep,  and  are  not  about  to  render  an 
account  of  our  stewardship  to  man,  but  to  God,  to  be 
watchful  and  to  face  every  danger  for  the  sake  of  our 
flock.  For  inasmuch  as  this  flock  is  better  than  that 
flock, — men  better  than  brutes,  and  God  higher  than 
man ;  in  the  same  degree  ought  we  to  exhibit  a  far  more 
exceeding  diligence  and  zeal."  He  then  endeavoured  to 
inspire  them  with  hope  :  "  God  will  not  overlook  such 
great  readiness  and  zeal.  He  will  not  permit  his  servant 
to  depart  without  having  accomplished  his  purpose.  I 
know  that  his  appearance  will  suffice  to  appease  the  wrath 
of  the  pious  Emperor.  For  not  the  speech  alone,  but  the 
aspect  of  holy  men  is  full  of  spiritual  grace.  Moreover  he 
is  filled  with  much  wisdom,  and  experienced  in  the  divine 
laws,  he  will  speak  to  the  Emperor,  as  Moses  spake  to 
God:  'Yet  now,  if  thou  wilt  forgive  their  sin; — and  if 
not,  blot  me,  I  pray  Thee  out  of  Thy  book,  which  Thou 
hast  written.'  For  holy  men  are  so  filled  with  love,  that 


they  had  rather  die  with  their  children,  than  live  without 
them.  He  will  also  call  the  holy  festival  of  Easter  to  his 
aid ;  he  will  remind  him  of  the  season,  in  which  Christ 
remitted  the  sins  of  the  whole  world.  He  will  exhort  him 
to  imitate  his  Lord ;  he  will  recall  to  his  memory  the 
parable  of  the  ten  thousand  talents,  and  the  hundred 
pence.  I  know  the  fearless  sincerity  of  our  father, — he 
will  not  hesitate  to  alarm  him  by  this  parable  and  say : 
take  heed  that  thou  hear  not  at  the  last  day :  '  0 !  thou, 
wicked  servant,  I  forgave  thee  all  that  debt,  because  thou 
desiredst  Me  :  shouldest  thou  not  also  have  had  compas- 
sion on  thy  fellow-servant,  even  as  I  had  pity  on  thee?' 
To  these  words  he  will  add  the  prayer,  which  the  Emperor 
was  taught  to  offer  up  by  those,  who  gave  him  the  instruc- 
tion preparatory  to  Holy  Baptism,  and  taught  him  to  pray, 
and  say :  '  Forgive  us  our  debts,  as  we  forgive  our 
debtors.'  He  will  then  shew,  that  the  transgression  of  the 
city  was  not  general,  but  proceeded  from  certain  strangers 
and  adventurers,  who  did  nothing  with  reason,  but  con- 
ducted themselves  with  audacity  and  lawlessness ;  that  it 
would  not  be  just  for  the  folly  of  a  few  to  raze  so  great  a 
city,  and  to  punish  those  who  have  committed  no  wrong ; 
and  that,  though  all  had  sinned,  they  have  made  sufficient 
atonement,  having  been  consumed  by  fear  so  many  days, 
expecting  each  day  to  die,  driven  away,  fugitives,  living 
more  miserably  than  criminals,  bearing  their  blood  in 
their  hands,  and  insecure  of  their  lives.  Be  satisfied,  he 
will  say,  with  this  punishment,  and  proceed  not  further  in 
thy  wrath.  Render  the  judge  above  merciful  to  thee  by 
thy  mercy  towards  thy  fellow  servants.  Consider  the 
greatness  of  the  city,  and  that  it  is  not  a  question  of  one, 
two,  three  or  ten  souls,  but  of  thousands  innumerable,  of 
the  head  of  the  whole  world.  For  this  is  the  city  in 
which  Christians  first  assumed  their  name.  Honour 
Christ ;  respect  that  city,  in  which  was  first  proclaimed  to 
men  that  high  and  cherished  appellation.  There  was  the 
resort  of  the  Apostles;  there  the  dwelling  place  of  the 


just.     This  is  the  first  instance  of  sedition  against  those 
in  power,  and  ;J1  past  time  testifieth  for  the  manners  (if 
this   city.     Had   its    inhabitants    constantly   rebelled,    it 
might  have  been  necessary  to  have  condemned  them  for 
their  iniquity.     But  since  in  the  lapse  of  time  this  hath 
only  once  come  to  pass,  it  is  evident  that  the  transgres- 
sion hath  not  arisen  from  the  corruption  of  the  city  ;  but 
from  the  lawlessness  of  those  adventurers  who,  to  our  mis- 
fortune, audaciously  and  foolishly  entered  it.   These  things 
will  the  Bishop  say ;  yea,  more  than  these,  and  with  still 
greater  confidence.     To   these  things   will  the  Emperor 
listen.     We   have    a   faithful    Bishop   and   a   benevolent 
Emperor, — on  either  side  good  hope  ;  but  far  more  than 
the  fidelity  of  the  teacher  or  the  humanity  of  the  Emperor, 
do  we  place  our  trust  in  the  mercy  of  God ;  for  while  the 
Emperor  is  being  implored,   and  the  Bishop  is  imploring, 
God  himself  will  stand  between,  will   soften  the  heart  of 
the  Emperor,  and  animate  the  speech  of  the  Bishop."    He 
then  sought  to  turn  their  thoughts  to  God  :  "I  have  be- 
held many  afilicted  and  cast  down  while  they  exclaimed  : 
'  The  King's  wrath  is  as  the  roaring  of  a  lion.'    What  shall 
we  say  to  these  men  ?     That  He,  Who  spake  :  '  The  wolf 
also  shall  dwell  with  the  lamb,  and  the  leopard  shall  lie 
down  with  the  kid,   and  the  lion  shall  eat  straw  like  the 
ox,'   will  be  able  to  convert  this  lion  into  a  gentle  lamb. 
Let  us  therefore,  call  upon  God,  and  He  will  deliver  us 
from   all    danger.      Let   us    assist   our   father   with   our 
prayers.      The   united   prayers   of    a   congregation   avail 
much,  when  they  proceed  from  troubled  souls  and  contrite 
hearts.     We  are  not  called  upon  to  cross  the  sea,  or  to 
undertake    a   far  journey.     Each  of  us,   both  man   and 
woman,   either  at  home  or  in  the  church,  may  with  heart- 
felt fervour  invoke  the  Almighty,  and  He  will  surely  hear 
our  prayers.     Wherefore  do  I  know  this  ?     Because  it  is 
His  good  pleasure,   that  we  should  ever  take  refuge  with 
Him, — ask  Him  for  every  thing, — and  neither  act,  nor 
speak  without  Him.     It  is  the  manner  of  men,  that  when 
we  constantly  burthen  them  with  our  affairs,  they  become 


wearied  and  displeased  with  us  ; — far  different  is  it  with 
God.  Not  when  we  continually  have  recourse  to  Him  in 
our  concerns,  but  when  we  have  it  not, — then  is  He  most 
incensed.  Hear  how  He  accuseth  the  Jews,  saying, 
'  Woe  to  the  rebellious  children,  that  take  counsel,  but 
not  of  Me  ;  and  that  cover  with  a  covering,  but  not  of  My 
Spirit.'  For  this  is  the  way  of  those  who  love  ;  they  de- 
sire that  the  affairs  of  the  beloved  one  should  all  be  regu- 
lated by  them ;  that  without  them  they  should  neither  act 
nor  speak." 

He  pointed  out  to  the  Antiochians  the  great  comfort  to 
be  derived  from  a  communion  with  the  Church,  a  com- 
munion which  the  present  calamity  and  fast  contributed 
to  render  peculiarly  sincere.  He  said,  "  We  derive  no 
ordinary  consolation  from  the  present  season ;  for  we 
daily  meet  together,  and  rejoice  in  hearing  the  Divine 
Word  ;  we  daily  behold  each  other ;  pour  forth  together 
our  sorrows  and  supplications  ;  and  before  we  return  home 
receive  the  common  blessing.  All  these  things  lighten 
our  affliction."  Again:  "the  forum  is  deserted,  but  the 
church  is  tilled.  That  giveth  cause  for  grief;  this  for 
spiritual  gladness.  When,  therefore,  ye  come  to  the 
forum  and  groan  at  the  sight  of  its  desolation,  fly  to  your 
spiritual  mother,  and  she  will  straightwise  console  you 
vllth  the  multitude  of  her  children  ;  will  discover  to  you 
the  united  band  of  brethren,  and  dispel  your  grief.  We 
seek  for  men  in  the  city  as  in  a  desert ;  but  if  we  take 
refuge  in  the  church  we  are  thronged  by  the  multitude. 
As  when  the  sea  is  lifted  up,  and  driven  by  the  raging 
storm,  terror  constraineth  those  without  to  fly  into  the 
harbours,  so  now  the  tempest,  which  hath  burst  upon  our 
city,  hurrieth  every  one  from  all  directions  into  the 
church,  and  uniteth  its  members  by  the  bond  of  love." 
Again :  "  Whence  could  ye  derive  consolation,  if  we  did 
not  console  you?  The  authorities  of  this  world  terrify 
you, — the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  strengthen  you  ; — the 
Church,  our  common  mother,  openeth  daily  her  bosom  to 
welcome  you  as  her  children." 


Flavian  arrived  at  Constantinople  a  short  time  before 
Easter,  and  the  success  of  his  mission  was  greatly  advan- 
ced by  the  period  of  his  arrival.  The  Christians,  accord- 
ing to  ancient  usage,  celebrated  their  festivals  by  acts  of 
mercy,  especially  that  of  Easter,  on  account  of  the  great 
event  then  solemnized.  It  was  even  acknowledged  by  the 
civil  code,  that  during  that  season  mercy  ought  to  prevail. 
About  this  time  the  Emperor  issued  to  the  provinces  an 
edict,  in  which  he  commanded,  that  all  prisoners  should 
be  released  in  honour  of  the  festival  of  Easter,  and  added, 
"  Would  that  I  were  able  to  recall  the  executed?  Would 
that  I  could  raise  them  and  restore  them  to  life !"  Bishop 
Flavian  reminded  the  Emperor  of  these  words,  and  they 
made  a  strong  impression  upon  his  mind,  as  Chrysostom 
had  predicted,  when  he  read  that  edict  to  his  congregation 
for  the  purpose  of  consoling  them :  "  Deeply  affected, 
Theodosius  uttered  words,  says  Chrysostom,  which  became 
him  more  than  his  imperial  crown :  '  Is  it  then,'  said  the 
Emperor,  '  wonderful,  that  we,  being  men,  should  remit 
our  anger  against  men  who  have  insulted  us ;  when  the 
Lord  of  the  world.  Who  descended  upon  earth,  and  took 
upon  Him  for  our  sake  the  form  of  a  servant,  while  cruci- 
fied by  those,  whose  benefactor  He  had  been,  prayed  to 
His  Father  for  His  murderers,  saying,  '  Forgive  them ; 
for  they  know  not  what  they  do  ?'  Wherefore  then  are  ye 
surprised,  that  we  forgive  our  fellow- servants  ?"  Theodo- 
sius wrote  a  letter  to  the  Antiochians,  in  which  he 
promised  to  forget  their  past  offences,  and  Flavian  was 
commissioned  to  carry  this  letter  with  diligence  to  his 
flock,  that  it  might  arrive  during  Easter,  and  contribute 
to  the  joy  and  gratitude  with  which  that  festival  was  cele- 
brated. Chrysostom  announced  these  events  to  his  con- 
gregation in  a  discourse  on  Easter-day,  a.  d.  387,  which 
he  thus  began : — "  In  the  words  with  which  I  was  wont  to 
commence  my  appeal  to  your  love  in  the  period  of  danger, 
in  the  same  words  I  will  commence  my  discourse  to-day, 
and  say  with  you,  blessed  be  God  !  Who  to-day  permitteth 
us  to  celebrate  this  sacred  feast  with  exceeding  joy  and 


gladness ;  Who  hath  restored  the  head  to  the  body,  the 
shepherd  to  his  flock,  the  master  to  his  disciples,  the 
leader  to  his  soldiers,  the  high-priest  to  his  clergy.  '  Bles- 
sed be  God  !'  Who  doeth  exceeding  abundantly  above  all 
that  we  ask  or  think."  He  concluded  with  the  following 
exhortation,  in  allusion  to  their  conduct  upon  the  arrival 
of  a  messenger  dispatched  by  Flavian  with  the  welcome 
intelligence  to  Antioch:  "As  ye  then  did,  when  ye 
crowned  the  market  with  wreathes  of  flowers,  kindled  the 
lights,  extended  the  carpets  before  the  workshops,  and 
celebrated,  as  it  were,  the  birthday  of  a  city ; — do  always, 
but  in  a  different  manner:  crown  not  the  forum  with 
flowers,  but  crown  yourselves  with  virtue ;  kindle  the  light 
of  good  works  in  your  souls,  and  rejoice  with  spiritual 
gladness.  Let  us  not  cease  to  thank  God  for  the  mercy, 
which  He  hath  shewn  to  us,  and  let  us  confess  our  great 
obligations  to  Him,  not  only  for  having  dispelled  these 
dreadful  calamities,  but  likewise  for  having  permitted 
them  to  impend  over  us ;  for  by  both  of  these  dispensations 
He  hath  conferred  honour  upon  our  city.  Declare  these 
events  to  your  children  with  prophetic  voice ;  let  your 
children  relate  them  to  their  children ;  they  again  to 
another  generation; — that  all  futurity  may  know  the 
mercy  shewn  by  God  towards  this  city ;  may  deem  us 
blessed  to  have  enjoyed  beneficence  so  great ;  may  venerate 
our  Lord,  Who  hath  raised  a  city  thus  fallen :  and  may 
thereby  be  benefited  and  excited  to  piety.  For  the 
history  of  these  events  will  not  only  greatly  benefit  our- 
selves, if  we  be  constantly  mindful  of  them,  but  likewise 
those  who  live  after  us." 

These  important  events  induced  many  of  the  heathens 
at  xlntioch  to  become  converts  to  Christianity. 

The  XlXth  Homily  of  St.  Chrysostom  ad  pop.  Antioch. 
is  in  these  days  worthy  of  attention,  being  addressed  to 
the  presbyters  of  the  distant  country  parishes,  who  came 
to  the  metropolis  to  celebrate  Ascension-day.  St.  Chrysos- 
tom represents  them  as  simple  persons,  chosen  from 
among   the   peasantry,    deficient  in   the   higher   mental 


attainments,  and  unacquainted  with  Greek  literature  and 
accomplishments,  although  fully  capable  of  propounding 
in  plain  language  the  essential  doctrines  of  their  faith. 

During  the  ensuing  year  Chrysostom  appears  to  have 
been  often  interrupted  in  the  exercise  of  his  vocation  by 
sickness,  which  had  been  brought  on  by  his  former  ascetic 
practices.  When,  after  a  second  illness,  he  was  sufficient- 
ly recovered  to  preach  again,  he  began  by  testifying  his 
joy  at  being  enabled  to  re- appear  in  the  midst  of  his 
beloved  flock,  the  separation  from  whom  had  been  more 
painful  to  him  than  the  disease  itself.  He  then  alluded, 
as  was  often  his  custom,  to  the  sermons  preached  during 
the  late  fast,  by  which  he  had  induced  a  part  of  his  con- 
gregation to  pass  a  law  among  themselves  renouncing  all 
forms  of  asseveration,  except  yea  and  nay.  While  he 
praised  those  who  had  entered  into  an  agreement  strictly 
to  fulfil  this  command  of  Christ,  he  at  the  same  time 
added,  that  they  must  not  suppose,  that  it  was  enough  to 
comply  with  this  single  injunction ;  for  the  observance  of 
all  the  commands  of  Christ  was  necessary  to  form  the 
harmony  of  a  Christian  life  ;  and  he  therefore  required  of 
them  to  obey  another  more  difficult  law,  that  of  suppres- 
sing anger  and  revenge,  and  of  forgiving  injuries,  in  sup- 
port of  which  exhortation  he  explained  and  applied  the 
parable  of  the  ten  talents. 

It  is  evident  from  this  that  he  did  not  see  any  objection 
to  the  formation  of  societies,  to  enable  their  members  to 
observe  with  greater  strictness  particular  duties. 

When  St.  Chrysostom  entered  upon  his  ministry  at 
Antioch,  there  existed  a  schism  in  the  Church,  which  had 
been  maintained  above  twenty  years  in  all  the  rage  of 
party  spirit.  Independent  of  the  larger  portion  of  the 
community,  which  looked  up  to  Meletius  as  their  Bishop, 
a  separate  congregation  had  grown  up,  which  had  never 
been  brought  to  acknowledge  that  worthy  man,  because  he 
had  been  appointed  to  his  high  office  by  the  influence  of 
Arians,  although  his  opinions  conformed  so  little  to  those 
of  Alius,  that  he  was  shortly  after  his  installation,  exiled 


on  account  of  bis  opposition  to  those  doctrines.  When 
Meletius  died,  a.  d.  381,  while  the  council  of  Constanti- 
nople was  being  held,  the  schism  might  easily  have  been 
healed,  had  it  not  been  arranged  according  to  the 
demands  of  Gregory  Nazianzen,  and  agreeably  to  the 
decision  of  a  former  treaty  ratified  by  oaths,  that  no  other 
Bishop  should  be  associated  with  the  aged  Paulinus.  In 
that  case,  after  the  death  of  Paulinus, — which  could  not 
have  been  very  distant — the  schism  would  of  itself  have 
subsided.  But  the  arrogant  self-will  of  the  Orientalists 
permitted  not  this  arrangement;  and  by  the  choice  of 
Flavian  in  the  room  of  Meletius,  the  schism  was  handed 
down  to  succeeding  ages.  This  schism  had  been  accom- 
panied by  the  injurious  consequences  ever  attendant  upon 
such  divisions.  Those  very  persons,  who  distinguished 
themselves  by  a  more  than  ordinary  interest  in  the  con- 
cerns of  religion  and  the  Church,  were  led,  from  a  mis- 
taken sympathy  to  engage  the  most  ardently  in  the  cause 
of  one  or  other  of  the  contending  parties ;  and  they,  who 
could  have  effected  so  much  for  their  own  salvation  and 
that  of  others,  had  their  zeal  been  properly  directed, 
forgot  that  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity  is  that  of 
humility  and  love.  On  this  point  Chrysostom  thus  expres- 
ses himself:  "  Of  those  who  form  our  Church,  some  never 
come  hither,  or  once  only  in  the  year ;  and  then  they  de- 
mean themselves  carelessly,  and  are  devoid  of  godly  fear. 
Others  come  more  frequently,  but  they  likewise  behave 
themselves  irreverently,  talking  hghtly  and  jesting  about 
trifles.  They,  however,  who  seem  zealous  and  in  earnest, 
are  the  workers  of  this  mischief."  He  was  compelled  par- 
ticularly to  censure  the  women,  who  took  a  vehement  part 
in  those  factious  disputes,  and  against  them  his  admoni- 
tory discourses  were  chiefly  directed. 

Besides  this  little  party,  separated  from  the  mother 
church,  more  through  accidental  circumstances  than  by 
any  essential  difference  of  doctrine,  there  were  scattered 
throughout  the  city  of  Antioch  members  of  other  sects, 
dissenting  from  the  Church  in  important  points.    As  they 


contended  with  the  other  Christians  upon  certain  dogmas, 
and  endeavoured  to  promulgate  their  own  opinions,  Chrj- 
sostom  considered  it  to  be  his  duty,  by  thoroughly  refuting 
their  errors,  to  guard  his  congregation  against  these 
attacks,  and  at  the  same  time  to  instruct  them  in  the 
means  of  refuting  the  sectarians  in  their  own  discussions 
with  them.  He  hoped  likewise  to  turn  many  from  their 
mistaken  views,  as  both  heathens  and  heretics  attended 
his  sermons,  either  attracted  by  his  eloquence,  or  desirous 
of  hearing  his  allegations  against  them.  In  order  to 
obtain  a  hearing  among  the  unlearned,  the  heretics  com- 
monly pretended,  that,  differing  from  the  Church  in  no 
essential  points,  they  equally  believed  in  Christ,  and 
equally  preached  His  religion.  They  appealed  to  the  words 
of  St.  Paul:  "What  then?  notwithstanding  everyway, 
whether  in  pretence  or  in  truth,  Christ  is  preached." 
Chrysostom  in  order  to  preserve  his  flock  from  indiffer- 
ence, endeavoured  to  prove,  in  a  homily  upon  this  passage, 
that  it  had  been  perverted  to  an  end  entirely  foreign  to  its 
real  signification.  He  first  asserted  that  St.  Paul  spoke  not 
here  of  what  ought  to  occur,  but  of  what  was  occuning. 
Then,  that  St.  Paul  alluded  not  to  those,  who  under  the 
name  of  Christ,  promulgated  a  false  religion  ;  but  to  those 
who  delivered  the  true  doctrine  from  imj)ure  motives,  and 
not  from  sincere  conviction.  Against  this  perversion  of 
the  doctrine  of  St.  Paul,  he  shews  from  passages  such  as 
Gal.  i.  8,  and  II  Cor.  xi.  2,  3,  that  St.  Paul  attached 
great  importance  to  purity  of  doctrine,  and  considered  as 
deeply  injurious  the  errors  which  seduced  men  from  the 
true  faith. 

Among  the  peasantry,  and  in  the  smaller  towns  of 
Syria,  the  Manicheans  and  Gnostics  had  always  main- 
tained themselves,  but  few  of  them  appear  to  have  resided 
at  Antioch, —  at  all  events,  their  influence  was  slight  in 
that  great  metropolis.  Chrysostom,  therefore,  merely 
noticed  their  doctrines  incidentally  in  his  sermons,  when 
he  defended  the  free-will  of  man  against  their  views  of 

VOL  IV.  E 


predestination  and  fatality;  or  when  he  sought  to  prove, 
in  opposition  to  their  tenets,  that  the  body  in  itself  is  not 
the  cause  of  evil,  and  that  neither  the  body,  nor  aught 
that  is  external,  can  compel  men  to  sin. 

The  Eunomians  were  a  sect  of  far  greater  importance 
at  Antioch.  They  were  transplanted  thither  at  an  early 
period,  and  combatted  the  doctrine  of  the  true  divinity  of 
Christ, — that  the  Son  was  of  the  same  substance  with  the 
Father;  and  it  appears,  that  their  chief  leaders,  CEtius  and 
Eunomius,  had  formerly  preached  in  that  city.  Soon 
after  he  had  entered  upon  his  ministry,  St.  Chrysostom  felt 
himself  compelled  to  defend  in  his  discourses  this  impor- 
tant doctrine  against  the  objections  disseminated  by 
members  of  this  sect  among  his  congregation.  But  for 
some  time  he  purposely  refrained  from  attacking  them, 
because  he  observed,  that  many  of  their  party  frequented 
the  church  for  the  sake  of  hearing  him,  and  he  was  desir- 
ous not  to  scare  them  away,  trusting,  that,  if  he  could 
obtain  their  confidence,  his  instruction  might  win  a  more 
easy  access  to  their  hearts.  He  was  successful  in  the 
attainment  of  his  object,  being  iu  the  first  years  of  his 
ministry  called  upon  by  the  sectarians  themselves  to  state 
the  opinions  he  held  in  opposition  to  their  tenets. 

Equally  cogent  were  his  arguments  against  the  Proto- 
paschites,  the  Jews,  and  the  Heathens.  Many  of  the 
Christians  observed,  with  uneasiness,  that  some  of  the 
heathens  led  a  life  consistent  with  the  ordinary  demands 
of  morality,  but  that,  nevertheless,  they  continued  in  hea- 
thenism. If  there  were,  among  the  Christians,  those  to 
whom  the  true  requisites  of  holiness  were  unknown,  the 
idea  obtruded  itself  upon  them,  that  without  being  Chris- 
tians, they  might  lead  a  good  life  and  attain  to  eternal 
happiness.  In  allusion  to  those,  who  became  thus  trou- 
bled at  beholding  a  heathen  mild,  virtuous,  and  benevo- 
lent, remain  unconverted,  Chrysostom  observed :  "  He 
hath  perhaps  another  disease  of  the  soul,  vanity,  or  sloth ; 
'he   provideth  not  for  his   salvation,   but  thinketh  that 


chance  will  guide  all  things  to  his  advantage."  Again : 
**  Tell  me  not  of  those  who  are  bj  nature  modest  and 
discreet;  for  theirs  is  not  holiness.  But  name  to  me 
those  who  have  to  struggle  with  vehement  passions,  yet 
possess  the  power  of  controlling  them.  Tell  me  not,  that 
a  man  leadeth  a  sober  life,  and  defraudeth  no  one  of  his 
property  :  this  alone  is  not  holiness  ;  for  of  what  avail  is 
it,  if  a  man  do  these  things,  and  yet  be  the  slave  of  vain 
glory  ?  or  continue  in  heathenism,  because  he  is  ashamed 
to  desert  his  friends  ?  This  is  not  living  righteously. 
The  slave  of  ambition  is  not  less  wicked  than  the  for- 

In  those  days  the  Church  did  not  enjoin  as  necessary 
auricular  confession  previous  to  the  celebration  of  the 
Holy  Communion,  nor  indeed  at  any  other  time.  When 
Chrysostom  exhorts  his  flock  to  a  confession  of  their  sins, 
he  means  the  silent  confession  of  the  heart  before  God. 
Since  therefore  no  confession  preceded  the  Lord's  Supper, 
the  liturgy  of  the  communion  service  w^as  so  ordered,  as 
to  excite  men  to  self-examination,  and  to  deter  those  from 
approaching  the  altar,  who,  on  account  of  their  evil  lives, 
merited  exclusion  from  the  congregation.  AVith  this  view, 
Chrysostom  thus  availed  himself  of  the  short,  but  impor- 
tant demands  of  this  liturgy :  '•  Hear  ye  not  the  words  of 
the  deacon,  during  the  celebration  of  the  holy  communion, 
who  constantly  calleth  out :  Knoiv  one  another.  Doth  he 
not  entrust  to  you  the  strict  examination  of  your 
brethren?"  That  no  one  might  plead  as  an  excuse  his 
ignorance  of  the  danger  connected  with  an  unworthy  par- 
ticipation of  the  supper  of  the  Lord,  and  since  no  man  can 
look  into  the  heart  of  another,  the  priest,  says  Chrysostom, 
requires  all  those  to  retire,  whose  consciences  admonish 
them  of  their  own  unworthiness ;  "for  standing  aloft, 
seen  by  all,  and  raising  his  hand,  he  calleth  in  that 
moment  of  awful  stillness  with  a  loud  and  solemn  voice  : 
'  Holy  things  for  the  holy.'  " 

At  the  same  time,  that  he  exhorted  men  to  repentance, 
he  warned  them  against  the  delusion  of  those,  who  con- 


sidered  atonement  for  sin  to  consist  in  certain  mortifica- 
tions of  the  flesh,  and  other  outward  performances,  an 
error  which,  he  says,  was  particularly  prevalent  among  the 
women,  and,  as  he  had  done  in  two  writings  already  cited, 
he  called  attention  to  that  Christian  repentance,  which 
sprung  from  the  heart.  Thus  he  says :  "  Let  us  not  then 
despair  on  account  of  our  sins,  neither  let  us  become 
slothful ;  but  while  we  acknowledge  our  sins,  let  our 
hearts  be  contrite,  and  let  not  our  repentance  consist  in 
mere  words.  For  I  know  many  who  profess  to  grieve  for 
their  sins,  and  yet  give  no  real  proof  of  their  repentance. 
They  fast  indeed  and  wear  sackcloth,  but  are  more  greedy 
after  gain  than  hucksters ;  are  more  a  prey  to  anger  than 
wild  beasts ;  and  delight  more  to  speak  evil  of  their 
neighbour,  than  others  do  to  speak  good  of  their  neigh- 
bour. This  is  a  mere  mask,  a  shadow  of  repentance  ;  it 
is  not  repentance.  In  such  cases  it  were  well  to  say,  take 
heed,  '  lest  Satan  should  get  an  advantage  of  us,  for  we 
are  not  ignorant  of  his  devices.'  Some  he  destroy eth 
through  their  sins,  others  he  bringeth  to  perdition  through 
their  repentance,  by  suffering  them  to  gather  thence  no 
fruit.  For  those  whom  he  cannot  ruin  in  a  common  way, 
he  inciteth  to  greater  exertions,  that  he  may  render  their 
repentance  unfruitful,  by  persuading  them,  that  they  have 
made  full  atonement  for  their  sins,  and  may  therefore  rest 
in  security.  If  we  fast,  and  are  thereby  filled  with  arro- 
gance, our  fasting  will  prove  to  us  an  injury,  not  a  benefit. 
Humble  therefore  thine  heart,  that  God  may  be  near  to 
thee  ;  for  '  the  Lord  is  nigh  unto  them  that  are  of  a  con- 
trite heart.'  If  thou  have  committed  sin,  lament  not, 
because  thou  hast  incurred  punishment,  for  that  is 
nothing  ;  but  because  thou  hast  offended  the  Lord,  who  is 
so  merciful,  so  good  to  thee,  and  so  solicitous  for  thy  salva- 
tion, that  He  hath  given  up  His  only  Son  unto  death  for 
thy  sake.  Lament  therefore  unceasingly;  for  thus  to 
lament,  is  truly  to  confess  thy  sins." 

!Neander  observes  that  Chrysostom,  anxious  to  withdraw 
from  man  every  prop  of  immorality,  opposed  the  placing  of 


any  confidence  in  the  intercession  of  the  saints,  hecause 
many  were  thereby  lulled  into  a  state  of  security  and 
indolence ;  and  were  restrained  from  drawing  out  of  the 
one  fountain  of  all  good,  and  from  applying  in  the  con- 
cerns of  their  souls  to  the  one  Eternal  Mediator.  It  is 
true,  that  Chrysoslom  did  not  reject  the  imploring  of  the 
intercessions  of  the  saints,  which  custom  was  beginning  to 
prevail  at  that  time  throughout  the  Church ;  but  he 
always  directed  men  from  the  saints,  as  the  mere  instru- 
ments of  divine  grace,  to  God  and  Christ. 

In  the  year  397  Nectarius,  Bishop  of  Constantinople, 
died.  Some  time  was  passed  in  deliberating  in  the  choice 
of  his  successor ;  several  were  proposed,  and  some  priests 
offered  themselves,  offering  presents,  and  even  falling  on 
their  knees  before  the  people,  who  were  so  scandalized  at 
it,  that  they  besought  the  Emperor  to  look  out  for  some 
one  worthy  of  the  sacerdotal  office.  The  eunuch,  Eutro- 
pius,  who  governed  the  Emperor  Arcadius,  had  been 
acquainted  with  the  virtues  and  talents  of  Chrysostom,  in 
a  journey  he  had  made  to  the  East;  and  at  his  recom- 
mendation Chrysostom  was  elected  Bishop  of  Constan- 
tinople, by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  people  and 
clergy,  and  with  the  approbation  of  the  Emperor.  But  it 
was  so  notorious  how  well  he  was  beloved  at  Antioch,  where 
he  had  officiated  as  priest  for  twelve  years,  and  how  ready 
the  people  of  that  city  were  to  raise  commotions,  that 
Eutropius  caused  the  Emperor  to  write  to  Asterius, 
Count  of  the  East,  with  orders  to  send  him  away  without 
noise.  The  count  having  received  the  Emperor's  letter, 
desired  Chrysostom  to  meet  him,  on  pretence  of  some 
business,  at  a  church  near  the  Roman  gate.  Here  taking 
him  into  his  chariot,  he  drove  with  speed  to  a  place  called 
Bagras,  where  he  placed  him  in  the  hands  of  an  eunuch 
and  an  officer  sent  to  conduct  him  to  Constantinople. 

St.  Chrysostom  found  in  Constantinople  all  the  vices  of 
Asia  concentrated,   and,  determining  to  efiect  a  reforma- 
tion, he  commenced  with  his  own  household.     He  sold 


the  sumptuous  furniture  and  rich  vessels  with  which  his 
predecessor  had  dazzled  the   public  eye  ;    and  thinking 
to   maintain  the  dignity  of  the  episcopate,   not   by  his 
splendid  equipages,  but    by  his  active  benevolence,    he 
established  hospitals,  and   devoted  his  whole  income  to 
charitable  purposes.     But  while  he  obtained   from   the 
poor  the  glorious  title  of  John  of  Almsdeeds,  he  offended 
the  worldly,  who  respect  while  they  murmur  at  the  mag- 
nificence of  their  prelate.     At  the  same  time  it  appears 
from  Socrates  that  his  temper  was  not  always  under  con- 
trol, and  that  his  manners  were  far  from  conciliatory.    In 
the  church  and  in  the  pulpit  he  was  unequaled  :  but  he 
was  perhaps  better  adapted  to  be  the  preaching  presbyter 
of  Antioch,  than  to  be  the  representative  of  the  democratic 
interest  at  Constantinople.     The  remains  of  the  demo- 
cracy of  the  old  Roman  empire  were  found  in  the  Church, 
where  and  where  only  the  cause  of  the  plebeian  and  the 
poor  was  fearlessly  maintained,  against  an  aristocracy  of 
wealth  as  well  as  birth.    It  was  through  the  Church  that  the 
progress  of  a  grinding  despotism  was  checked ;  and  to  put 
down  the  power  of  the  Church  was  the  great  object  of  the 
temporal  authorities.   St.  Chrysostom  weakened  the  worldly 
power  of  the  Church  by  doing  his  duty  as  a  man  of  God. 
His  attempt  to  reform  the  clergy  alienated  from  him  all  who 
preferred  sentiment  to  self-denial,   and  who  viewed  holy 
orders  with  merely  professional  views.     And  ecclesiastics, 
to  indulge  their   animosity   against   their   bishop,    were 
willing  to  unite  with  the  civil  authorities  to  depose  him, 
while  the  faction  found  a  powerful  leader  in  the  Alexan- 
drian patriarch,  whose  feelings  of  jealousy  had  long  been 
excited  against  Chrysostom,  and  who,  probably,  regarded 
with  equal  jealousy  the  powers  and  authority  conceded  to 
the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.     The  aristocratic  party, 
thus  strengthened  by  a  division  among  the  ecclesiastics, 
were   able   to   degrade   for   the   first   time  the  episcopal 
authority  at  Constantinople,   and  though  their  triumph 
was  -not  completed  by  the   fall  of   St.   Chrysostom,    an 


advantage  was  gained,  which  was  brought  ere  long  to  a 
successful  issue. 

St.  Chrysostom,  hke  all  the  bishops  of  that  age,  regarded 
the  Church  as  the  protector  of  the  oppressed  as  well  as  the 
poor.  It  had  powder,  and  that  power  was  exerted  to  pro- 
tect men  against  the  tyranny  of  the  dominant  aristocracy, 
and  even  the  great  men  of  the  empire  when  injured 
sought  the  protection  of  that  very  body  which,  when  in 
power,  they  sought  to  afflict.  This  accounts  for  St.  Chry- 
sostom's  conduct  to  Eutropius.  When  disgraced  Eutropius 
sought  sanctuary  in  the  church,  St.  Chrysostom,  as  the 
great  ecclesiastical  authority  of  Constantinople,  uuintimi- 
dated  by  threats,  extended  to  hira  his  protection.  The 
privilege  of  the  ecclesiastical  state  was  to  be  maintained ; 
but  St.  Chrysostom  had  a  duty  also  as  bishop  to  perform, 
and  therefore  to  the  criminal  he  addressed  himself  in  the 
severest  terms. 

"  Where  now,"  he  says,  addressing  himself  to  Eutro- 
pius, "  are  your  cup-bearers  ?  your  attendants  who  made 
way  for  you  in  the  streets,  and  who  flattered  you  ?  They 
are  fled,  they  have  renounced  your  friendship,  they  seek 
their  own  safety  by  your  ruin.  We  do  not  act  thus  ;  the 
Church,  to  whom  you  have  offered  violence,  opens  her 
bosom  to  receive  you ;  and  the  theatres,  which  you  have 
supported  at  so  vast  an  expense,  which  have  so  often  been 
the  cause  of  your  indignation  agaiust  us,  have  betrayed 
you.  I  say  not  this  to  insult  over  him  that  is  fallen,  but 
to  strengthen  those  that  yet  stand."  He  adds  further, 
speaking  of  Eutropius  :  "  Yesterday,  when  they  came  from 
the  palace  to  force  him  hence  he  ran  to  the  sacred  vessels, 
pale  as  death,  trembling  all  over,  with  chattering  teeth 
and  stammering  tongue."  Then  reconnmending  him  to 
their  compassion,  he  adds:  "You  will  say,  'He  hath 
shut  the  doors  of  this  sanctuary  by  divers  laws  ;'  but 
experience  hath  taught  him  what  mischief  he  hath  done  ; 
he  himself  is  the  first  that  hath  broken  the  law,  and  his 
disgrace  is  become  a  warning  to  all.  The  altar  now 
appears  more  terrible,  for  it  holdeth  the  lion  chained ; 


like  the  image  of  our  Prince,  treading  under  foot  the 
vanquished  and  captive  barbarians."  He  goes  on  :  "  Have 
I  soothed  you f  passion ?  Have  I  assuaged  your  anger? 
Have  I  extinguished  your  cruelty?  Have  I  raised  your 
compassion  ?  Yes,  your  looks,  these  torrents  of  tears 
declare  it.  Come  then,  let  us  throw  ourselves  at  the  feet 
of  the  Emperor;  or  rather,  let  us  beseech  the  God  of 
mercy,  to  inspire  his  heart  with  pity,  that  he  may  grant 
us  the  favour  we  ask  in  full.  He  is  already  changed;  as 
soon  as  he  lieard  that  Eutropius  had  fled  for  refuge  to 
this  holy  place,  he  harangued  at  length  his  court  and 
troops,  who  strove  to  exasperate  him  against  the  criminal, 
and  were  clamorous  for  his  death.  The  Emperor  shed 
tears,  and  made  mention  of  the  holy  table,  whither  he 
had  fled  for  safety,  and  thus  did  he  appease  their  rage. 
After  this,  what  mercy  can  you  deserve,  if  you  retain 
yours  ?  How  will  you  approach  the  mysteries,  and  say 
the  prayer  in  which  we  entreat  forgiveness  even  as  we 
forgive  ?  Let  us  rather  pray  to  the  God  of  mercy  to 
deliver  this  unhappy  man  from  death,  and  grant  him  time 
to  put  away  his  crimes ;"  St.  Chrysostom  refers  here  to 
holy  baptism,  for  Eutropius  was  a  pagan. 

This  discourse  had  the  desired  effect;  and  St.  Chry- 
sostom saved  the  life  of  Eutropius,  but  not  without 
difficulty,  and  some  blows.  The  people  came  to  the  church 
in  arms,  drew  their  swords,  and  brought  the  holy  Bishop 
to  the  palace,  where  he  was  charged  with  the  discourse 
which  he  had  made  as  with  a  crime,  and  threatened  with 
death.  He  was  unmoved,  nor  vrould  he  deliver  up 
Eutropius,  thus  proving,  as  he  says,  tlie  invincible  power 
of  the  Church,  founded  upon  the  Rock :  the  Church,  he 
adds,  which  consists  not  in  a  building,  walls,  and  roofs ; 
but  in  its  morality  and  laws. 

St.  Chrysostom  thus  did  his  duty,  and  was  saving  the 
people  from  themselves.  They  only  saw  in  Eutropius, 
the  representative  of  an  oppressive  aristocracy,  although 
his  had  been  only  the  aristocracy  of  wealth,  and  having 
their  oppressor  in  their  power  they  sought  to  take  ven- 


geance  upon  him,  not  seeing  that  by  the  protection  that 
was  extended  to  him,  St.  Chrysostom  was  upholding  that 
power  through  which  alone  their  own  rights  and  liberties 
could  be  maintained. 

In  his  office  of  preacher  he  was  still  as  successful  as 
at  Antioch.  He  was  an  advocate  for  an  evening  service. 
He  exhorted  the  people  to  be  constant  at  the  church 
service  of  the  night,  that  is,  the  men  who  had  not  leisure 
in  the  day-time ;  for  as  to  women,  he  would  have 
them  stay  at  home,  ond  only  come  to  church  in  the 
day-time.  "  It  is  necessary,"  says  he,  "  to  remember 
God  at  all  times  ;  but  especially  when  the  mind  is  at  rest, 
that  is,  in  the  night  season ;  for  by  day  we  are  interrupted 
by  other  affairs."  And  in  another  place :  "  It  was  not 
intended  that  we  should  spend  the  whole  night  in  sleep 
and  inactivity.  This  appears  by  the  practice  of  handi- 
craftsmen, drivers,  and  merchants ;  so  also  by  those  of 
the  Church,  who  rise  at  midnight.  Do  you  rise  likewise, 
and  behold  the  beantifal  order  of  the  stars,  that  profound 
silence,  that  universal  repose.  The  soul  is  then  more 
pure,  more  free,  and  more  elevated ;  darkness  and  silence 
excite  compunction ;  and  all  men  being  stretched  upon 
their  beds,  as  in  their  graves,'  represent  the  end  of  the 
world.  I  speak  both  to  men  and  women ;  bend  your 
knees,  sigh  and  pray;  if  you  have  children,  wake  them 
also ;  and  let  your  house  be  like  a  church  in  the  night- 
season.  If  they  have  not  strength  to  bear  watching,  let 
them  say  a  prayer  or  two,  in  order  to  accustom  them  to 
rise,  and  then  lie  down  again."  These  exhortations  gave 
'  offence  to  the  slothful  among  the  clerks,  who  were  wont  to 
spend  the  whole  night  in  sleep. 

Chrysostom  laboured  also  to  abate  the  pride  of  the 
rich,  and  to  teach  them  humility  and  moderation.  "What 
reason  have  you,"  said  he,  "to  set  so  great  a  value  on 
yourselves,  and  to  think  you  do  us  a  favour,  when  you 
come  to  this  place,  to  hear  what  conduces  to  your  salvation? 
Is  it  your  wealth  ?  Your  robes  of  silk  ?  Know  ye  not, 
that  they  are  spun  by  worms,   and  wrought  by  the  hands 


of  barbarians  ?  That  they  are  worn  by  abandoned  women, 
robbers,  the  sacrilegious,  and  by  others  of  character  most 
infamous  ?  Descend  from  this  haughtiuess ;  reflect  upon 
the  vileness  of  your  nature ;  what  are  ye  but  earth,  dust, 
ashes,  and  vapour?  You  have,  indeed,  many  men  under 
your  command,  but  yourselves  are  slaves  to  your  own  pas- 
sions. You  resemble  the  man  who  suffers  himself  to  be 
beaten  by  his  servants  at  home,  and  boasts  of  his  power 

His  exhortations  had  so  good  an  effect,  that  the  whole 
city  of  Constantinople  daily  made  a  visible  progress  in 
piety.  Even  those  who  had  been  passionately  fond  of  the 
horse-race,  and  the  other  public  shows,  forsook  the  circus 
and  the  theatre,  and  came  in  crowds  to  the  church.  We 
find  also  very  powerful  discourses  delivered  at  Constanti- 
nople against  these  abuses.  It  was  in  this  city  that  he 
expounded,  among  others,  the  Epistles  to  the  Ephesians, 
to  the  Colossians,  and  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles.  He  preached  three  times  a- week ;  and  some- 
times seven  days  successively.  The  crowd  was  so  great  at 
his  sermons,  that,  to  place  himself  where  he  might  be 
heard,  he  was  obliged  to  quit  his  usual  station,  and  sit  in 
the  middle  of  the  church,  in  the  reader's  desk.  Some 
came  to  hear  him  out  of  curiosity  ;  but  many  became  con- 
verts, as  well  pagans  as  heretics. 

St.  Chrysostom  did  not  confine  his  anxious  care  to  his 
own  Church  of  Constantinople,  but  extended  it  to  all  the 
rest.  He  reformed  the  Churches  of  the  six  provinces  of 
Thrace,  the  eleven  provinces  of  Asia,  and  the  eleven  pro- 
vinces of  Pontus,  in  all  twenty-eight.  He  applied  himself 
likewise  to  missionary  labour,  and  especially  to  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Scythians. 

Thus  did  he  gain  more  and  more  the  affection  of  the 
people  by  his  courage,  his  piety,  and  his  eloquence,  while 
at  the  same  time  he  became  more  odious  to  the  great,  and 
a  section  of  his  clergy.  He  came  again  into  collision  with 
the  court,  where  the  Emperor  wished  to  conciliate  the  bar* 


barian  and  Arian  Gaines,  by  granting  to  him  a  place  of 
worship  within  the  city ;  St.  Chrysostom  refused. 

The  Arians  indeed  were  very  numerous  at  Constanti- 
nople, and  as  they  were  obliged  to  hold  their  assemblies 
without  the  city,  they  met  within   the   walls   near   the 
public  porticoes  to  go  out  together,  on  the  solemn  days  of 
every  week,  that  is,  on  Saturday  and  Sunday.     They  sang, 
in  two  choirs,  hymns  in  accordance  with  their  doctrine ; 
and  after  having  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  night  in  this 
manner,  they  went  out  in  the  morning,  and  crossed  the 
city   to   repair   to   their   place   of    assembly.      In   these 
hymns    they  endeavoured    to  incense  the  Catholics,    by 
saying ;  "  Where  are  those  who  affirm  that  three  things 
are  but  one  power  ?"      St.  Chrysostom,  fearing  lest  they 
should  shake  the  faith  of  some  of  the  simple,  procured 
some  Catholics  also  to  sing  during  the  night.    The  success 
did  not  answer  his  good  intention.     The  Catholics  per- 
formed their  nocturnal  prayers  with  more  display  than  the 
Arians  ;  they  carried  silver  crosses  surmounted  with  waxen 
torches,  the  invention  of  St.  Chrysostom,  and  provided  at 
the  expense  of  the  Empress  Eudoxia.     The  Arians,  still 
insolent  from  the  power  they  once  enjoyed,   could    not 
endure  this ;  they  fell  one  night  upon  the  Catholics  with 
such  fury,  that  an  eunuch  belonging  to   the   Empress, 
called  Brisco,  who  was  singing  with  the  rest,  was  wounded 
in  the  forehead  with  a  stone,  and  some  private  persons 
were  slain  on  both  sides.     This  occasioned  the  Emperor 
to  forbid  the  Arians  to  sing  any  more  in  public,  thus  re- 
newing the  prohibition  made   under   the   pontificate   of 
Nectarius,    in  396,   which   forbade    their    assembling  in 
the  city  to  perform  litanies  or  prayers  night  or  day.     All 
which  increased  the  affection  of  the  people  for  St.  Chrysos- 
tom, and  at  the  same  time  procured  him  enemies. 

In  the  year  400  St.  Chrysostom  had  received  a  decree 
from  the  clergy  of  Ephesus,  and  the  neighbouring  Bishops, 
most  solemnly  conjuring  him,  to  come  and  reform  that 
Church,  which  had  long  been  afHicted  by  Arians  and  bad 
Catholics :  and   to  arrest  the  cabals  of  those  who   were 


endeavouring  by  money  to  got  possession  of  the  vacant 
see.  St.  Chrysostom,  seeing  that  the  question  was  really 
the  restoration  of  discipline  throughout  the  whole  diocese 
of  Asia,  whore  it  had  fallen  into  decay,  as  much  through 
the  want  of  pastors  as  their  ignorance,  resolved  to  under- 
take the  journey,  notwithstanding  his  ill  health,  and  the 
severity  of  the  winter.  He  left  the  Church  of  Constan- 
tinople to  the  care  of  Severian,  Bishop  of  Gabala,  in 
Syria,  who  had  coine  to  preach  there,  and  in  whom  he 
placed  full  confidence ;  and  took  three  bishops  to  accom- 
pany him,  Paul,  Syrian,  and  Palladius. 

During  his  absence  the  faction  which  had  been  formed 
against  him  gained  strength,  and  a  correspondence  had 
been  established  with  Theophilus  of  Alexandria.  An 
accusation  had  been  lodged  against  Theophilus  before 
Chrysostom,  therefore  he  had  a  plea  for  coming  to 
Canstantinople  in  addition  to  the  imperial  command. 
At  length  he  came,  bringing  with  him  a  great  number  of 
bishops,  who  came  from  I'^gypt,  and  even  from  India.  He 
arrived  on  Thursday  about  noon,  and  was  immediately 
received  with  loud  acclamations  by  the  J^^gyptian  mariners, 
who  had  come  with  corn  to  Constantinople.  Having 
landed,  he  passed  by  the  church,  without  entering  it 
as  was  usual,  and  lodged  without  the  city  in  one  of 
the  Emperor's  houses,  called  Placidiana.  Chrysostom 
had  provided  lodgings  for  him  and  all  his  retinue,  and 
earnestly  })resscd  them  to  come  to  his  house,  all  which 
they  refused ;  and  Theophilus  would  neither  see  him, 
speak  to  him,  pray  with  him,  nor  give  him  any  other 
mark  of  communion.  Such  was  his  behaviour  during 
the  three  weeks  he  stayed  at  Constantinople.  He  never 
came  near  the  church,  though  St.  Chrysostom  continually 
pressed  him  to  go  there,  to  see  him,  or  at  least  to  let 
him  know  the  reason  why  he  had  thus  declared  war 
against  him,  from  the  very  moment  of  his  entrance 
into  the  city,  and  thus  caused  so  much  scandal  to  the 
people.  Theophilus,  however,  would  never  return  him 
any  answer. 


His  accusers,  that  is,  the  monks  whom  he  had  driven 
out  of  Egypt,  urged  St.  Chrysostom  to  do  them  justice ; 
and  the  Emperor,  having  sent  for  him,  ordered  him  to 
cross  the  bay,  on  the  other  side  of  which  Theophilus 
lodged,  and  hear  his  cause.  He  was  accused  of  violence, 
murder,  and  several  other  crimes.  But  St.  Chrysostom 
refused  to  take  cognizance  of  it,  partly  out  of  regard 
to  Theophilus,  but  more  out  of  respect  to  the  canons, 
which  forbade  Bishops  to  judge  any  cause  beyond  the 
limits  of  their  own  province,  and  upon  which  Theophilus 
himself  insisted  in  the  letters,  which  St.  Chrysostom  kept 
by  him. 

In  the  mean  time,  Theophilus  laboured  day  and  night 
for  the  means  of  driving  St.  Chrysostom  from  his  see.  He 
found  many  persons  at  Constantinople  full  of  resentment 
against  him.  Acacius,  Bishop  of  Berrhjjea,  who  had 
arrived  there  some  time  before,  being  dissatisfied  with  the 
lodging  prepared  for  him,  regarded  it  as  a  slight  put  ui)on 
him  by  St.  Chrysostom ;  and  transported  with  rage,  said 
to  some  of  the  clergy  of  St.  Chrysostom :  "  I  will  dress 
him  a  dainty  dish."  He  entered  into  a  strict  friendship 
with  Severian  of  Gabala,  Antiochus  of  Ptolemais,  and  a 
Syrian  Abbot  called  Isaac,  who  made  a  practice  of  travel- 
ling from  place  to  place,  and  calumniating  the  Bishops. 
The  first  thing  they  did  was  to  send  to  Antioch,  to  enquire 
into  the  behaviour  of  St.  Chrysostom  in  his  youth ;  and 
finding  nothing  for  their  purpose,  they  sent  to  Alexandria 
to  Theophilus,  who  from  that  time  carefully  sought  some 
pretence  for  accusing  him. 

In  the  city  of  Constantinople  itself,  Theophilus  met 
with  several  who  were  enemies  to  St.  Chrysostom,  namely, 
such  of  liis  clergy  as  were  unwilling  to  submit  to  the  dis- 
cipline he  would  have  introduced  among  them ;  and  in 
particular  two  priests  and  five  deacons  ;  two  or  three  per- 
sons belonging  to  the  Emperor's  court,  who  procured 
soldiers  for  Theophilus,  to  assist  him  in  any  violent  mea- 
sures ;  and  three  widows  of  the  first  rank,  Marsa,  widow  of 

VOL   IV.  F 


Promotus,  Castricia,  widow  of  Saturninus,  both  consular 
men,  and  Eugraphia,  whose  husband  is  not  known. 
St.  Chrysostom  was  in  the  habit  of  reproving  them, 
because,  though  now  grown  old,  they  continued  to  adorn 
themselves,  and  wore  artificial  hair.  The  Bishops  of  Asia, 
who  had  been  deposed,  were  not  backward  in  their  resent- 
ment. Theophilus  was  very  careful  to  foment  these 
animosities.  He  was  profuse  in  distributing  his  money, 
entertained  great  numbers  of  guests,  and  caressed  and 
flattered  the  ambition  of  the  ecclesiastics,  by  promising 
them  the  highest  dignities.  He  found  two  deacons  whom 
St.  Chrysostom  had  expelled  the  Church  for  their  crimes  ; 
one  for  murder,  and  the  other  for  adultery.  He  promised 
to  restore  them  to  their  former  station  ;  which  he  accord- 
ingly did  after  the  banishment  of  St.  Chrysostom.  On 
this  assurance  he  prevailed  on  them  to  present  petitions 
to  him,  which  he  had  drawn  up  himself,  and  were  false 
in  every  article  except  one,  which  was  this :  they  accused 
the  Bishop,  St.  Chrysostom,  of  advising  every  body  to  take, 
after  the  Communion,  some  water  and  some  pastils,  lest 
they  should  cast  out  with  their  spittle  some  part  of  the 
elements,  and  of  doing  so  himself.  Theophilus,  having 
received  this  petition,  went  to  the  house  of  Eugraphia 
with  Severian,  Antiochus,  Acacius,  and  the  rest  of  the 
enemies  of  Chrysostom.  Being  all  assembled,  they  con- 
sidered how  they  should  begin  to  proceed  against  him. 
One  of  them  proposed  the  presentation  of  a  petition  to  the 
Emperor,  to  oblige  St.  Chrysostom  to  come  to  their  assem- 
bly. This  advice  was  put  into  execution,  and  money  was 
not  wanting  to  remove  the  difficulties  that  attended  it. 
It  is  even  said  that  the  Empress  Eudoxia  was  personally 
offended  with  Chrysostom,  who,  on  hearing  that  she  had 
incensed  St.  Epiphanius  against  him,  had,  following  the 
natural  heat  of  his  temper,  delivered  a  discourse  against 
women  in  'general,  which  the  people  applied  to  the 
Empress.  She,  being  informed  of  it  by  some  ill-disposed 
persons,  had  complained  to  the  Emperor,  and  had  urged 


Theophilus  to  assemble  immediately  a  council  against 

A  suburb  of  Chalcedon  called  the  Oak,  of  which 
Cyrinus  was  Bishop,  was  the  place  chosen  for  holding 
this  council.  Cyrinus  was  an  Egyptian  by  birth,  and  an 
enemy  of  St.  Chrysostom.  When  Theophilus  with  the 
Bishops  in  his  retinue  passed  through  Chalcedon  in  their 
way  to  Constantinople,  Cyrinus  expressed  himself  with 
great  resentment  against  St.  Chrysostom,  calling  him  im- 
pious, insolent,  and  inexorable,  at  which  the  other  Bishops 
were  much  pleased.  He  was,  however,  unable  to  go  with 
them  to  Constantinople,  because  Maruthas,  Bishop  of 
Mesopotamia,  had  hurt  him  by  accidentally  treading  on 
his  foot.  But  as  Theophilus  believed  Cyrinus'  presence 
necessary  in  a  council  where  St.  Chrysostom  was  to  be 
accused,  he  resolved  to  hold  it  in  his  city ;  as  he  was  be- 
sides apprehensive  of  the  people  of  Constantinople,  who 
were  much  attached  to  their  Bishop.  The  place,  then, 
where  the  council  assembled,  was  the  suburb  of  the  Oak, 
where  Ruffinus  had  built  a  palace,  together  with  a  church 
dedicated  to  the  Apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  a 

The  charges  brought  against  St.  Chrysostom  were  either 
so  frivolous,  or  so  notoriously  false,  that  this  siugle  fact 
was  sufficient  to  shew  that  the  members  of  the  council 
only  sought  a  pretext  for  pronouncing  sentence  upon  one 
already  condemned.  Among  other  charges  brought  against 
him,  one  was  that  he  had  ordained  priests  in  his  own 
domestic  chapel  instead  of  the  cathedral ;  another  that  he 
had  given  the  Holy  Communion  to  persons  who  were  not 
fasting.  It  would  be  neither  edifying  nor  interesting  to 
give  in  detail  the  history  of  these  proceedings.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  state  that  St.  Chrysostom  refused  to  obey  the 
summons  of  the  council,  until  his  avowed  enemies  ceased 
to  act  as  his  judges  ;  and  that  he  was  therefore  sentenced 
to  exile  for  contumacy  and  a  contempt  of  the  Emperor  s 

The  next  question  was,   how  to  put  the  sentence  into 


execution,  a  revolt  being  anticipated  on  the  part  of  the 
people  if  they  saw  their  Bishop,  the  fearless  protector  of 
the  people's  rights,  and  the  redresser  of  their  wrongs  going 
into  exile.  His  persecutors  therefore  endeavoured  to  put 
him  on  board  a  vessel,  ready  to  receive  him,  by  night ; 
but  not  all  their  precautions  could  prevent  the  intelligence 
from  spreading  through  the  city,  and  carrying  grief  and 
consternation  along  with  it.  The  people  ran  down  to  the 
beach,  demanding  with  cries  his  restoration  to  them,  some 
exclaiming  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Greek  character : 
Rather  let  the  sun  be  blotted  from  the  firmament  than  the 
mouth  of  John  (Chrysostom)  be  silenced !  others,  with  tears, 
entreating  his  parting  benediction.  The  lamenting  crowd 
was  like  a  long  funeral  train,  or  some  dismal  ceremony  of 
expiatory  penance.  In  proportion  as  the  people  were  con- 
scious of  their  degradation  as  a  people,  they  had  attached 
themselves  to  this  great  man,  as  the  defender  of  their 
natural  rights  :  his  austere  and  simple  mode  of  life  made 
him  appear  sacred  in  their  eyes ;  and  in  the  sincerity  of 
his  language,  which  applied  its  censures  with  still  more 
rigour  to  the  rich  than  to  the  poor,  they  found  a  security 
for  the  firmness  of  his  character,  alike  inaccessible  to  flat- 
tery or  to  fear. 

Two  or  three  days  after  the  departure  of  Chrysostom 
from  Constantinople,  the  shock  of  an  earthquake  was  felt 
throughout  the  city.  The  people,  not  yet  recovered  from 
their  grief  at  his  loss,  loudly  proclaimed  that  it  was  a  sign 
of  the  displeasure  of  Heaven  against  them,  for  having 
suffered  him  to  be  taken  from  them.  The  clamours  in- 
creased. Arcadius  shook  with  fear ;  the  Empress,  more 
courageous  and  quick- sighted,  said  to  him,  "  We  shall  no 
longer  retain  the  empire,  if  we  do  not  recall  John."  She 
wrote  the  same  night  to  Chrysostom,  inviting  him,  in  the 
most  courteous  terms,  to  return,  and  throwing  all  the 
blame  of  his  departure  upon  his  enemies,  whose  machina- 
tions she  now  affected  to  see  through  and  deplore.  The 
Bosphorus  was  covered  with  vessels  to  welcome  him  back 
again.     As  soon  as  he  landed,  he  requested  to  be  allowed 


to  remain  in  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  and  not  resume  the 
episcopal  office,  until  he  should  have  been  acquitted  of  the 
charges  brought  against  him,  by  a  more  numerous  council 
than  that  which  had  condemned  him  ;  but  the  feelings  of 
the  people  were  not  to  be  controlled.  Thousands  ranged 
themselves  around  him  with  lighted  tapers,  and,  with 
spontaneous  hymns,  and  amid  an  out-burst  of  holy  joy, 
conducted  him  to  his  church,  and  insisted  upon  his 
ascending  his  throne,  giving  them  the  benediction,  and 
addressing  them. 

Scarcely  however,  had  St.  Chrysostom  enjoyed  a  calm  of 
two  months  since  his  return,  when  a  statue  was  set  up  at 
Constantinople  in  honour  of  the  Empress  Eudoxia.  It 
was  of  solid  silver,  and  raised  on  a  column  of  porphyry, 
with  a  lofty  base,  in  the  square  situated  between  the 
palace  where  the  Senate  was  held,  and  the  church  of 
St  Sophia  which  was  opposite  this  palace,  and  separated 
from  it  by  the  square,  and  by  a  street  that  went  across  it. 
It  was  erected  under  the  Consulate  of  Theodosius  the 
younger,  and  Rumoridus,  that  is,  in  the  year  408,  proba- 
bly in  the  month  of  September,  when  the  first  indiction 
began.  At  the  dedication  of  this  statue,  great  rejoicings 
were  made,  as  was  customary.  These  were  very  solemn 
exercises,  and  still  tinged  with  superstition,  as  appears  by 
a  law  of  Theodosius  the  younger,  made  twenty-two  years 
after,  to  purge  them  from  every  thing  that  might  appear 
idolatrous  in  them.  On  the  erection  of  this  statue  of 
Eudoxia,  the  Praefect  of  Constantinople,  who  was  a  Mani- 
chee,  and  half  heathen,  encouraged  the  people  to  extra- 
ordinary rejoicings.  They  celebrated  it  with  dances  and 
shows  of  farce-players,  which  drew  such  loud  applauses 
and  acclamations,  that  Divine  Service  w^as  interrupted. 

But  St.  Chrysostom,  unable  to  bear  these  improprieties, 
spoke  with  his  usual  freedom,  and  blamed  not  only  those 
who  actually  took  part  in  them,  but  even  those  who  had 
ordered  them.  The  Empress  was  offended  at  it,  and 
resolved  once  more  to  assemble  a  council  against  St.  Chry- 


sostom;  but  he  continued  firm  and  resolute,  and,  it  is 
said,  pronounced  upon  this  occasion  a  celebrated  dis- 
course, which  began  as  follows ;  "  Herodias  is  again 
furious,  and  again  demands  the  head  of  John."  There  is 
still  extant  a  speech  which  begins  with  these  words,  and 
is  an  invective  against  women ;  but  the  general  opinion  is, 
that  St.  Chrjsostom  is  not  the  author.  Be  this  as  it  may 
it  is  certain  that  a  new  conspiracy  was  formed  against 

The  decision  of  the  Council  of  the  Oak  had  not  been 
formally  reversed,  and  his  re-assumption  of  his  pastoral 
duties  might,  according  to  a  decree  of  the  Council  of 
Antioch,  with  respect  to  such  cases  be  considered  as  irre- 
gular. In  the  hope  of  rendering  him  liable  a  second 
time  to  censures  on  this  account,  the  Bishops  of  Greece 
and  of  the  East  convened  themselves  again  at  Constan- 
tinople, to  debate  on  the  measures  to  be  pursued  respect- 
ing him.  Lent  being  come,  this  faction  had  a  private 
audience  with  the  Emperor,  and  gave  him  to  understand 
that  John  was  convicted,  and  that  he  ought  to  give  orders 
for  his  banishment  before  Easter.  The  Emperor  Arca- 
dius  not  being  able  to  refuse  them,  ordered  St.  Chrysostom 
to  quit  the  Church.  He  answered ;  "  I  received  this 
church  from  God,  for  the  salvation  of  the  people,  and  I 
may  not  abandon  it ;  but  as  the  city  is  yours,  if  you  are 
resolved  upon  my  going,  drive  me  out  by  force,  that  I  may 
have  a  lawful  excuse."  Officers  were  therefore  sent  from 
the  palace,  but  not  without  some  feeling  of  shame,  for  this 
purpose ;  with  orders,  however,  for  him  to  continue  in  the 
episcopal  residence.  "  They  waited,"  says  Palladius,  '•  to 
see  whether  Divine  vengeance  would  display  itself,  that 
they  might  have  the  means  of  restoring  him  to  his  church 
in  the  one  case,  or,  on  the  other,  of  renewing  their  ill 

On  Easter  Eve  he  was  again  commanded  to  leave  the 
church,  to  which  he  made  a  suitable  reply.  The  Emperor 
fearing  both  the  holiness  of  the  day,  and  the  risk  of  a 


tumult  in  the  city,  seiit  for  Acacius  and  Antiochus,  and 
asked  them:  "What  must  be  done?  Take  care,"  he 
added,  "  that  you  have  not  given  me  ill  advice."  They 
boldly  answered ;  "On  our  heads,  my  Liege,  be  the 
deposition  of  John." 

Still  there  was  delay  in  the  execution  of  the  sentence 
from  fear  of  the  people,  and  some  attempts  were  made  to 
assassinate  St.  Chrysostom.  Five  days  after  Whitsuntide 
which,  in  the  year  404,  fell  on  the  fifth  of  June,  Acacius, 
Severian,  Antiochus,  and  Cyrinus,  went  to  the  Emperor, 
and  said  to  him :  "  You  may  do  your  pleasure ;  but  we 
have  said  to  you,  on  our  heads  be  the  deposition  of  John  ; 
you  ought  not  to  ruin  us  all  for  the  preservation  of  a 
single  individual."  The  Emperor  sent  Patricius  the 
notary,  to  give  orders  to  St.  Chrysostom  to  recommend 
himself  to  God,  and  leave  the  church.  After  so  express  a 
command,  St.  Chrysostom  came  down  from  the  episcopal 
residence,  with  the  Bishops  his  friends,  and  said  to  them, 
"  Come,  let  us  pray,  and  bid  farew-ell  to  the  angel  of  this 
church."  Immediately  a  person  of  great  power,  and  one 
that  feared  God,  and  sided  with  the  better  party,  gave 
him  the  following  information  :  "  Lucius,  to  whose  insolent 
behaviour  you  are  no  stranger,  lies  now  ready  in  a  public 
bath,  with  the  soldiers  under  his  command,  to  carry  you  off 
by  force,  in  case  you  resist,  or  hesitate  to  obey.  The  city 
is  in  great  confusion ;  go  therefore  out  of  it  as  speedily 
and  as  privately  as  possible,  for  fear  the  people  should 
come  to  blows  with  the  soldiers."  On  this  St.  Chrysostom, 
(too  much  affected  to  take  leave  of  all,)  bade  farewell  to 
several  of  the  Bishops,  saluting  them  with  a  kiss  accom- 
panied with  tears,  and  said  to  the  others  who  were  in 
the  sanctuary,  "  Stay  here ;  I  am  going  to  take  some 

Accordingly  he  w^ent  into  the  baptistery  and  called 
Olympias,  (who  never  left  the  church,)  with  Pentadia  and 
Procula,  deaconesses,  and  Silvia,  widow  of  Nebridius,  and 
daughter  of  Gildo:  "Come  hither,"  said  he  to  them, 
"  my  daughters,  and   hear  me.     My  end  is  at  hand ;  I 


have  finished  my  course,  and  perchance  you  will  see  my 
face  no  more.  All  I  ask  of  you  is,  not  to  let  your  affection 
for  the  Church  wax  cold ;  and  should  any  one  be  ordained 
involuntarily,  without  any  solicitation  on  his  part,  and 
with  the  consent  of  all,  to  bow  the  head  before  him, 
as  you  have  before  me  ;  for  the  Church  cannot  be  without 
a  Bishop.  And  as  you  hope  for  the  mercy  of  God, 
remember  me  in  your  prayers."  They  threw  themselves 
at  his  feet  dissolved  in  tears.  He  signed  to  one  of  the 
most  prudent  of  his  priests,  and  said  to  him ;  "  Remove 
them  hence,  lest  they  disturb  the  people."  They  became 
more  tranquil ;  and  he  went  cut  on  the  side  facing  the 
east,  while  at  the  same  time  some  persons,  by  his  order, 
got  ready  his  horse  on  the  west  side  before  the  great 
gate  of  the  church,  in  order  to  mislead  the  people  who 
were  expecting  him  there.  He  embarked,  and  landed  in 

He  arrived  at  Nicaea,  the  capital  of  that  province,  on 
the  20th  of  June,  404.  But  the  malice  of  the  Empress 
still  pursued  him,  and  at  her  instigation  an  order  came 
from  the  court  for  him  to  be  removed  to  Cucusus  in  the 
deserts  of  Mount  Taurus,  a  barren  and  cold  region  griev- 
ously infested  by  robbers,  and  already  marked  by  the 
murder  of  Paul,  a  former  Bishop  of  Constantinople.  He 
sent  the  following  letter  to  Olympias  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year  405.  "  I  write  to  you  on  my  deliverance  from 
the  gates  of  death.  Therefore  I  am  rejoiced  that  those 
who  came  from  you  did  not  arrive  sooner ;  for  had  they 
found  me  in  the  extremity  of  my  illness,  I  could  not  easily 
have  deceived  you,  by  sending  you  good  tidings.  The 
winter,  more  severe  than  usual,  has  increased  my  stomach 
complaint ;  and  I  have  j)assed  these  two  last  months  in  a 
condition  worse  than  death,  since  I  had  only  so  much  life 
as  left  me  sensible  of  my  sufferings.  All  was  night  alike 
to  me,  the  day,  the  morning,  and  the  noon.  I  passed 
whole  days  in  bed,  and  tried  in  vain  a  thousand  inven- 
tions to  protect  myself  from  the  cold.  It  was  to  no 
purpose  that  I  kept   fires  burning,  endured  the  smoke, 


shut  myself  in  mj  chamber  without  daring  to  stir  out, 
and  loaded  myself  with  a  hundred  coverings :  all  the 
while  I  suffered  excruciating  torments,  continual  sickness, 
head-ache,  loss  of  appetite,  and  inability  to  sleep  through 
those  long  and  tedious  nights.  But  not  to  pain  you  any 
longer ;  I  am  now  recovered  :  the  spring  no  sooner 
arrived,  and  the  weather  grew  a  little  milder,  than  all 
my  ailments  left  me  of  themselves.  I  am  still,  however, 
obliged  to  observe  a  strict  regimen  in  my  diet,  and  to  eat 
but  little,  that  my  digestion  may  be  easier." 

And  in  another  letter  to  the  same  :  "  Since  you  desire 
to  hear  from  me,  I  write  to  tell  you  that  I  am  recovered 
from  my  great  illness,  though  I  yet  feel  some  effects  of 
it ;  I  have  good  physicians,  but  we  are  in  want  here  of 
remedies,  and  other  things  necessary  to  restore  a  wasted 
body.  We  even  now  foresee  a  famine  and  plague  :  and 
to  increase  our  misfortunes,  the  continual  incursions  of 
robbers  make  our  roads  impassable.  Therefore  I  pray 
you  not  to  send  any  one  here  :  for  I  fear  it  might  be  the 
cause  of  their  being  murdered,  which,  as  you  well  know, 
would  exceedingly  afflict  me."  He  wrote  in  the  same 
manner  to  a  deacon  whose  name  was  Theodotus.  "  It 
was  no  slight  comfort  to  me  in  this  solitude,  to  be  able 
constantly  to  write  to  you  :  but  the  incursions  of  the 
Isaurians  have  deprived  me  even  of  this  ;  for  they  have 
begun  to  appear  again  with  the  spring ;  they  are  spread 
over  the  country,  and  have  made  all  the  roads  impassable. 
They  have  already  taken  some  ladies  of  rank,  and  mur- 
dered several  men."  Then  he  continues ;  "After  having 
suffered  very  much  during  the  winter,  I  am  now  some- 
what better,  though  still  uneasy  from  the  unusual  severity 
of  the  weather :  for  we  are  still  in  the  depth  of  winter ; 
but  I  hope  that  the  fair  weather  of  summer  will  disperse 
the  remains  of  my  illness.  For  nothing  is  more  injurious 
to  my  health  than  cold,  and  nothing  does  me  more  good 
than  warmth."  In  another  letter  to  the  same  Theodotus, 
he  says,  "  I  dare  not  at  this  time  invite  you  to  Armenia, 
so   great  are  our   calamities.     Wherever  we  go,  we  see 


torrents  of  blood,  multitudes  of  dead  bodies,  houses 
demolished,  and  towns  destroyed.  We  thought  we  should 
be  safe  in  this  fortress,  where  we  are  confined  as  in  a 
gloomy  prison ;  but  we  can  enjoy  no  peace  even  here." 
"  For,"  he  says  in  another  letter,  "  the  Isaurians  attack 
these  places  also." 

This  was  the  fortress  of  Arabissus,  as  appears  by  the 
same  letter,  and  by  another,  in  which  he  says :  "  Having 
found  some  intermission,  we  have  taken  refuge  in  Arabis- 
sus, where  the  fortress  seemed  more  secure  than  any 
other ;  for  we  do  not  reside  in  the  town.  But  death  is 
daily  at  our  gates,  for  the  Isaurians  devastate  the  whole 
country  with  fire  and  sword.  We  fear  a  famine,  from  the 
multitude  of  people  blocked  up  in  so  close  a  place."  And 
in  another  letter  to  Polybius  he  writes  :  "  The  fear  of  the 
Isaurians  makes  every  one  seek  safety  in  flight :  the  towns 
are  nothing  but  walls  and  roofs ;  the  ravines  and  forests 
are  become  cities.  The  inhabitants  of  Armenia  are  like 
the  lions  and  leopards,  who  find  their  safety  only  in  the 
deserts.  We  daily  change  our  habitations,  like  the  No- 
mades  and  Scythians  ;  and  often  little  children,  hastily 
removed  by  night  in  the  excessively  cold  weather,  are  left 
dead  in  the  snow." 

These  continual  alarms  obliged  him  to  send  back  a 
young  reader,  named  Theodotus,  whom  he  had  taken  with 
him  to  instruct  and  form  in  piety ;  another  additional 
reason  being  an  affection  of  Theodotus'  eyes,  to  which  very 
hot  or  very  cold  weather  was  equally  injurious.  He 
therefore  sent  him  back  to  his  father,  a  man  of  consular 
rank,  and  also  named  Theodotus,  and  with  him  the  pre- 
sents also  which  his  father  had  made  him.  He  com- 
mended the  young  reader  to  the  deacon  Theodotus  as  his 
spiritual  guide,  and  wrote  to  him  himself,  consoling  him, 
and  exhorting  him  to  pay  great  attention  to  his  eyes,  and 
to  apply  himself  as  much  as  possible  to  read  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  "  Study  their  letter,"  he  says,  '*  unceasingly, 
and  some  day  I  will  explain   to  you  their  sense." 

He  wrote  again  to  Olympias  while  he  was  at  Arabissus, 


probably  in  the  spring  of  the  year  406.  "  Do  not  be  un- 
easy," he  says,  "  at  the  severity  of  the  winter,  my  stomach 
complaint,  or  the  incursions  of  the  Isaurians.  The  winter 
has  been  as  might  be  expected  in  Armenia ;  but  it  has 
not  been  very  troublesome  to  me,  by  reason  of  the  pre- 
cautions which  I  have  taken.  I  have  kept  continual 
fires,  and  carefully  closed  the  chamber  I  live  in  on  all 
sides ;  covering  myself  warmly  and  not  going  abroad. 
This  is  it  must  be  confessed  irksome,  but  I  am  willing  to 
bear  it,  because  I  find  myself  the  better  for  it :  for  w^hile 
I  keep  my  room  the  cold  has  no  great  effect  on  me ; 
but  whenever  I  am  forced  to  go  out,  and  be  exposed  to 
the  air  even  a  little,  I  suffer  from  it  not  a  little."  He 
afterwards  says,  "  Do  not  be  concerned  at  my  passing  the 
winter  in  this  place,  for  I  am  in  much  better  health 
than  I  was  last  year ;  and  you  yourself  would  have  been 
less  indisposed  had  you  taken  proper  care  of  your  health." 
He  enlarges  on  this  subject,  and  on  the  value  which  people 
ought  to  set  upon  health ;  and  then  continues,  "  If  our 
separation  afflict  you  expect  to  see  an  end  to  it.  I  do  not 
say  this  merely  to  comfort  you,  but  I  know  it  will  surely 
be  so  ;  otherwise  I  should  have  died  long  since  with  w^hat 
I  have  suffered.  As  it  is  I  bear  myself  so  well  with  so 
weak  a  body,  that  the  Armenians  themselves  are  surprised 
at  it :  for  neither  the  rigour  of  the  air,  nor  solitude,  nor  the 
want  of  provisions,  and  servants  to  attend  me ;  nor  the 
ignorance  of  physicians,  nor  the  absence  of  baths,  which  I 
have  been  accustomed  to  use  continually ;  nor  the  chamber 
in  which  I  am  daily  shut  up  as  in  a  prison,  without  taking 
my  usual  exercise ;  nor  being  perpetually  over  the  fire 
and  in  the  smoke,  and  being  continually  in  a  state  of 
siege  and  alarm ;  none  of  these  things  has  been  able  to 
overwhelm  me  ;  nay,  I  am  even  better  in  health  here  than 
at  Constantinople,  owing  to  the  care  I  have  taken  of 

The  enemies  of  St.  Chrysostom  being  informed  of  the 
great  good  he  did  by  his  conversion  of  the  infidels  in  that 
neighbourhood,   and  how  celebrated  his   virtues  were  at 


Antioch,  resolved  to  remove  him  to  a  more  distant  place. 
For  Severian  of  Gabala,  Porphyrius  of  Antioch,  and 
several  other  Bishops  of  Syria  were  still  afraid  of  him, 
though  he  was  in  banishment,  and  they  were  enjoying 
the  riches  of  the  Church,  and  disposing  of  the  secular 
power.  Therefore  having  sent  to  court,  they  obtained  of 
the  Emperor  Arcadius  a  more  severe  rescript,  to  have  him 
speedily  removed  to  Pityus,  a  desert  place  in  the  country 
of  the  Tzani  on  the  borders  of  the  Euxine  sea.  The 
journey  was  long,  and  St.  Chrysostom  was  three  months 
on  the  road;  though  the  two  soldiers  of  the  Praetorian 
prefect,  who  conducted  the  holy  Bishop,  hurried  him  on 
extremely,  saying  that  such  were  their  orders.  One  of 
them,  not  so  self-interested  as  the  other,  shewed  him 
some  humanity,  as  it  were  by  stealth,  but  the  other  was 
80  brutal  that  he  would  make  him  set  out  in  the  heaviest 
rain,  so  that  he  was  drenched  to  the  skin ;  and  would 
make  a  jest  of  the  most  scorching  heat  of  the  sun, 
knowing  how  painful  it  was  to  the  venerable  prelate, 
whose  head  was  bald ;  nor  would  he  suffer  him  to  stop 
for  a  moment  in  any  city  or  town  where  there  were 
baths,  that  he  might  not  be  indulged  with  that  relief. 

On  arriving  at  Comana,  they  went  through  without 
stopping,  and  rested  at  a  church  about  five  or  six  miles 
from  the  town,  and  dedicated  to  St.  Basiliscus,  Bishop  of 
Comana,  who  had  suffered  martyrdom  at  Nicomedia,  with 
St.  Lucian  of  Antioch.  The  next  morning,  contrary  to 
the  earnest  remonstrances  of  St.  Chrysostom,  they  pursued 
their  journey,  and  had  proceeded  rather  more  than  three 
miles  when  St.  Chrysostom  was  taken  so  extremely  ill  that 
they  were  obliged  to  return  to  the  church  which  they  had 
left.  On  arriving  there,  he  changed  his  garments  and 
clothed  himself  in  white  from  head  to  foot,  not  having  yet 
broken  his  fast.  After  which  he  distributed  the  few  things 
he  had  left,  among  those  who  were  then  present ;  and  hav- 
ing received  the  Communion  of  the  sacred  symbols  of  our 
Saviour,  that  is,  the  Eucharist,  he  made  his  last  prayer  in 
the  hearing  of  all  who  were  present,  and  added,  according 


to  his  usual  custom,  these  words  :  "  Glory  to  God 
for  all  things."  Then  he  pronounced  his  last  Amen, 
and  stretching  out  his  feet,  yielded  up  his  spirit. 
There  was  at  his  funeral  such  a  vast  concourse  of 
Virgins  and  Monks  of  Syria,  Cilicia,  Pontus,  and  Ar- 
menia, that  many  thought  they  had  appointed  the 
meeting.  The  feast  was  observed  as  for  a  martyr,  and 
his  body  was  interred  near  that  of  St.  Basiliscus  in  the 
same  church. 

He  died  and  was  buried  on  the  fourteenth  of  Sej^tember, 
or  the  eighteenth  of  the  calends  of  October,  under  the 
seventh  Consulate  of  Honorius,  and  the  second  of  Theodo- 
sius,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  year  407.  He  was  about  sixty 
years  old,  and  had  governed  the  Church  of  Constantinople 
six  years  to  the  time  of  his  banishment,  and  in  all  nine 
years  and  eight  months. 

Gibbon  says,  that  the  character  of  St.  Chrysostom  "  was 
consecrated  by  absence  and  persecution ;  the  presumed 
faults  of  his  administration  were  no  longer  remembered, 
but  every  tongue  repeated  the  praises  of  his  genius  and 
his  virtues.  The  respectful  attention  of  the  Christian 
world  was  fixed  on  a  desert  spot  among  the  mountains  of 
Taurus ;  from  that  solitude,  the  Archbishop,  whose  active 
mind  was  invigorated  by  misfortunes,  maintained  a  fre- 
quent correspondence  with  a  great  variety  of  persons, 
while  his  letters  show  a  firmness  of  mind,  far  superior  to 
that  of  Cicero  in  his  exile.  He  extended  his  pastoral  care 
to  the  missions  of  Persia  and  Scythia;  negociated  with  the 
Roman  pontiff,  and  the  Emperor  Honorius ;  and  boldly 
appealed  from  a  partial  synod,  to  the  supreme  tribunal  of 
a  free  and  general  council.  The  mind  of  the  illustrious 
exile  was  still  independent,  though  his  captive  body 
was  exposed  to  the  vengeance  of  his  oppressors."  The 
works  of  St.  Chrysostom  are  very  numerous.  They  con- 
sist of  commentaries,  seven  hundred  homilies,  orations. 


doctrinal  treatises,  and  two  hundred  and  forty-two  epis- 
tles. The  best  editions  of  his  works  are  those  of  Sir 
Henry  Saville,  Eton,  1613,  8  vols,  folio,  the  Greek  only; 
and  Montfaucon's  in  Greek  and  Latin,  1718 — 1738,  13 
vols,  folio. — Neander.  Fleury.  Tillemont.  Dupin.  SocraUs. 


Thomas  Church  was  born  in  1707,  and  educated  at 
Brazennose  College,  Oxford.  In  1740  he  was  instituted 
to  the  vicarage  of  Battersea,  and  was  afterwards  promoted 
to  a  prebendal  stall  in  St.  PauFs  cathedral.  He  published 
A  Vindication  of  the  Miraculous  Powers  which  subsisted 
in  the  first  three  Centuries  of  the  Christian  Church,  in 
answer  to  Dr.  Middleton's  Free  Inquiry,  with  a  preface, 
containing  some  observations  on  Dr.  Mead's  account  of 
the  Demoniacs  in  his  Medie  Sacra,  1749.  This  was  fol- 
lowed, about  a  year  after,  by  An  Appeal  to  the  serious  and 
unprejudiced,  or  a  Second  Vindication,  &c.  For  these 
works  the  university  of  Oxford  conferred  on  him  the 
degree  of  D.D.  by  diploma.  He  also  published  anonym- 
ously An  Analysis  of  the  Philosophical  Works  of  the  late 
Lord  Bolingbroke,  1755.  He  died  in  1756. — Nicholss 


David  Chytr>eus  was  born  in  1530,  at  Ingelfing,  in 
Suabia.  After  receiving  instruction  in  Greek  and  Latin 
from  Camerarius  at  Tubingen,  and  Hebrew  at  Heidelberg, 
he  studied   theology  under   Melancthon  at  Wittemberg. 


He  then  travelled  in  Italy,  and  on  his  return  to  Germany- 
was  made  professor  of  hermeneutics  at  Rostock.  The 
Emperor  Maximilian  II.,  Eric  XIV.,  King  of  Sweden, 
Christiern  III.  and  Frederick  II.,  Kings  of  Denmark,  invi- 
ted him  to  their  respective  kingdoms  to  establish  churches 
and  schools,  and  they  loaded  him  with  presents.  He 
mainly  contributed  to  the  establishment  of  the  university 
of  Helmstadt.  He  died  on  the  25th  of  June,  1600.  He 
wrote: — A  Commentary  on  the  Apocalypse,  8vo,  1575. 
2.  A  History  of  the  Confession  of  xiugsburg.  3.  A  Chro- 
nology of  Herodotus  and  Thucydides.  A  Collection  of 
all  his  works,  which  are  mostly  compilations,  was  printed 
at  Hanover  in  1604,  2  vols,  fol. — Melchior  Adam.  Fraheri 


CiACONius  was  bora  in  1540.  He  became  a  Domini- 
can and  titular  Patriarch  of  Alexandria.  A  great  num- 
ber of  his  works  remain ;  the  most  considerable  among 
which  is  entitled,  Vitse  et  Gesta  liomanorum  Pontificum 
et  Cardinalium,  which,  vrith  the  continuation  by  his 
nephew,  was  published  in  1602,  two  vols,  folio;  the 
sequel  down  to  Clement  XII.  was  published  by  Marie 
Guarnacci,  Rome,  1751,  2  vols,  folio;  Bibliotheca  Scripto- 
rum  ad  annum  1583,  Paris,  1731,  folio;  and  Amsterdam, 
1732,  folio.  He  wrote  also,  Historia  utriusque  Belli 
Dacici,  in  Columna  Trajana  expressi,  cum  Figuris ^neis, 
Rome,  1616,  folio.  Ciaconius  left  in  MS.  a  Universal  Li- 
brary of  Authors,  which  falling  into  the  hands  of  Camusat, 
was  published  by  him  with  numerous  notes,  Paris  1732, 
folio.  This  work  is  a  useful  repository  of  authors.  Ciaco- 
nius died  in  1599. — Moreri. 



William  Clagett  was  born  at  St.  Edmund's-bury,  in 
1646,  and  educated  at  Emanuel  College,  Cambridge,  where 
he  took  his  degree  of  D.D.   in  1683.     He  first  became 
lecturer  at  St.  Edmund's-bury,  but  afterwards  was  chosen 
preacher  to  the  society  of  Gray's  Inn.     He  was  also  pre- 
sented to  the  rectory  of  Farnham  Royal  in  Buckingham- 
shire, and  elected  lecturer  of  St.  Michael  Bassishaw%  Lon- 
don.    He  was  chaplain  in  ordinary  to  King  James  XL, 
and  was  one  of  the  divines  who  made  a  stand   against 
Popery  in  that  King's  reign.    Dr.  Clagett  died  of  the  small 
pox,  March  28th,  1688.     His  works  are — 1.  A  Discourse 
concerning  the  Operations  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  two  parts,  8vo. 
The  third  part  was  destroyed  by  fire.    Dr.  Stebbing  abridged 
this  useful  book.     2.  A  Reply  to  a  pamphlet  called  the 
Mischief  of  Impositions,  4to.     3.  An  Answer  to  the  Dis- 
senter's objections  to  the  Common  Prayer,  4to.     4.  Some 
Tracts   against  the   Romanists.     5.  Four  volumes  of  Ser- 
mons, 8vo. — Biog.  Brit. 

clagett,    NICHOLAS. 

Nicholas  Clagett,  younger  brother  of  the  preceding, 
was  born  in  1654,  and  educated  first  at  the  free  school 
of  St.  Edmund's-bury,  and  next  at  Christ's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, where  in  1704  he  took  his  doctor's  degree.  In 
1683  he  obtained  the  rectory  of  Thurlo  Parva  in  Suffolk; 
in  1693  he  was  made  Archdeacon  of  Sudbury,  and  in  1707 
was  presented  to  the  rectory  of  Hitcham.  He  died  in 
1727.  He  published — 1.  A  Persuasive  to  an  ingenious 
trial  of  opinions  in  Religion,  4to.  2.  Truth  defended,  and 
boldness  in  error  rebuked,  against  Whiston,  8vo.  3.  Some 
Sermons.  His  son  Nicholas  became  Bishop  of  Exeter, 
and  died  in  1746. — Biog.  Diet. 



Isidore  Claeius  was  born  in  the  castle  of  Clario,  near 
Brescia,  in  Italy,  in  1495.  Dedicating  himself  to  God 
from  his  early  years,  he  became  in  process  of  time  a  Bene- 
dictine monk,  and  a  celebrated  preacher.  He  was  advan- 
ced to  the  dignity  of  Abbot  of  St.  Mary  de  Cesena,  and 
was  sent  by  Pope  Paul  III.  to  the  council  of  Trent,  where 
in  the  fifth  session  which  was  held  on  the  17th  of  June, 
1546,  he  assumed  the  quality  of  Abbot  of  Pontido,  near 
Bergamo.  He  was  admired  in  that  assembly  for  his 
learning  and  eloquence,  and  he  was  probably  in  the  coun- 
cil when  Paul  III.  gave  him  the  bishopric  of  Foligno,  in 
Urabria ;  he  quickly  retired  to  his  diocese,  and  zealously 
discharged  the  duties  of  his  sacred  office.  He  died  in 
1555.  The  principal  work  of  Clarius  was  a  reform  of  the 
Vulgate,  with  annotations  upon  the  difficult  passages. 
Though  he  extended  this  reform  only  to  passages  in  which 
he  thought  the  sense  of  the  original  misrepresented,  he 
asserts  that  he  has  corrected  it  in  upwards  of  8000  places. 
This  freedom  gave  offence  to  the  rigid  Piomanists,  and  the 
first  edition  of  his  work,  printed  at  Venice  in  1542,  was 
put  into  the  Index  Expurgatorius.  Afterwards  the  depu- 
ties of  the  council  of  Trent  allowed  it  to  be  read,  omitting 
the  preface  and  the  prolegomena.  Clarius  was  accused  of 
plagiarism,  in  having  made  great  use  of  Sebastian  Mun- 
ster's  annotations  on  the  Old  Testament  without  acknow- 
ledgment; the  fact  is  true,  but  the  spirit  of  the  times 
would  not  allow  him  to  quote  a  protestant  author.  His 
Letters,  with  two  Opuscula,  were  published  at  Modena, 
1705,  4to. 


Samuel  Clark  was  born  in  1599,  at  Woolston,  in 
Warwickshire,  of  which  place  his  father  was  vicar  above 
forty   years.      He    received   his    education   at   Emanuel 

VOL.  IV.  H 


College,  Cambridge,  after  which  he  entered  into  orders, 
and  officiated  some  time  at  Shotwick,  in  Cheshire,  from 
whence  he  removed  to  Coventry,  and  afterwards  to 
Alcester,  on  the  presentation  of  Lord  Brooke.  Here  he 
resided  nine  years,  and  then  became  minister  of  St. 
Bennet  Fink  in  London,  where  he  continued  till  the 
Kestoration.  During  the  whole  of  this  period  he  appears 
to  have  disapproved  of  the  practices  of  the  numerous 
sectaries  which  arose,  and  retained  his  attachment  to 
the  constitution  and  doctrines  of  the  Church,  although 
he  objected  to  some  of  those  points  respecting  ceremonies 
and  discipline,  which  ranks  him  among  the  ejected  non- 
conformists. In  1660,  when  Charles  II.  published  a 
declaration  concerning  ecclesiastical  affairs,  the  London 
clergy  drew  up  a  congratulatory  address,  with  a  request  for 
the  removal  of  re-ordination  and  surplices  in  colleges,  &c., 
which  Mr.  Clark  was  appointed  to  present.  In  the 
following  year  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  commissionera 
for  revising  the  book  of  common  prayer.  When  ejected 
for  non-conformity,  such  was  his  idea  of  schism  and 
separation,  that  he  quietly  submitted  to  a  retired  and 
studious  life.  From  the  Church,  which  he  constantly 
attended  as  a  hearer,  he  says,  he  dared  not  separate,  or 
gather  a  private  Church  out  of  a  true  Church,  which  he 
judged  the  Church  of  England  to  be.  In  this  retirement 
he  continued  twenty  years,  partly  at  Hammersmith,  and 
partly  at  Isleworth,  revising  what  he  had  published,  and 
compiling  other  works,  all  of  which  appear  to  have  been 
frequently  reprinted.  He  died  in  1682,  universally  res- 
pected for  his  piety,  and  especially  for  his  moderation  in 
the  contests  which  prevailed  in  his  time.  His  principal 
publications  were, — 1.  A  Mirror  or  Looking-glass  for  Saints 
and  Sinners,  containing  remarkable  examples  of  the  fate 
of  persecutors,  and  vicious  persons  of  all  descriptions,  and 
notices  of  the  lives  of  persons  eminent  for  piety.  2.  The 
Marrow  of  Ecclesiastical  History,  containing  the  Lives  of 
the  Fathers,   Schoolmen,  Reformers,  and  eminent  modern 

CLARKE.  79 

Divines,  &c.,  1649,  4to.  Clark  was  unquestionably  the 
first  who  published  any  collection  of  biography  in  English, 
and  who  is  respectfully  noticed  by  Fuller,  as  his  prede- 
cessor. In  1650  he  published  a  second  part,  and  both 
together,  with  additions,  in  a  thick  quarto  of  above  lOOri 
pages,  in  1654,  with  many  portraits  in  wood  and  copper ; 
but  the  best  edition  is  that  of  1675,  folio.  3.  A  General 
Martyrology,  or  abridgment  of  Fox  and  of  some  more 
recent  authors,  1651,  folio;  to  this,  in  1652,  he  added  an 
English  Martyrology,  reprinted  together  in  1660,  and  in 
1677,  with  an  additional  series  of  the  lives  of  Divines, 
4.  The  lives  of  sundry  eminent  persons  in  this  latter  age, 
1683,  folio.  5.  The  Marrow  of  Divinity,  with  sundry 
Cases  of  Conscience,  1659,  folio;  a  treatise  against  the 
toleration  of  schismatics  and  separatists,  entitled  Golden 
Apples,  or  Seasonable  and  Serious  Counsel,  &c.,  1659, 
12mo.  In  these  volumes  we  have  quoted  him  several 
times. — Autobiography.    Calamy.    Fuller. 


Samuel  Claek,  son  of  the  preceding,  was  educated  at 
Pembroke-hall,  Cambridge,  where  he  obtained  a  fellow- 
ship, which  he  lost  in  the  Rebellion  for  refusing  the 
Engagement.  He  was  afterwards  preferred  to  the  living 
of  Grendon,  in  Buckinghamshire,  from  whence  he  was 
ejected  for  non-conformity,  at  the  Restoration.  He,  died 
in  1701.  He  is  chiefly  known  for  his  Annotations  on  the 
Bible,  1690,  folio.  The  author  of  the  "  Scripture  Pro- 
mises," was  of  this  family,  and  was  teacher  of  a  congrega- 
tion of  Dissenters  at  St.  Alban's. — Calamy.    Granger. 


Samuel  Clarke,  an  Arian  heretic  of  high  reputation  in 
the  last  century.  He  was  born  at  Norwich,  in  1675,  and 
was   educated   at   Caius   College,    Cambridge.      He   was 

80  CLARKE. 

highly  distinguished  as  a  scholar  and  as  an  early  advocate 
in  that  university  of  the  Newtonian  Philosophy.  On  his 
ordination  he  became  chaplain  to  Dr.  Moore,  Bishop  of 
Norwich.  In  1699  he  published  his  practical  essays  on 
Baptism,  Confirmation,  and  Repentance :  and  in  his 
reflections  upon  a  book  called  Amyntor,  he  skilfully 
defended  the  genuineness  of  the  writings  of  the  apostolical 
fathers.  By  Bishop  Moore  he  was  collated  to  the  rectory 
of  Drayton,  near  Norwich,  and  in  J  704  he  was  appointed 
to  the  Boyle  Lecture.  This  gave  rise  to  his  treatise  on 
the  Being  and  Attributes  of  God.  In  this  treatise  he 
endeavoured  to  shew  that  the  Being  of  a  God  may  be 
demonstrated  by  arguments  a  priori.  He  was  satirized 
by  Pope  in  the  following  lines,  which-  he  puts  in  the 
mouth  of  one  of  his  dunces,  addressing  himself  to  his 
goddess : 

Let  others  creep  by  timid  steps  and  slow, 
On  plain  experience  lay  foundations  low, 
By  common  sense  to  common  knowledge  bred, 
And  last  to  nature's  cause  through  nature  led. 
All- seeing  in  thy  mists  we  want  no  guide, 
Mother  of  Arrogance  and  source  of  Pride, 
We  nobly  take  the  high  Priori  road. 
And  reason  downward  till  we  doubt  of  God. 

In  1706  he  removed  to  the  rectory  of  St.  Bennet,  Paul's 
Wharf,  London,  and  about  this  time  he  began  to  entertain 
heretical  notions  with  respect  to  the  Holy,  Blessed,  and 
Glorious  Trinity.  The  liberal  divines  and  low  churchmen 
of  the  last  century,  generally  had  a  tendency  to  Arianism, 
or  something  worse.  Indeed,  this  is  the  legitimate  ten- 
dency of  low  church  views  ;  the  question  with  such  persons 
is,  how  little  may  a  man  believe  and  yet  hold  the  essentials 
of  religion,  so  that  we  may  act  together.  And  this  question 
once  asked,  will,  of  course,  lower  the  whole  tone  of 
theology.  We  ought,  on  the  contrary,  to  endeavour  to 
master  as  many  truths  as  possible,  and  encourage  others 
to  do  so,  and  it  is  because  this  is  the  desire  and  endeavour 
of  our  more  holy  men,  that  our  schools  of  theology  are  all 

CLARKE.  81 

of  them  in  this  age  higher  than  they  were  in  the  last,  the 
lowest  churchmen  among  us,  and  the  most  popular  among 
our  preachers,  taking  grounds  which  their  predecessors 
would  have  thought  too  high. 

He  was  engaged  in  1706  in  a  controversy  with  the 
learned  Henry  Dodwell ;  and  he  translated  into  Latin 
Sir  Isaac  Newton's  treatise  on  optics.  His  Paraphrases 
on  the  four  Gospels  had  been  published  previously,  and 
before  his  perversion  to  the  Arian  heresy.  He  was  now, 
before  he  was  suspected  of  Arianism,  appointed  chaplain 
to  Queen  Anne,  and  in  1709  he  became  rector  of 
St.  James's,  Westminster ;  he  also  took  his  doctor's  degree, 
wuth  high  honour  to  himself.  In  this  year  he  corrected 
Mr.  Whiston's  Translation  of  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions, and  in  1712  he  published  his  beautiful  edition  of 
Caesar's  Commentaries. 

In  1712  he  also  published  his  Scripture-doctrine  of  ths 
Trinity.  This,  as  Bishop  Van  Mildert  observes,  was  a 
new  era  in  polemics.  The  subject  is  concisely  stated  by 
that  good  Bishop  in  his  Life  of  Waterland. 

"  Dr.  Clarke  was  a  man  of  far  too  great  importance, 
from  the  strength  of  his  understanding,  the  depth  of  his 
knowledge,  and  the  extent  of  his  learning,  to  content  him- 
self with  retailing  trite  arguments  already  advanced  and 
reiterated  by  the  Anti-Trinitarians  of  the  day.  Indeed 
he  disclaimed  the  character  of  an  Anti-Trinitaiian ;  and 
appears  to  have  been  firmly  persuaded,  that  the  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity  was  a  true  Scripture-doctrine.  His  labours 
were  directed  entirely  to  the  proof  of  this  doctrine,  in  the 
sense  in  which  he  himself  embraced  it,  and  which  he 
laboured  to  prove  was  the  sense  both  of  Scripture  and  of 
the  Church  of  England.  He  stands  distinguished,  there- 
fore, from  such  writers  as  Biddle,  Firmin,  Clendon,  Emlyn, 
and  Whiston,  in  many  prominent  features  of  the  doctrine 
he  advanced  ;  and  consequently,  the  controversy  with  him 
assumed  a  very  different  aspect  from  that  in  which  Bishop 
Bull  had  been  engaged. 

"  The  professed  design  of  Dr.  Clarke's  book  was  indis- 

89  CLARKE. 

putably  good.  A  full  and  digested  collection  of  all  the 
texts  relating  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  with  a  critical 
interpretation  of  them,  was  a  desideratum  in  theology, 
and  could  hardly  fail  to  be  of  advantage  to  the  biblical 
student.  It  served  also  to  call  off  the  attention  of  those 
who  had  hitherto  chiefly  derived  their  notions  of  the  sub- 
ject from  teachers  who  rested  more  upon  metaphysics, 
than  upon  the  pure  word  of  God ;  and  to  bring  the  whole 
matter  of  dispute  into  a  train  of  more  legitimate  discus- 

"Dr.  Clarke,  however,  in  this  undertaking,  set  out  upon 
a  latitudinarian  principle,  which  did  not  augur  very  favour- 
ably of  the  purpose  which  it  might  be  intended  to  serve. 
With  reference  to  the  Liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  to  public  formularies  of  faith,  in  general,  he  assumed 
it  as  a  maxim,  '  That  every  person  may  reasonably  agree 
to  such  forms,  whenever  he  can  in  any  sense  at  all  recon- 
cile them  with  Scripture.'  He  also  virtually,  if  not  ex- 
pressly, disclaimed  the  authority  of  the  primitive  Christian 
writers,  as  expositors  of  the  doctrines  in  question ;  desiring 
it  to  be  understood,  that  he  did  not  cite  their  works  '  as 
proofs  of  any  of  the  propositions,  but  as  illustrations  only ;' 
moreover,  that  his  purpose  in  citing  them  was  oftentimes 
to  point  out  their  inconsistency  with  the  doctrine  they 
professed  to  hold,  and  thus  '  to  shew  how  naturally  truth 
sometimes  prevails  by  its  own  native  clearness  and  evi- 
dence, even  against  the  strongest  and  most  settled  preju- 
dices.' These  were  suspicious  declarations,  and  would 
naturally  lead  to  an  expectation,  that  the  author  might 
find  occasion,  in  the  course  of  his  work,  to  exemplify  his 
principles  in  a  way  not  quite  conformable  either  with  the 
sentiments  of  the  primitive  defenders  of  the  faith,  or  with 
those  of  the  Church  in  which  he  was  himself  an  accredited 

"  Accordingly,  the  work  was  no  sooner  published  and 
read,  than  he  was  accused  of  applying  these  principles  to 
the  introduction  of  opinions  irreconcileable  with  the  recei- 
V  ed  doctrines  of  the  Church  Catholic  in  general,  and  with 

CLARKE.  85 

those  of  the  Church  of  England  in  particular ;  and  the 
work  was  reprobated  as  an  indirect  revival  of  the  Arian 
heresy.  Among  the  writers  who  thus  arraigned  it,  were 
men  of  high  character  and  respectability  in  the  Church. 
Dr.  Wells,  Mr.  Nelson,  Dr.  James  Knight,  Bishop  Gas- 
trell.  Dr.  Edwards,  Mr.  Welchman,  Mr.  Edward  Potter, 
Dr.  Bennett,  and  Mr.  Richard  Mayo,  distinguished  them- 
selves, with  considerable  ability,  by  their  animadversions 
on  this  work.  On  the  other  side.  Dr.  Whitby,  Dr.  Sykes, 
and  Mr.  John  Jackson,  appeared  in  favour  of  Dr.  Clarke, 
and  upheld  his  cause  with  zeal  and  talent.  The  weight, 
however,  of  public  opinion,  (so  far  at  least,  as  related  to 
members  of  the  Church  of  England,)  preponderated 
greatly  against  him ;  and  the  subsequent  proceedings  of 
the  Lower  House  of  Convocation  proved,  that  the  persua- 
sions of  the  clergy  in  general  were  decidedly  adverse  to 
those  which  he  had  espoused." 

Not  content  with  this  publication.  Dr.  Clarke  assumed 
to  himself  authority  to  omit  or  alter  the  offices  of  the 
Church,  which  he  had  sworn  to  observe,  and  on  Trinity 
Sunday,  1713,  in  order  to  avoid  reading  the  proper  pre- 
face in  the  Communion  Service,  he  omitted  the  admini- 
stration of  the  Lord's  Supper  entirely,  by  which  the  pious 
among  his  parishioners  were  greatly  shocked,  and  seriously 
injured.  He  was  appointed  to  his  rectory,  not  to  indulge 
in  his  own  caprices,  but  as  the  servant  of  the  Church,  to 
administer  her  offices  to  her  children.  This  dereliction 
of  duty,  together  with  the  work  which  has  been  alluded  to, 
awakened  the  suspicions  of  Convocation,  for  at  that  time 
the  Church  of  England  possessed  a  convocation,  though 
unfortunately  it  was  a  divided  body.  The  more  respect- 
able of  the  clergy  were  Tories,  and,  except  during  the 
last  years  of  Queen  Anne's  reign,  the  government  had 
since  the  revolution  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Whigs- 
The  consequence  was  that  the  Bishops  were  not  selected 
from  the  best  portion  of  the  clergy ;  they  were  chosen 
from  their  subserviency  to  a  government  which  in  ecclesi- 
astical matters  was  tyrannical,  and  without  reference  to 

84  CLARKE. 

their  conduct  as  clergymen.  Between  the  Bishops  and 
their  clergy  there  was  a  want  of  confidence,  and  the  whole 
discipline  of  the  Church  hecame  relaxed.  The  lower 
house,  containing  many  sound  divines,  applied  to  the 
Bishops  on  the  2nd  of  June,  1714,  and  stated  that 
Dr.  Clarke's  book  was  at  variance  with  the  catholic  faith  of 
the  Church  of  England  ;  and  further,  they  requested  the 
upper  house  to  take  the  matter  into  their  most  serious 
consideration.  The  Bishops  requested  them  to  specify 
the  obnoxious  parts  in  writing :  and  on  the  23rd  of  June 
they  presented  a  paper  of  extracts,  declaring  their  belief 
that  the  passages  fully  supported  their  representation 
respecting  the  erroneous  character  of  the  book. 

At  this  stage  of  the  inquiry,  Dr.  Clarke  drew  up  a 
qualifying  paper  concerning  his  faith,  and  presented  it  to 
the  upper  house.  In  this  paper  a  different  view  was 
maintained  from  that  which  was  conveyed  by  the  extracts 
from  the  book ;  he  also  promised  not  to  preach  on  the 
subject,  nor  yet  to  publish  any  other  books  on  the  Trinity. 
In  this  declarati(m  he  stated  that  the  third  and  fourth 
petitions  in  the  Litany  had  never  been  omitted  in  his 
church,  and  that  the  Athanasian  Creed  had  not  been 
omitted  at  eleven  o'clock  prayers,  but  only  at  early  prayers, 
for  the  sake  of  brevity,  by  his  curate,  and  not  by  his  own 

Soon  after,  the  doctor  sent  a  second  explanation  to  the 
Bishop  of  London,  in  which  he  declared  that  his  views,  as 
expressed  in  the  former  paper,  were  not  different  from 
those  which  he  had  maintained  in  his  books.  He  desired 
therefore,  that  the  declaration  might  be  so  understood, 
and  not  as  a  retractation  of  anything  which  he  had 

The  upper  house  expressed  themselves  satisfied  with 
these  explanations,  and  informed  the  lower  house  that 
they  did  not  think  fit  to  proceed  farther  with  the  extracts 
submitted  to  their  notice.  The  lower  house,  on  the  con- 
trary, resolved  that  Dr.  Clarke  had  made  no  retractation, 
and  that  his  paper  was  not  satisfactory. 

CLARKE.  85 

Many  divines  engaged  in  this  controversy,  but  Dr. 
Clarke's  system  was  completely  demolished  by  Dr.  Water- 

Dr.  Clarke  assumed  to  himself  the  right  of  selecting  or 
composing  hymns  for  the  use  of  his  congregation  ;  and 
certainly,  if  a  Calvinist  may  introduce  hymns  inculcating 
the  calvinistic  heresy,  it  seems  that  something  may  be 
said  in  palliation  of  Dr.  Clarke's  conduct  in  this  par- 
ticular. But  how  he  could  reconcile  it  to  his  conscience 
to  retain  his  situation  as  rector  of  St.  James's  it  is  difficult 
to  conceive.     The  doxology  was  altered  by  him  thus  : 

To  God  through  Christ,  His  only  Son 
Immortal  Glory  be  : 

To  God  through  Christ,  His  Son,  our  Lord 
All  Glory  be  therefore. 

From  this  scandalous  attempt  to  introduce  his  heresy  into 
the  Church  by  a  side  wind,  the  Bishop  of  London  com- 
pelled him  to  desist. 

Although  he  reconciled  it  to  his  conscience  to  retain 
his  rectory,  he  is  said  to  have  more  than  once  refused  a 
bishopric.  It  is  highly  probable  that,  through  the 
influence  of  Queen  Caroline,  he  would  obtain  a  bishopric, 
for  it  is  known  that  over  the  mind  of  that  unhappy 
woman  he  exercised  considerable  influence,  for  she  died 
an  Arian  heretic,  refusing  to  receive  the  Holy  Eucharist. 

In  1727  Dr.  Clarke  refused  the  office  of  master  of  the 
Mint,  and  in  17-29  he  published  his  Homer.  On  the 
11th  of  May  this  year  he  was  taken  ill,  and  on  the  17th 
he  died,  persisting,  according  to  Bishop  Hoadley,  in  his 
heresy  to  the  last 

He  left  a  widow  and  five  children,  having  in  his  life- 
time lost  two. 

According  to  his  express  desire,  the  same  year  as  his 
death,  was  published  his  Exjjosition  of  the   Church  Cate- 

VOL   IV.  I 

86  CLARKE. 

chis7n  :  of  which  the  following  account  is  given  by  Bishop 
Van  Mildert  :  he  studiously  inculcated  that  religious 
worship  should  be  paid  to  the  Father  only,  through  the 
Son,  and  in  the  Holy  Spirit ;  implying,  that  it  is  not  paid 
to  either  of  these  as  their  own  due,  but  only  through  or 
by  them,  ultimately  to  the  Father.  He  represented  also 
the  work  of  redemption,  and  that  of  sanctification,  to  be 
from  the  Father  only,  by  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost ;  as 
if  these  were  merely  instruments  in  His  hand  ;  and  that, 
consequently,  to  Him,  and  not  to  them,  is  the  glory  exclu- 
sively to  be  ascribed.  Other  passages  of  similar  tendency 
occur  in  this  treatise,  more  or  less  derogating  from  the 
essential  divinity  of  our  Lord  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit; 
passages,  which  Dr.  Waterland  illustrates  by  reference  to 
others  in  Dr.  Clarke's  Modest  Plea,  expressing  more  fully 
and  unreservedly  what  is  covertly  advanced  in  this 

Dr.  Waterland  observes  farther,  that  Dr.  Clarke,  in 
explaining  that  answer  in  the  Catechism  which  states  our 
belief  in  God  the  Father,  God  the  Son,  and  God  the 
Holy  Ghost,  "  says  nothing  of  God  the  Son,  or  God  the 
Holy  Ghost :  he  never  asserts  the  divinity  of  either,  never 
so  much  as  gives  them  the  title  of  God:" — moreover  that 
the  titles  and  attributes  ascribed  to  the  Son  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  as  well  as  to  the  Father,  were  so  interpreted  by 
Dr.  C.  as  to  adapt  them  to  those  lower  notions  of  their 
divinity,  which  he  had  elsewhere  maintained.  Even  the 
form  of  baptism,  in  the  name  of  each  person  in  the 
Trinity,  he  explained  in  such  a  way  as  to  denote  that  we 
are  dedicated  to  the  service  and  worship  of  God  the 
Father  only. 

These  were  points  which  had  already  been  debated 
between  Dr.  Clarke  and  Dr.  Waterland,  in  their  former 
controversy.  The  subsequent  remarks  introduced  a  fresh 
topic,  not  indeed  unconnected  with  the  others,  but  which 
had  not  before  been  brought  into  discussion,  though  in 
itself  of  no  inconsiderable  importance. 

CLARKE.  87 

On  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  Dr.  W.  objects 
that  the  Exposition  is  by  no  means  full  and  satisfactory  ; 
since  the  account  given  of  the  atonement  by  Christ  seems 
to  place  all  its  efficacy  in  our  Lord's  pure  and  spotless 
character,  not  in  any  inherent  propitiatory  virtue  belong- 
ing to  it ;  nor,  as  Dr.  W.  observes,  is  it  conceivable,  that, 
"  supposing  Christ  to  be  a  creature  only.  He  could  have 
such  a  degree  of  merit,  by  anything  He  could  do  or  suffer, 
as  thereby  to  purchase  pardon  for  a  whole  world  of 

Again ;  the  Exposition  imperfectly  stated  the  sense  in 
which  the  Eucharist  may  be  called  a  sacrifice ;  ascribing 
to  it  that  character  in  no  higher  acceptation  than  might 
be  ascribed  to  any  other  service  of  praise  and  thanks- 
giving ;  not  taking  into  account  that  it  is  a  solemn  com- 
memoration and  representation  to  God  of  the  sacrifice 
offered  on  the  cross,  and  an  act  of  covenant  also,  in  which 
we  lay  claim  to  that,  as  our  expiation,  and  feast  upon  it,  as 
our  peac€-offering. 

The  same  inadequate  representation  is  charged  upon 
the  Exposition,  respecting  the  benefits  of  this  holy  sacra- 
ment ;  which  Dr.  Clarke  represented  to  be  nothing  more 
than  that  assurance  of  blessing  and  assistance  from  God 
which  accompany  all  religious  and  virtuous  habits  ;  bene- 
fits arising  naturally  from  the  good  dispositions  of  the 
recipient,  and  not  from  any  special  gifts  of  grace,  or 
spiritual  advantages,  communicated  through  the  medium 
of  the  sacrament  itself.  Dr.  Clarke,  indeed,  expressly 
says  "  of  the  two  sacraments,  in  common  with  other  posi- 
tive institutions,  that  they  have  the  nature  only  of  means 
to  an  end,  and  that  therefore  they  are  never  to  be  com- 
pared with  moral  virtues."  On  the  contrary,  Dr.  W.  con- 
tends, that  "moral  virtues  are  rather  to  be  considered 
as  means  to  an  end,  because  they  are  previous  qualifica- 
tions for  the  sacraments,  and  have  no  proper  efficacy 
towards  procuiing  salvation,  till  they  are  improved  and 
rendered   acceptable    by  these    Christian   performances." 

88  CLARKE. 

He  asks,  "  What  is  the  exercise  of  moral  virtue,  but  the 
exercise  of  obedience  to  some  law,  suppose  of  charity  or 
justice?  But  the  worthy  receiving  of  the  sacrament  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  is  at  once  an  exercise  of  obedience  to 
the  law  of  Christ,  and  of  faith,  of  worship,  and  of  repent- 
ance, and  carries  in  it  the  strongest  incitement,  not  only 
to  all  moral  virtues,  but  to  all  Christian  graces."  Neither 
is  there  good  reason  "  for  slighting  positive  institutions 
in  general,  in  comparison  with  moral  virtue."  Man  s' first 
offence  was  breaking  a  positive  precept.  Abraham's  obedi- 
ence to  a  positive  command  obtained  for  him  the  special 
favour  of  God.  Obedience  to  positive  institutions  is  an 
exercise,  and  sometimes  the  noblest  and  best  exercise, 
of  that  love  of  God,  which  is  the  first  and  great  com- 
mandment: and  there  may  be,  in  some  cases,  greater 
excellency  and  more  real  virtue  in  obeying  positive  pre- 
cepts, than  in  any  moral  virtue.  Not  that  these  should 
be  opposed  to  each  other;  since  both  are  necessary, 
and  perfective  of  each  other.  "But,"  he  adds,  "if  they 
must  be  opposed  and  compared,  1  say,  moral  virtue  is 
but  the  handmaid  leading  to  the  door  of  salvation, 
which  the  use  of  the  sacraments  at  length  opens,  and 
lets  us  in." 

Bishop  Van  Mildert  also  remarks  that  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  Dr.  Clarke's  opinions  had  taken  deep  root 
among  several  communities  of  protestant  dissenters,  and 
that  to  this  cause  may  be  traced  some  of  the  multifarious 
schisms  into  which  they  were  subsequently  divided. 
Hence,  at  least,  appear  to  have  arisen  the  several  Unita- 
rian congregations,  which  succeeded  to  the  Arian,  and 
which  are  now  for  the  most  part,  become  Socinian.  In 
the  West  of  England  these  opinions  have  ever  since  con- 
tinued to  have  abettiors.  The  Arian  meeting-house  at 
Exeter  retained  its  appropriate  designation  long  after 
other  congregations  of  the  kind  had  dispersed,  and  were 
forgotten.  It  has  now,  however,  passed  into  other  hands  : 
and  the   Unitarians  of  the  present  day,  who  still  abound 

CLARKE.  8d 

In  that  district,  would  probably  bo  almost  as  reluctant  to 
subscribe  to  Dr.  Clarke's  creed,  as  to  that  of  Dr.  Water- 
land. — Bishop  Hoadleys  Life  of  Dr.  Clarke.  Bishop  Van 
Mildert's  Life  of  Dr.  Waterland.  Lathhurys  Hist,  of  Con- 
vocation.    Whistons  Memoir  of  Clarke. 


Altjred  Clarke,  a  benevolent  English  divine,  was  bom 
in  1696.  After  receiving  his  early  education  at  St.  Paul's 
School,  he  was  admitted  pensioner  of  Corpus  Chiisti 
College,  Cambridge,  of  which  he  was  made  fellow  in  1718. 
In  17-23  he  was  collated  to  the  rectory  of  Chilbolton,  in 
Hampshire,  and  was  soon  after  installed  prebendary  of 
Winchester.  He  was  appointed  one  of  the  chaplains  in 
ordinary  to  George  I.  and  George  II.,  and  was  promoted 
to  a  prebend  in  the  church  of  Westminster  in  1731.  In 
1740  he  was  advanced  by  the  King  to  the  daauery  of 
Exeter ;  and  died  the  same  year.  His  printed  works  are 
few,  consisting  only  of  four  occasional  sermons,  and  an 
Essay  towards  the  Character  of  Queen  Caroline,  published 
in  1738. 

As  a  man,  his  character  stands  very  high.  He  is  said 
to  have  spent  the  whole  surplus  of  his  annual  income  in 
works  of  hospitality  and  charity;  and  determined  with 
himself  never  to  have  in  reserve,  how  great  soever  his 
revenue  might  be,  more  than  a  sum  sufficient  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  his  funeral.  The  most  remarkable  instance 
of  his  active  benevolence  was  in  the  case  of  the  sick  hos- 
pital at  Winchester.  Its  institution,  which  was  the  first 
of  the  kind  in  England,  those  of  the  metropolis  only 
excepted,  owes  its  existence  chiefly  to  the  industry  and 
indefatigable  zeal  of  Dr.  Alured  Clarke,  who  in  1736 
recommended  the  scheme  to  the  public  by  every  art  of 
persuasion,  and  was  so  successful,  that  the  first  annual 
subscription  amounted  to  upwards  of  £600.  And  when 
the  great  utility  of  such  a  foundation  became  more  ap- 

90  CLARKE. 

parent,  its  revenue  soon  increased  to  upwards  of  a  £1000 
per  annum,  and  institutions  of  a  like  nature  were  in  a 
short  time  established  throughout  the  kingdom.  The 
orders  and  constitutions  of  Winchester  Infirmary  were 
drawn  up  by  Dr.  Clarke,  and  are  a  proof  of  great  wisdom 
in  a  branch  of  political  economy,  at  that  time  very  little 
understood.  He  began  a  similar  institution  upon  his 
removal  to  Exeter,  (where  he  had,  with  his  usual  liberality, 
expended  a  large  sum  of  money  upon  the  repair  of  his 
deanery  house,)  but  did  not  live  long  enough  to  see  his 
laudable  design  fully  executed. —  Masters.  Hist,  of  Corjnis 
Christi  College.    History  of  Winchester. 


John  Clarke  was  born  at  Norwich.  He  was  bred  to 
the  business  of  a  weaver,  but  afterwards  went  to  the 
university  of  Cambridge,  where  he  proceeded  to  the  degree 
of  D.D.  By  the  interest  of  his  brother  he  obtained  a 
prebend  in  Norwich  cathedral,  was  appointed  chaplain  in 
ordinary  to  the  King,  and  lastly  promoted  to  the  deanery 
of  Salisbury.  He  died  in  1759.  Dean  Clarke  preached 
the  Boyle's  Lecture,  and  published  the  sermons  with  the 
title  of  the  Origin  of  Evil,  2  vols,  8vo.  His  other  works 
are,  a  translation  of  Rohault's  System  of  Physic,  2  vols, 
8vo ;  another  of  Grotius  de  Veritate,  with  Le  Clerc's  Notes 
8vo ;  and  the  Notes  belonging  to  Wollaston's  Religion 
of  Nature. 


Samuel  Clarke  was  born  at  Brackley,  in  Northampton- 
shire, in  1623.  He  became  a  student  at  Merton  College, 
Oxford,  and  in  1648  took  his  masters  degree.  In  1650 
he  kept  a  school  at  Islington,  where  he  assisted  in 
Walton's  Polyglott.     In  1Q58  he  returned  to  the  univer- 

CLAUDE.  91 

sit  J,  and  became  superior  beadle  of  law,  as  also  architypo- 
graphus,  being  the  last  person  who  united  the  two  offices. 
He  died  in  1669.  His  works  are — 1.  Variae  lectiones  et 
observationes  in  Chaldaicum  paraphrasim,  inserted  in  the 
sixth  volume  of  the  Polyglott  Bible.  2.  Scientia  metrica 
et  rhythmica :  seu  tractatus  de  jDrosodia  Arabica  ex  Autho- 
ribus  probatissimis  eruta,  8vo.  3.  Septimum  Bibliorum 
Polyglottum  volumen  cum  versionibus  antiquissimis, 
non  Chaldaica  tantum,  sed  .Syriacis,  ^thiopicis,  Copticis, 
Arabicis,  Persicis  contextum.  This  last  is  in  MS.  There 
goes  under  his  name  a  translation  out  of  Hebrew  into 
Latin,  of  a  piece  called  Massereth  Beracoth,  8vo.  1667. — 


David  Clakkson  was  born  at  Bradford,  in  1622,  and  was 
educated  at  Clare  Hall,  Cambridge,  of  which  college  he 
became  a  fellow.  He  was  tutor  to  Tillotson,  and  obtained 
the  living  of  Mortlake,  in  Surrey.  On  the  Restoration  he 
became  a  non-conformist,  and  died  in  1686.  Of  his  works, 
which  principally  consist  of  occasional  sermons,  and  a 
volume  of  sermons,  in  folio,  the  most  remarkable  were, 
one  entitled  No  Evidence  of  Diocesan  Episcopacy  in  the 
Primitive  Times,  1681,  4to,  in  answer  to  Dr.  Stillingfleet ; 
and  another  on  the  same  subject,  printed  after  his  death, 
under  the  title  of  Primitive  Episcopacy,  1688  ;  this  was 
answered  by  Dr.  Henry  Maurice  in  1691,  in  his  Defence 
of  Diocesan  Episcopacy. — Gen.  Diet. 


John  Claude  was  born  at  Sauvetat,  near  Agen,  in  1619. 
He  studied  divinity  at  Montauban,  and  there  entered  the 
protestant  ministry  in  1645,  and  ministered  in  the  church 
of  la  Treyne,  whence  he  was  removed  to  St.  Afric,  in 
Rovergne,  and  eight  years  after  to  Nismes.     Here  he  also 


remained  eight  years,  and  being  prohibited  to  exercise  the 
functions  of  a  minister  in  Languedoc,  he  went  to  Mon- 
tauban,  and  settled  in  1616  at  Charenton.  He  was  en- 
gaged in  controversies  with  Bossuet,  Arnauld,  Nicole,  and 
other  distinguished  Romanists.  On  October  2'2nd,  1685, 
the  day  on  which  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes  was 
registered  at  Paris,  Claude,  at  ten  in  the  morning,  was 
ordered  to  leave  France  in  twenty-four  hours.  On  his 
arrival  in  Holland,  he  received  a  large  pension  from  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  He  used  to  preach  occasionally  at  the 
Hague  ;  and  his  last  sermon  was  on  Christmas-day,  1686, 
at  the  conclusion  of  which  he  was  seized  with  an  illness, 
of  which  he  died  on  the  13th  of  January  following.  His 
life,  written  by  M.  de  la  Devaize,  was  translated  into 
English,  and  published  in  London,  1688,  4to.  It  is  very 
eulogistic,  but  there  does  not  appear  to  be  anything  in  the 
volume  which  would  be  interesting  or  edifying  to  the 
readers  of  this  work.  His  Historical  Defence  of  the 
Pteformation  was  published  in  English  by  T.  B.,  London, 
1683,  4to;  and  his  Essay  on  the  Composition  of  a 
Sermon,  which  he  wrote  about  the  year  1676,  for  the  use 
of  his  son,  was  translated  and  published  in  English,  in 
1778,  by  Mr.  Robinson,  of  Cambridge,  2  vols,  8vo,  with  a 
Life  of  the  Author,  and  notes.  A  new  edition  was  pub- 
lished in  1796,  by  the  Rev.  Charles  Simeon,  of  King's 
College,  Cambridge. — Devaize. 


Clemens  Claudius  was  born  in  Spain  at  the  close  of 
the  8th  century,  and  was  a  disciple  of  Felix,  Bishop  of 
Urgel,  whom  he  accompanied  into  France,  Italy,  and  Ger- 
many, but  whose  errors  he  afterwards  renounced,  and 
obtained  access  to  the  court  of  Louis  le  Debonaire,  Em- 
peror and  King  of  France,  who  admitted  him  among  his 
almoners  and  chaplains,  and  in  817  promoted  him  to 
the  see  of  Turin.     He  soon  after  began   to  exercise  the 


duties  of  his  function,  by  ordering  all  images,  and  even 
the  cross,  to  be  cast  out  of  the  churches,  and  committed 
to  the  flames.  The  year  following  he  composed  a  treatise, 
in  which  he  not  only  defended  these  vehement  proceedings, 
and  declared  against  the  use,  as  well  as  the  worship  of 
images,  but  also  broached  several  other  opinions,  that 
were  quite  contrary  to  the  notions  of  the  multitude,  and 
to  the  prejudices  of  the  times.  He  denied,  among  other 
things,  in  opposition  to  the  Greeks,  that  the  cross  was  to 
be  honoured  with  any  kind  of  worship  ;  he  treated  relics 
with  the  utmost  contempt,  as  absolutely  destitute  of  the 
virtues  that  were  attributed  to  them,  and  censured  with 
much  freedom  and  severity  those  pilgrimages  to  the  holy 
land,  and  those  voyages  to  the  tombs  of  the  saints,  which, 
in  this  century,  were  looked  upon  as  extremely  salutary, 
and  particularly  meritorious.  This  noble  stand,  in  the 
defence  of  true  religion,  drew  upon  Claudius  a  multitude 
of  adversaries  ;  the  sons  of  superstition  rushed  upon  him 
from  all  quarters;  Theodemir  Dungallus,  Jonas  of  Orleans, 
and  Walafridus  Strabo  united  to  overwhelm  him  with 
their  voluminous  answers.  But  the  learned  and  venerable 
prelate  maintained  his  ground,  and  supported  his  cause 
with  such  dexterity  and  force,  that  it  remained  triumphant, 
and  gained  new  credit.  And  hence  it  happened,  that  the 
city  of  Turin  and  the  adjacent  country  were,  for  a  long 
time  after  the  death  of  Claudius,  much  less  infected  with 
superstition  than  the  other  parts  of  Europe. 

His  commentaries  on  several  parts  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  are  still  extant  in  MS.  in  various  French 
libraries.  The  only  works  of  his  that  have  been  published 
are,  his  Prefaces  to  the  Book  of  Leviticus,  and  to  the 
Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and  his  Commentary  on  the 
Galatians,  Paris,  154-2,  in  which  he  everywhere  asserts 
the  equality  of  all  the  Apostles  with  St.  Peter,  owns  Jesus 
Christ  as  the  proper  head  of  the  Church,  and  inveighs 
against  the  doctrine  of  human  merits,  and  against  mak- 
ing tradition  of  co-ordinate  authority  with  the  divine 
word.     He  maintains  salvation  by  faith  alone,  admits  the 


fallibility  of  the  Church,  exposes  the  futility  of  praying 
for  the  dead,  and  of  the  idolatrous  practices  then  supported 
by  the  lioman  see.  He  died  in  839. — Mosheim,  Dupin. 


This  unprincipled  man  was  born  in  1695,  in  Dublin, 
his  father  being  dean  of  Kildare.  He  was  educated  at 
Westminster  School  and  at  Trinity  College,  Dublin.  He 
married  a  daughter  of  Chief  Baron  Donellan,  and  in 
many  ways  evinced  a  benevolent  disposition.  A  benevo- 
lent action  on  his  part  was  the  cause  of  his  introduction 
to  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke,  whose  life  has  already  been  given, 
and  by  Dr.  Clarke  his  principles  were  corrupted  :  he  be- 
came an  Arian  heretic.  Through  Clarke  he  was  introduced 
to  (Jueen  Caroline,  and  by  her  recommended  to  Lord 
Carteret  when  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  Irish  govern- 
ment. The  consequence  of  this  recommendation  was 
that  Clayton  was  offered  the  bishopric  of  Killala,  and 
though  an  Arian  heretic,  though  obliged  to  subscribe  the 
articles,  though  compelled  to  declare  his  unfeigned  assent 
and  consent  to  all  and  every  thing  contained  in  and  pre- 
scribed by  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  the  wretched 
man  perjured  himself  and  accepted  the  office,  and  was 
afterwards  translated  first  to  Cork,  and  then  to  Clogher. 
His  first  publication  was  an  Introduction  to  the  History 
of  the  Jews,  afterwards  translated  into  French.  His  next 
work  was  the  Chronology  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  vindicated; 
the  Facts  compared  with  other  ancient  Histories,  and  the 
Difficulties  explained,  from  the  Flood  to  the  Death  of 
Moses ;  together  with  some  Conjectures  in  Relation  to 
Egypt  during  that  Period  of  Time  ;  also  two  Maps,  in 
which  are  attempted  to  be  settled  the  Journeyings  of  the 
Children  of  Israel,  1747,  4to.  In  1710  he  published  a 
Dissertation  on  Prophecy,  which  was  followed  by  an  Im- 
partial Enquiry  into  the  Time  of  the  (Joming  of  the 
Messiah,  in  two  letters  to  an  eminent  Jew.      In   the  same 


year  (1751),  appeared  the  Essay  on  Spirit ;  a  performance 
which  excited  very  general  attention,  and  was  productive 
of  a  sharp  controversy.  Its  object  was  to  recommend  the 
Arian  doctrine  of  the  inferiority  of  the  Son  and  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  and  to  prepare  the  way  for  corresponding 
alterations  in  the  Liturgy.  This  work,  though  ascribed 
to  Dr.  Clayton,  was,  in  fact,  the  production  of  a  young 
clergyman  in  his  diocese,  whom  he  befriended  so  far  as  to 
take  the  expense  and  responsibility  of  the  publication 
upon  himself.  Clayton  fathered  the  work  and  had  the 
discredit  of  it.  The  Essay  was  demolished  by  the  power- 
ful pen  of  Jones  of  Nayland.  It  is  thus  spoken  of  by 
Bishop  Warburton  in  a  letter  to  Bishop  Hurd,  "  The 
Bishop  of  Clogher,  or  some  such  heathenish  name,  in 
Ireland,  has  just  published  a  book.  It  is  made  up  out  of 
the  rubbish  of  the  heresies  ;  of  a  much  ranker  cast  than 
common  Arianism.  Jesus  Christ  is  Michael,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  Gabriel,  &c.  This  might  be  heresy  in  an  English 
bishop,  but  in  an  Irish,  it  is  only  a  blunder.  But  thank 
God,  our  bishops  are  far  from  making  or  vending  heresies; 
though  for  the  good  of  the  Church,  they  have  excellent 
eyes  at  spying  it  out  wherever  it  skulks  or  lies  hid." 

He  had  before  this,  we  may  presume,  kept  his  Arianism 
to  himself.  He  was  now  the  avowed  champion  of  this 
heresy,  and  bad  as  the  times  were,  they  were  not  such  as 
would  tolerate  the  advancement  of  an  Arian,  or,  we  may 
presume,  a  Sabellian  to  an  archie piscopal  see.  In  1752 
he  was  recommended  by  the  Duke  of  Dorset,  then  viceroy 
of  Ireland,  to  the  vacant  archbishopric  of  Tuam  ;  but  this 
was  refused,  solely  on  account  of  his  being  regarded  as 
the  writer  of  the  Essay.  In  1752  he  published  A  Vindi- 
cation of  the  Histories  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament ; 
in  answer  to  the  Objections  of  the  late  Lord  Bolingbroke  ; 
in  two  letters  to  a  young  nobleman,  1752,  Bvo  ;  an  able 
work.  In  1754  he  published  the  second  part  of  his  Vin- 
dication of  the  Histories  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
which  was  successfully  attacked  by  Alexander  Catcott. 
On  the   ^ud  of  February,    17  56,   he  openly  avowed  his 


Arian  principles,  by  proposing  in  the  Irish  House  of 
Lords,  that  the  Nicene  and  Athanasian  Creeds  should  for 
the  future  be  left  out  of  the  Liturgy  of  the  Church  of 
Ireland.  In  1757  he  pubUshed  the  third  part  of  his 
Vindication  of  the  Histories  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
jnent,  in  which  he  renewed  his  attacks  upon  the  Trinity, 
and  gave  up  so  many  doctrines  as  indefensible,  and  ad- 
vanced others  so  contradictory  to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles, 
that  the  Bishops  of  the  Church  of  Ireland  determined  to 
proceed  against  him.  Accordingly  the  King  ordered  the 
lord-lieutenant  to  take  the  proper  steps  towards  a  legal 
prosecution  of  the  Bishop  of  Clogher.  A  day  was  lixed 
for  a  general  meeting  of  the  Irish  prelates  at  the  house  of 
the  primate,  to  which  Dr.  Clayton  was  summoned,  that  he 
might  receive  from  them  the  notification  of  their  inten- 
tions. A  censure  was  certain ;  a  deprivation  was  appre- 
hended. But,  before  the  time  appointed,  he  was  seized 
with  a  nervous  fever,  of  which  he  died  on  the  26th  of 
February,  1758. — Biog.  Brit.  Nicholss  Bowyer.  War- 
burtons  Letters. 


From  Eusebius  we  learn  that  this  eminent  father  of 
the  Christian  Church,  who  flourished  between  the  years 
192  and  '217,  was  a  convert  from  heathenism.  According 
to  Epiphanius  he  was  by  some  called  an  Athenian,  by 
others  an  Alexandrian,  whence  Cave  infers  that  he  was 
born  at  Athens,  and  studied  at  Alexandria ;  of  the  Church 
of  Alexandria,  according  to  Jerome,  he  became  a  presbyter. 
He  had  for  his  master  Pantoenus  of  Alexandria,  and  after 
his  decease  he  himself  became  master  of  the  catechetical 
school,  where  he  had  for  his  hearer  the  celebrated  Origen. 
"When  Severus  began  a  persecution  against  the  Chris- 
tians, for  which  he  pleaded  a  rebellion  of  the  Jews  (for  the 
pagans  had  not  as  yet  learned  to  distinguish  Jews  and 
Christians,)  Clemens  left  Egypt  to  escape  the  violence  of 
it;  and  upon  this  occasion  he  drew  up  a  discourse,  to 


prove  the  lawfulness  of  flying  in  times  of  persecution.  He 
then  went  to  Jerusalem,  and  took  up  his  abode  for  some 
time  with  Alexander,  who  was  soon  after  Bishop  of  that 
see.  From  Antioch  he  returned  to  Alexandria.  The 
time  of  his  death  is  not  known,  hut  he  is  supposed  to 
have  lived  till  about  the  close  of  Caracalla's  reign. 

St.  Jerome  gives  the  following  list  of  his  works  ; — 

STpw/xoTc'i?  in  eight  books. 

Hypotyposes  in  eight  books. 

One  book  addressed  to  the  Gentiles. 

Three  books  entitled  TTatoaywyoj. 

One  book  concerning  Easter. 

A  Discourse  concerning  Fasting. 

A  Discourse,  entitled,  "  Who  is  the  Rich  man  that 
shall  U  Saved  ?" 

One  book  on  Slander. 

One  on  the  Ecclesiastical  Canons,  and  against  those 
who  follow  the  errors  of  the  Jews,  addressed  to  Alexander, 
Bishop  of  Jerusalem, 

This  account  of  the  works  of  Clemens  is  principally 
derived  from  Eusebius,  who  also  mentions  an  Exhortation 
to  Patience,  addressed  to  the  newly  Baptized.  The  ad- 
dress to  the  Gentiles,  the  Pfedagogus,  the  Stromata,  and 
the  tract  entitled  "  Who  is  the  Rich  Man  that  shall  be 
Saved  ?"'  have  come  down  to  us  nearly  entire.  Of  the 
other  works  we  have  only  fragments. 

The  works  of  Clemens  Alexandrinus  are  deeply  interest- 
ing, as  throwing  light  upon  the  manners  and  modes  of 
thought  prevalent  in  his  time.  This  observation  is  espe- 
cially applicable  to  the  Stromata.  His  works  are  not  so 
important  perhaps  as  some  others  to  the  theological 
student,  but  he  would  not  omit  to  read  an  author  so  full 
of  interest,  assisted  as  he  now  is,  by  the  valuable  work  of 
Bishop  Kaye;  and  there  is  much  in  this  father  which 
strengthens  the  cause  of  the  Church  of  England  against 
the  peculiarities  of  R^jme.  Speaking  of  angels,  Pjishop 
Kaye  remarks,  tliat  we  find  in  Clemens  nothing  to  coun- 

VOL.   JV.  K 


tenance  the  notion  that  prayers  ought  to  be  addressed 
to  them.  He  represents  them,  as  well  as  men,  as  pray- 
ing for  blessings  from  God.  Speaking  of  the  heretics, 
Clemens  says,  "that  they  did  not  transmit  or  interpret  the 
Scriptures  agreeably  to  the  dignity  of  God ;  for  the  under- 
standing and  the  cultivation  of  the  pious  tradition,  agree- 
ably to  the  teaching  of  the  Lord  delivered  by  the  Apostles, 
is  a  deposit  to  be  rendered  to  God. — The  Scriptures  are 
to  be  interpreted  according  to  the  canon  of  the  truth. 
Neither  the  prophets,  nor  the  Saviour  Himself,  announced 
the  divine  mysteries  so  as  to  be  easily  comprehended  by 
every  one,  but  spoke  in  parables ;  which  will  be  under- 
stood by  those  who  adhere  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
Scriptures  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  rule ;  and  that 
rule  is,  the  harmony  of  the  law  and  the  prophets  with  the 
covenant  delivered  by  the  Lord  during  His  presence  on 
earth. " 

When  we  proceed  to  inquire  what  were  the  mysterious 
truths  which  had  been  thus  transmitted  by  unwritten 
tradition,  and  were  unfitted  for  the  ear  of  the  common 
believer,  we  shall  find  that  they  consisted  chiefly  of  pre- 
cepts for  the  formation  of  the  true  Gnostic — the  perfect 
Christian.  The  use  to  which  the  Romish  Church  applies 
unwritten  tradition  and  the  Disciplina  Arcani — in  order 
to  account  for  the  total  silence  of  the  first  ages  of 
Christianity  respecting  certain  doctrines  which  it  now 
requires  its  followers  to  believe,  as  necessary  to  salvation- 
receives  no  sanction  from  the  writings  of  Clemens.  The 
same  Scriptures  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  Clemens' 
Gnostic,  and  of  the  common  believer ;  but  he  interpreted 
them  on  different  principles ;  he  affixed  to  them  a  higher 
and  more  spiritual  meaning.  The  same  doctrines  were 
proposed  as  the  objects  of  his  faith,  but  he  explained 
them  in  a  different  manner ;  he  discovered  in  them 
hidden  meanings  which  are  not  discernable  by  the  vulgar 
eye.  Clemens'  Esoteric  system  agrees  only  in  one  respect 
with  the  Romish  Disciplina  Arcani;  it  is  equally  desti- 
tute of  solid  foundation. 


Far,  however,  from  teaching  his  Gnostic  to  rely  on 
unwritten  tradition,  Clemens  says,  "  that  they  who  are 
labouring  after  excellence,  will  not  stop  in  their  search  of 
truth,  until  they  have  obtained  proof  of  that  which  they 
believe  from  the  Scriptures  themselves."  He  alleges  that 
the  heretics  perverted  the  Scriptures  according  to  their 
lusts  ;  that  they  did  not  obey  the  Divine  Scriptures,  and 
kicked  off  the  tradition  of  the  Church.  He  says  that,  in 
cases  in  which  it  is  not  sufficient  merely  to  state  a 
doctrine,  but  we  are  also  required  to  prove  what  we  affirm, 
we  then  do  not  look  for  human  testimony,  but  appeal  to 
the  voice  of  the  Lord,  which  is  a  greater  surety  than  all 
demonstration  ;  or  rather  is  the  only  demonstration.  With 
reference  to  this  knowledge,  they  who  merely  taste  the 
Scriptures  are  believers;  they  who  proceed  further  are 
accurate  indexes  (yvw/xovE?)  of  the  truth;  they  are  Gnos- 
tics. Thus  w^e,  bringing  proof  respecting  the  Scriptures 
from  the  Scriptures  themselves,  rest  our  belief  on  demon- 
stration. Clemens  says,  that  the  Gnostic  follows  witherso- 
ever God  leads  him  in  the  divinely  inspired  Scriptures ; 
and  couples  clear  demonstration  from  the  testimony  of  the 
Scriptures  with  knowledge  (r)'  yvwo-i?),  when  he  speaks  of 
the  remedies  of  ignorance.  He  opposes  the  tradition  of 
the  blessed  Apostles  and  teachers,  which  was  in  agree- 
ment with  the  divinely-inspired  Scriptures,  to  human 
doctrines  ;  and  repeatedly  asserts  the  unity  of  the  Aposto- 
lic tradition. 

Clemens,  says  Bishop  Kaye,  uniformly  connects  Regen- 
eration with  Baptism.  "  The  Paedagogue,"  he  says,  "  forms 
man  out  of  the  dust,  regenerates  him  with  water,  causes 
him  to  grow  by  the  Spirit."  The  effects  of  baptism  are 
thus  described.  "  Our  transgressions  are  remitted  by  one 
sovereign  medicine,  the  baptism  according  to  the  Word 
(xoyiKw  jSaTTTiVjotaTt).  We  are  cleansed  from  all  our  sins, 
and  cease  at  once  to  be  wicked.  This  is  one  grace  of 
illumination,  that  we  are  no  longer  the  same  in  conversa- 
tion (tov  t^ottov)  as  before  we  were  washed ;  inasmuch 
as  knowledge   rises   together  with  illumination,    shining 


around  the  understanding;  and  we  who  were  without 
learning  (a|u,a9E'tV)  are  instantly  stjled  learners  {jxa^rtral), 
this  learning  having  at  some  former  time  been  conferred 
upon  us ;  for  we  cannot  name  the  precise  time ;  since 
catechetical  instruction  leads  to  faith,  and  faith  is  instruct- 
ed by  the  Holy  Spirit  in  baptism,"  Our  flesh  is  said  to 
become  precious,  being  regenerated  by  water. 

There  is  a  very  strong  passage  in  the  Paedagogue,  lib.  1 . 
cap  6.  which  is  not  that  we  remember,  quoted  by  Bishop 
Kaye.  "  Being  baptized  we  are  illuminated,  being  illumi- 
nated we  are  made  sons,  being  made  sons  we  are  perfected, 
being  perfected  we  are  immortahzed. — This  work  is 
variously  denominated  ;  grace,  and  illumination,  and  per- 
fection, and  laver :  laver,  by  which  we  wipe  off  sins ;  grace, 
by  which  the  penalties  due  to  sins  are  remitted ;  illumina- 
tion, by  which  that  holy  and  salutary  light  is  viewed,  that 
is,  by  which  we  gaze  on  the  Divine  Being."  Baptism  is 
here  supposed  to  be  the  instrument  of  illumination, 
remission,  adoption,  perfection,  salvation;  under  which, 
jointly  considered,  must  be  comprehended  all  that  con- 
cerns justification,  though  the  name  itself  is  not  used. 

Dr.  Waterland  remarks  that  he  had  elevated  sentiments 
of  the  Christian  Eucharist,  but  such  as  require  close 
attention  to  understand.     He  writes  thus  : 

"  The  Blood  of  the  Lord  is  twofold,  the  carnal  by  which 
we  are  redeemed  from  corruption,  and  the  spiritual  by 
which  we  are  anointed :  to  drink  the  Blood  of  Jesus  is  to . 
partake  of  our  Lord's  immortality.  Moreover,  the  power 
of  the  Word  is  the  Spirit,  as  blood  is  of  the  flesh.  And 
correspondently,  as  wine  is  mingled  with  water,  so  is  the 
Spirit  with  the  man :  and  as  the  mingled  cup  goes  for 
drink,  so  the  Spirit  leads  to  immortality.  x\gain,  the 
mixture  of  these  two,  viz.  of  the  drink  and  of  the  Logos 
together,  is  called  the  Eucharist,  viz.  glorious  and  excel- 
lent grace,  whereof  those  who  partake  in  faith  are  sancti- 
fied, both  body  and  soul.  The  Father's  appointment 
mystically  tempers  man,  a  divine  mixture,  with  the  Spirit 
and  the  Logos :  for,  in  very  deed,  the  Spirit  joins  himself 


with  the  soul  as  sustained  by  him,  and  the  Logos  with  the 
flesh,  for  which  the  Logos  became  flesh."  What  I  have 
to  observe,  saj's  Dr.  Waterland,  of  these  Hnes  of  Clemens, 
may  be  comprised  in  the  particulars  here  following. 

1.  The  first  thing  to  be  taken  notice  of,  is  the  twofold 
Blood  of  Christ:  by  which  Clemens  understands  the 
natural  blood  shed  upon  the  cross,  and  the  spiritual  blood 
exhibited  in  the  Eucharist,  namely,  spiritual  graces,  the 
unction  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  union  with  the  Logos, 
together  with  what  is  consequent  thereupon.  As  to  parallel 
places  of  the  Fathers,  who  speak  of  the  anointing  in  the 
Eucharist,  with  the  Blood  of  Christ  through  the  Spirit,  the 
reader  may  consult  Mr.  Aubertine  ;  or  Bishop  Fell  in  his 
notes  upon  Cyprian.  St.  Jerome  seems  to  have  used 
the  like  distinction  with  Clemens  between  the  natural 
and  spiritual  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ.  If  we  would 
take  in  all  the  several  kinds  of  our  Lord's  Body,  or  all 
the  notions  that  have  gone  under  that  name,  they  amount 
to  these  four.  1.  His  natural  body,  considered  first  as 
mortal,  and  next  as  immortal.  2.  His  typical,  or  sym- 
bolical body,  viz.  the  outward  sign  in  the  Eucharist. 
3.  His  spiritual  body,  in  or  out  of  the  Eucharist,  viz. 
the  thing  signified.  4.  His  mystical  body,  that  is.  His 
Church.     But  I  proceed. 

■2.  The  next  observation  to  be  made  upon  Clemens  is, 
that  he  manifestly  excludes  the  natural  body  of  Christ 
from  being  literally  or  locally  present  in  the  Sacrament, 
admitting  only  the  spiritual ;  which  he  interprets  of  the 
Logos  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  one  conceived  more  parti- 
cularly to  sanctify  the  body,  and  the  other  the  soul,  and 
both  inhabiting  the  regenerate  man.  Which  general  doc- 
trine, abstracting  from  the  case  of  the  Eucharist,  is  founded 
in  express  Scripture,  and  may  by  just  and  clear  conse- 
quence be  applied  to  the  Eucharist,  in  virtue  of  the  words 
of  the  institution,  and  of  John  vi.  and  other  texts,  besides 
the  plain  nature  and  reason  of  the  thing. 

3.  Another  thing  to  be  observed  of  Clemens  is,  that  as 


he  plainly  rejects  any  corporal  and  local  presence,  sr)  does 
he  as  plainly  reject  the  low  notions  of  the  figurists,  or 
memorialists ;  for,  no  man  ever  expressed  himself  more 
strongly  in  favour  of  spiritual  graces  conveyed  in  the 

4.  It  may  be  farther  noted,  which  shows  our  author's 
care  and  accuracy,  that  he  brings  not  the  Logos  and  tloly 
Spirit  so  much  upon  the  elements,   as  upon   the  persons, 
viz.  the  worthy  receivers,  to  sanctify  them  both  in  body 
and  soul.     He  does  indeed  speak  of  the  mixture  of  the 
wine  and  the  Logos  ;  and  if  he  is  to  be  understood   of  the 
personal,    and    not   vocal.  Word,  he   then  supposes  the 
Eucharist  to  consist  of  two  things,  earthly  and  heavenly, 
just  as  Iremeus  before  him  did  :   but  even  upon  that  sup- 
position, he  might  really  mean  no  more  than  that  the  com- 
municant received  both  together,  both  at  the  same  instant. 
They  were  only  so  far  mixed,  as  being  both  administered 
at  the  same  time,  and  to  the  same  person,  receiving  the 
one  with  his  mouth,  and  the  other  with  his  mind,  strength- 
ened at  once  in  body  and  in  soul.     Clemens,  in   another 
place,  cites  part  of  the  institution,  by  memory  perhaps,  as 
follows :   "He  blessed  the  wine,  saying,  Take,  drink  ;  this 
is  my  Blood.     This  blood  of  the  grape  mystically  signifies 
the  Word  poured  forth  for  many,  for  the  remission  of  sins, 
that  holy  torrent  of  gladness."     Three  things  are  obser- 
vable from  this  passage  :  one,  that  the  wine  of  the  Euchar- 
ist,   after  consecration,  is  still  the  blood  of   the  grape: 
another,  that  it  is  called  the  Blood  of  Christ,  or  Blood  of 
the  Logos,  (as  Origen  also  styles  it,)  symbolically  signify- 
ing and  exhibiting  the  fruits  of  the  passion  :  lastly,  that 
those  fruits  are  owing  to  the  union  of  the  Logos  with  the 
suffering  humanity.     These  principles  all  naturally  fall  in 
with  the  accounts  I  have  before  given." 

Clemens'  woi'ks  were  published,  with  a  Latin  transla- 
tion, by  J.  Potter,  2  vols,  folio,  Oxford,  1715  ;  and  also  at 
Wurzburg,  3  vols.  8vo.  1780. — Works.  Eusebius.  Kaye. 
Cave.     Waterland.     hardner. 



It  will  be  unnecessary  to  state  all  that  is  said  of  this 
apostolical  father  in  Tillemont  and  Cave,  since  the  facts 
they  state,  as  is  admitted  by  the  learned  writers  them- 
selves, are  of  questionable  authority.  In  truth,  very  little 
is  known  of  Clemens  or  Clement,  except  that  he  is  the 
same  Clement  of  whom  St.  Paul  speaks  as  one  of  his 
fellow  labourers,  (Phil.  iv.  8.)  whose  names  are  in  the 
book  of  life.  Origen,  Eusebius,  and  others  of  the  ancients 
assert  this  as  a  fact  of  which  there  was  no  doubt.  St.  Ire- 
naeus  assures  us  that  at  least  he  saw  the  Apostles,  that  he 
conversed  with  them,  and  when  he  was  made  Bishop  of 
Rome,  the  sound  of  his  preaching  was  still,  as  it  were, 
ringing  in  his  ears  ;  that  he  always  placed  before  his  eyes 
the  rules  which  they  had  given  him  and  the  example  of 
their  behaviour.  It  is  also  certain  that  he  was  Bishop  of 
Rome.  But  there  is  much  difficulty  in  settling  the  succes- 
sion of  the  first  Bishops  of  that  see.  Bishop  Pearson 
supposes,  that  Clemens  was  Bishop  of  Rome  from  the 
year  of  our  Lord  69,  or  70,  to  the  year  83,  the  second  of 
Domitian  :  Pagi,  that  Clemens  succeeded  Linus  in  61, 
and  sat  in  the  see  of  Rome  till  77,  when  he  abdicated, 
and  died  long  after  a  martyr  in  the  year  100.  Those 
learned  men,  who  place  the  bishopric  of  Clemens  so  early, 
or  that  suppose  he  might  write  this  epistle  before  he  was 
Bishop,  (as  Dodw^ell,)  usually  place  it  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem.  Archbishop  Wake  concludes,  that  thi^ 
epistle  was  written  shortly  after  the  end  of  the  persecution 
under  Nero,  between  the  64th  and  70th  year  of  Christ.  Le 
Clerc  places  it  in  the  year  69,  and  Dodwell  in  64.  Dupin, 
Tillemont,  and  others  think,  he  was  not  Bishop  till  the 
year  91  or  93.  This  is  the  more  common  opinion,  and  is 
agreeable  to  the  sentiments  of  Irenseus,  Eusebius,  and 
others,  the  most  ancient  Christian  writers.  Of  the  former 
of  two  epistles  ascribed  to  him,  Clemens  is  universally 
regarded  as  the  author.  The  epistle  is  written  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  Church  of  Rome  to  the  Church  of 


Corinth.  And  therefore  it  is  called  at  one  time  the  epistle 
of  Clemens,  and  at  another  the  epistle  of  the  Romans  to 
the  Corinthians.  The  main  design  of  it  is  to  compose 
some  dissensions,  which  there  were  in  the  Church  of 
Corinth  about  their  spiritual  guides  and  governors,  which 
dissensions  seem  to  have  been  raised  by  a  few  turbulent 
and  selfish  men  among  them.  Upon  this  occasion  Cle- 
mens recommends  not  only  concord  and  harmony,  but 
love  in  general,  humility,  and  all  the  virtues  of  a  good  life, 
and  divers  of  the  great  articles  and  principles  of  religion. 
The  style  is  clear  and  simple.  It  is  called  by  the  ancients 
an  excellent,  an  useful,  a  great  and  admirable  epistle. 
And  the  epistle  still  in  our  hands  deserves  all  these  com- 
mendations :  though  not  entire,  there  being  some  pages 
wanting  in  the  manuscript  of  it :  and  though  we  have  but 
one  ancient  manuscript  of  it  remaining. 

Tillemont  observes  that  Photius  finds  fault  with  three 
things  in  this  epistle  to  the  Corinthians  ;  one  is,  that 
St.  Clemens  supposes  certain  worlds  lying  beyond  the 
ocean  ;  another,  that  he  tells  the  story  of  the  Phoenix  as 
real  matter  of  fact ;  and  the  third,  that  he  only  uses  such 
w^ords  as  shew  the  humanity  of  Jesus  Christ,  calling  Him 
High  Priest  and  our  Head,  but  saying  nothing  of  Him 
great  and  noble,  or  that  expresses  His  divinity 

The  first  of  these  remarks  should  give  us  no  great 
trouble,  since  we  know  assuredly  what  the  ancients  ad- 
vanced only  with  uncertainty.  For  that  expression  cited 
by  St.  Jerome,  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  Origen, 
signifies,  according  to  the  last,  nothing  but  what  we  call 
the  Antipodes.  As  to  the  Phoenix,  if  it  is  a  fault  in 
St.  Clemens  to  mention  it,  it  is  common  to  him  with 
many  very  considerable  authors,  both  Christian  and 
Pagan.  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  cites  this  passage  without 
having  anything  to  say  against  it.  With  regard  to  the 
third  point,  it  would  be  sufiicient  to  justify  St.  Clemens, 
to  consider  that  as  Photius  acknowledges  himself,  he  says 
nothing  but  what  is  agreeable  to  the  faith  of  the  Church 
upon  the  divinity  of  Jesus  Christ :  to  which  we  may  add, 


that  according  to  St.  Athanasius,  it  was  the  custom  of  the 
Apostles  to  speak  more  commonly  of  our  Saviour's 
humanity  than  of  His  divinity.  But  even  in  this  epistle 
there  is  mention  made  of  the  sufferings  of  God,  which 
Photius  probably  did  not  observe,  and  which  is  sufficient 
to  condemn  at  once  both  Arianism  and  the  heresy  of 

This  primitive  Bishop  of  Eome  did  not  arrogate  to 
himself  papal  power;  if  he  had  pretended  to  any  such 
power  as  that  which  the  popes  of  Rome  now  assume,  he 
would  have  issued  his  commands  to  the  Church  of 
Corinth,  whereas  he  merely  ventures  to  give  them  advice, 
and  that  not  in  his  own  name,  but  in  the  name  of  the 
Church,  the  address  of  the  epistle  being,  "  The  Church 
of  God  which  is  at  Rome  to  the  Church  of  God  which  is 
at  Corinth,  elect,  sanctified,  by  the  will  of  God,  through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord  ;  grace  and  peace  from  Almighty 
God  by  Jesus  Christ  be  multiplied  upon  you." 

"  If,"  says  a  modern  writer,  "  the  claims  of  authority  be 
well  grounded,  they  will,  of  course,  be  highest  when  nearest 
to  their  source  :  yet  upon  this  supposition  how  unaccount- 
able is  the  conduct  of  Clemens  and  the  Church  of  Rome. 
We  have  here  the  first  instance  upon  record  in  which  that 
Church  thought  proper  to  interpose  in  the  religious  con- 
cerns of  its  brethren.  It  might,  therefore,  have  been  ex- 
pected, that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  should  have  begun  with 
asserting  his  own  sovereign  authority  over  the  Corinthian 
and  all  other  Churches  ;  should  have  required  implicit 
obedience  to  his  mandates;  and,  in  case  of  non-compliance, 
denounced  the  rebellious  assembly  cut  off  from  the  body 
of  the  faithful :  yet,  as  if  it  were  intended  by  Providence, 
that  the  first  known  interposition  of  a  Roman  pontiff  in 
the  affairs  of  another  Church  should  remain  as  a  lesson  of 
humility,  or  a  reproof  of  arrogance  to  his  successors,  the 
evangelical  author  of  this  epistle  seems  purposely  to  ex- 
tenuate his  authority  even  over  his  own  people ;  merges 
even  his  own  name  in  that  of  his  Church ;  and  though  he 
reproves  the  misconduct  of  the  Corinthians  with  freedom, 


and  even  with  dignity,  yet  it  is  only  with  the  freedom  of 
a  benevolent  equal,  and  the  dignity  of  a  grieved  friend. 
But  above  all,  humility  and  patience  are  conspicuous :  no 
'holy  rage,'  no  zeal  calling  for  judgments,  no  asperity  of 
reproach  :  but  prayers  and  intreaties,  or,  at  most,  expostu- 
lations and  arguments,  constituted,  at  that  time,  the  spi- 
ritual weapons  of  the  Roman  Church." 

Dr.  Waterland  shews  that  he  holds  the  view  of  justi- 
fication by  faith  as  retained  in  the  Church  of  England, 
in  opposition  to  the  Trentine  doctrine.  Clemens  says  : 
"  They  (the  ancient  Patriarchs)  were  all  therefore  greatly 
glorified  and  magnified ;  not  for  their  own  sake,  or  for 
their  own  works,  or  for  the  righteousness  which  they  them- 
selves wrought,  but  through  His  good  pleasure.  And  we 
also  being  called  through  His  good  pleasure  in  Christ 
Jesus,  are  not  justified  by  ourselves,  neither  by  our  own 
wisdom,  or  knowledge,  or  piety,  or  the  works  which  we 
have  done  in  holiness  of  heart,  but  by  that  faith  by  which 
Almighty  God  justified  all  from  the  beginning."  "  Here," 
remarks  Dr.  Waterland,  "it  is  observable,  that  the  word 
faith  does  not  stand  for  the  whole  system  of  Christianity, 
or  for  Christian  belief  at  large,  but  for  some  particular 
self-denying  principle  by  which  good  men,  even  under  the 
patriarchal  and  legal  dispensations,  laid  hold  on  the  mercy 
and  promises  of  God,  referring  all,  not  to  themselves  or 
their  own  deservings,  but  to  divine  goodness,  in  and 
through  a  Mediator.  It  is  true,  Clemens  elsewhere,  and 
St.  Paul  almost  every  where,  insists  upon  true  holiness  of 
heart  and  obedience  of  life,  as  indispensable  conditions  of 
salvation,  or  justification  ;  and  of  that,  one  would  think 
there  could  be  no  question  among  men  of  any  judgment 
or  probity :  but  the  question  about  conditions  is  very 
distinct  from  the  other  question  about  instruments  ;  and 
therefore  both  parts  may  be  true,  viz.  that  faith  and  obedi- 
ence are  equally  conditions,  and  equally  indispensable 
where  opportunities  permit ;  and  yet  faith  over  and  above 
is  emphatically  the  instrument  both  of  receiving  and 
holding  justification,  or  a  title  to  salvation." 


St.  Clemens  asserts  the  doctrine  of  apostolical  succession 
thus,  "  The  Apostles  have  preached  to  us  from  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ;  Jesus  Christ  from  God.  Christ,  therefore, 
was  sent  bj  God ;  the  Apostles  by  Christ,  Both  missions 
were  in  order,  according  to  the  will  of  God.  Having, 
therefore,  received  their  commission,  being  thoroughly 
assured  of  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord,  and  believing  in 
the  Word  of  God,  with  the  fullness  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
they  went  abroad,  declaring  that  the  kingdom  of  God  was 
at  hand.  Thus  they  travelled  through  different  countries 
and  cities,  and  appointed  the  first-fruits  of  their  ministry, 
after  they  had  proved  them  by  the  Spirit,  to  be  bishops 
and  deacons  over  those  who  should  afterwards  believe. 

"  The  Apostles  themselves  were  informed  by  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  that  contentions  would  arise  concerning  the 
ministry.  On  this  account,  therefore,  they  not  only  them- 
selves ordained  ministers,  as  we  have  before  mentioned ; 
but  also  gave  directions  that  on  their  decease,  other  chosen 
and  approved  men  should  succeed  them.  We  cannot, 
therefore,  but  think  it  unjust  to  eject  such  persons  from 
the  ministry  as  were  ordained  (with  the  approbation  of  the 
whole  Church)  either  by  the  Apostles  or  holy  men  succeed- 
ing them  ;  who  have  ministered  to  the  tlock  of  Christ  in 
a  humble,  peaceable,  and  disinterested  manner,  and  for  a 
series  of  years  have  been  well  reported  of  by  all.  For 
surely  it  is  a  sin  of  no  small  magnitude  to  dismiss  from 
that  office  such  blameless  and  holy  pastors !  Happy  are 
those  presbyters,  who  have  already  finished  their  course, 
and  died  in  the  fruitful  discharge  of  their  labours;  they 
have  now  no  reason  to  fear  that  any  one  should  remove 
them  from  the  place  appointed  for  them.  But,  alas  !  we 
learn  that  you  have  ejected  some  excellent  ministers, 
whose  blameless  lives  were  an  ornament  to  their  profession. 
Ye  are  contentious,  brethren,  and  zealous  for  things  which 
belong  not  to  salvation.  Search  the  Scriptures,  the  faith- 
ful records  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  There  you  find  that  good 
men  were  persecuted  indeed,  but  by  the  wicked  ;  were 
imprisoned,  but  by  the  unholy  ;  were  stoned,  but  by  trans- 


gressors ;  were  murdered,  but  by  the  profane,  and  by  such 
as  were  unjustly  incensed  against  them.  Let  us,  there- 
fore, unite  ourselves  to  the  innocent  and  righteous,  for 
they  are  God's  elect. 

"  Why  are  there  strifes,  angers,  divisions,  schisms,  and 
contentions,  among  you  ?  Have  you  not  all  one  God,  and 
one  Christ?  Is  not  one  Spirit  of  grace  poured  out  upon 
us  all,  and  one  calling  of  Christ  bestowed  upon  us  all  ? 
Why  then  do  we  rend  and  tear  the  members  of  Christ, 
and  excite  seditions  in  our  own  body?  Your  schism 
has  perverted  many,  has  discouraged  many,  has  staggered 
many.  It  has  caused  grief  to  us  all ;  and,  alas !  it  con- 
tinues still." 

As  the  nature  of  this  epistle  is  practical,  no  very  regular 
or  precise  statement  of  doctrine  is  to  be  expected.  Still, 
however,  the  essential  doctrines  of  revelation  are  clearly 
exhibited.  He  thus,  for  instance,  plainly  states  his  senti- 
ments respecting  redemption  by  the  atonement  of  Cluist. 
"  Let  us  look  steadily  at  the  Blood  of  Christ,  and  see  how 
precious  His  Blood  is  in  the  sight  of  God  ;  for  on  account 
of  its  being  shed  for  our  salvation,  the  grace  of  repentance 
is  provided  for  all  mankind."  In  the  following  passage 
we  have  the  infinite  condescension  of  Christ  stated  as 
a  ground  for  enforcing  Christian  humility.  "  Our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  the  sceptre  of  the  majesty  of  God,  came  not 
in  the  pomp  of  pride  and  ostentation,  though  he  could 
have  done  so,  but  in  humihty.  You  see,  brethren,  the 
example  He  afforded  us.  If  the  Lord  thus  humbled 
Himself,  how  should  we  too  demean  ourselves,  who  are 
brought  by  Him  under  the  yoke  of  His  grace." 

There  are  extant  fragments  of  a  second  epistle  of 
Clemens,  which,  however,  the  best  critics  consider  to  be 
spurious.  It  breaks  off  abruptly  in  the  middle  of  the  1 2th 
chapter,  and  there  is  no  evidence  of  its  having  been  writ- 
ten to  the  Corinthians.  Both  epistles  were  found  at  the 
end  of  the  New  Testament  in  a  MS.  brought  from  Alexan- 
dria, and  were  published  by  Patrick  Junms  :  Sancti  Cle- 
mentis  Romani   ad  Corinthios  Epistolae  duie  expressae  ad 


Fidem  MS.  Cod.  Alexandrini,  Oxford,  1633  ;  and  again 
by  H.  Wotton,  Cambridge,  1718.  An  edition  of  all  Cle- 
mens' works,  genuine  and  spurious,  was  published  with 
learned  commentaries  by  Cotelerius,  in  his  collection  of 
Patres  Apostol.,  Paris,  167'2 :  and  again  by  Le  Clerc, 
Amst.  1698. 

Archbishop  Wake  remarks  that  there  is  not  any  less 
controversy  among  learned  men  concerning  the  death 
of  St.  Clemens,  than  there  has  been  about  the  order  and 
time  of  bis  succession  to  his  bishopric.  That  be  lived 
in  expectation  of  martyrdom,  and  was  ready  to  have 
undergone  it,  should  it  have  pleased  God  to  have  called 
bim  to  it,  the  epistle  we  are  now  speaking  of  suffi- 
ciently shews  us.  But  that  he  did  glorify  God  by  those 
particular  sufferings  which  some  have  pretended,  is  a 
matter  of  some  doubt.  For,  first  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  Ruffinus  is  one  of  the  first  authors  we  have  that 
speaks  of  him  as  a  martyr.  Neither  Eusebius  (who  is 
usually  very  exact  in  his  observation  of  such  things),  nor 
any  of  the  fathers  yet  nearer  his  time,  as  Irenaeus,  Cle- 
mens Alexandrinus,  Tertullian,  &c.  take  any  notice  of  it. 
And  for  the  account  which  some  others  have  yet  more 
lately  given  us  of  the  manner  of  his  death,  besides  that 
in  some  parts  it  is  altogether  fabulous,  it  is  not  improba- 
ble but  that,  as  our  learned  Mr.  Dodwell  has  observed, 
the  first  rise  of  it  may  have  been  owing  to  their  confound- 
ing Flavins  Clemens,  the  Roman  consul,  with  Clemens 
Bishop  of  Rome  ;  who  did  indeed  suffer  martyrdom  for 
the  faith  about  the  time  of  which  they  speak,  and  some 
other  parts  of  whose  character,  such  as  his  relation  to  the 
Emperor  and  banishment  into  Pontus,  they  manifestly 
ascribe  to  him. 

However,  seeing  Eusebius  refers  his  death  to  the  third 
year  of  Trajan,  famous  for  the  persecution  of  the  Church, 
and  may  thereby  seem  to  insinuate  that  Clemens  also  then 
suffered  among  the  rest ;  and  that  Simeon  Metaphrastes 
has  given  a  long  and  particular  account  of  his  condem- 

V<»J,   IV.  L 

110  CLERC. 

nation,  to  the  mines  first,  and  then  of  his  death  following 
thereupon  ;  as  I  shall  not  determine  anything  against  it, 
so  they  who  are  desirous  to  know  what  is  usually  said 
concerning  the  passion  of  this  holy  man,  may  abundantly 
satisfy  their  curiosity  in  this  particular,  from  the  accurate 
collection  of  Dr.  Cave,  in  the  life  of  this  Saint,  too  long  to 
be  transcribed  into  the  present  discourse. — S8.  Patrum 
Ajjostolicorum  ojMra  Genuina  Cura  Hicliardi  Bussell, 
Eusebius.  Irenaus..  Tillemont.  Cave.  Cotelerius.  Wake. 


John  le  Cleec  was  born  at  Geneva  in  1657,  and  early 
displayed  his  talents,  having  read  all  the  best  Latin  and 
Greek  authors  in  his  sixteenth  year,  and  in  1676  he 
commenced  his  theological  studies,  with  the  lectures  of 
Mestrezat,  Turretin,  and  Tronchin.  In  1678  he  went  to 
Grenoble,  whence  he  returned  in  1679  to  Geneva,  and 
was  ordained,  but  without  attaching  himself  to  any  par- 
ticular Church.  He  now  studied  the  works  of  Curcellaeus 
and  Episcopius,  and  adopted  a  system  of  divinity  so 
different  from  that  publicly  received  at  Geneva,  that  he 
resolved  to  return  to  Grenoble.  He  then  went  to  Paris, 
and  thence  to  London,  where  he  arrived  in  May  1682. 
The  climate  of  England  not  agreeing  with  him,  he  left  it 
in  1683,  in  company  wdth  Gregorio  Leti,  whose  daughter 
he  afterwards  married,  and  embarked  for  Holland ;  and  in 
1684  w^as  chosen  professor  of  philosophy,  belles  lettres,  and 
Hebrew,  in  the  Remonstrant  college  at  Amsterdam,  which 
post  he  held  as  long  as  he  lived.  He  wrote  a  vast  number 
of  books,  of  very  unequal  merit,  on  all  sorts  of  subjects. 
Those  which  made  most  impression  at  the  time  concern 
Biblical  history  and  theological  controversy,  such  as  Latin 
Commentaries  on  various  Books  of  the  Bible,  5  vols,  folio, 
Amsterdam,  1710 — 1731  ;  Harmonia  Evangelica,  in  Greek 
and  Latin,   folio,   1700  ;  Traduction  du  Nouveau   Testa- 

CLERC.  Ill 

ment,  avec  des  Notes,  4to,  1703.  These  works  pleased 
neither  the  Roman  Catholic  nor  Protestant  divines,  from 
their  having  a  tendency  to  Socinianism,  a  leaning  which 
is  still  more  manifest  in  another  work  generally  attri- 
buted to  him,  entitled  Sentimens  de  quelques  Theologiens 
de  Hollande  touchant  I'Histoire  Critique  du  Vieux  Tes- 
tament, followed  by  a  Defence  of  the  same  work,  2  vols, 
8vo,  1685.  In  these  the  author  openly  attacks  the 
inspiration  of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  very  foundation  of 
Revelation.  He  published  his  Ars  Critica,  3  vols,  8vo, 
1712 — 1730,  a  work  which  is  much  esteemed;  he  also 
edited  the  Bibliotheque  Historique  et  Universelle,  a 
periodical  begun  in  1687,  and  closed  in  1693,  making 
26  vols,  12mo,  the  first  eight  of  which  he  wrote  in  con- 
junction with  De  la  Crose ;  the  Bibliotheque  Choisie, 
1712 — 1718,  28  vols,  12mo;  and  the  Bibliotheque  An- 
cienne  et  Moderne,  1726 — 1730,  29  vols,  12mo.  He  also 
wrote:  1.  Parrhasiana,  ou  Pensees  diverses  sur  des 
Matieres  de  Critique,  d'Histoire.,  de  Morale,  et  de  Poli- 
tique, 2  vols,  12mo,  1701.  2.  Histoire  des  Provinces 
Unies  des  Pays  Bas,  from  1650  to  1728,  2  vols,  folio, 
Amsterdam,  1738,  3.  Histoire  du  Cardinal  de  Richelieu^ 
2  vols,  12mo,  1714.  4.  Traite  de  ITncredulite,  8vo,  1733; 
a  clever  work,  in  which  he  examines  and  discusses  the 
various  motives  and  reasons  which  occasion  many  to  reject 
Christianity.  He  wrote  many  polemical  works  and 
pamphlets,  most  of  which  were  tinged  with  bitterness  and 
dogmatism  ;  this  is  especially  apparent  in  his  controver- 
sies with  Simon,  Cave,  Bayle,  and  Burman.  He  also 
published  a  supplement  to  Moreri's  Dictionary,  and 
several  editions  of  ancient  classics  ;  among  others,  Livy, 
Ausonius,  Sulpicius  Severus,  &c.  His  edition  of  Menan- 
der's  and  Philemon's  fragments  was  severely  criticised 
by  Dr.  Bentley.  A  Life  of  Erasmus,  extracted  from  his 
letters,  given  in  the  Bibliotheque  Choisie,  has  served  as  a 
basis  for  Jortin's  Life  of  that  illustrious  scholar.  He  also 
edited  the  noble  edition  of  the  works  of  Erasmus,  10  vols, 
folio,   1703 — 1707.      In   1728,  while  he  was  giving  his 


lecture,  Le  Clerc  suddenly  lost  the  use  of  his  speech 
through  a  paralytic  stroke.  His  memory  also  failed  him, 
and  he  lingered  for  some  years  in  a  state. bordering  upon 
idiotcy.     He  died  at  Amsterdam,  in  1736. — Moreri. 


Edward  Cobden  was  educated  at  Trinity  College,  Oxford, 
from  whence  he  removed  to  King's  College,  Cambridge, 
where  he  took  his  master's  degree  in  1713.  He  after- 
wards returned  to  his  former  college,  and  took  there  hia 
doctor's  degree  in  17'23.  He  became  chaplain  to  Bishop 
Gibson,  who  gave  him  the  rectories  of  St.  Austin  and 
St.  Faith,  London,  Acton  in  Middlesex,  a  prebendary  at 
St.  Pauls,  and  the  Archdeaconry  of  London.  He  is  cele- 
brated for  a  sermon  entitled,  a  Persuasion  to  Chastity, 
which  he  had  the  virtue  and  boldness  to  preach  before  the 
profligate  court  of  George  IL  The  sermon  gave  such 
offence,  that  he  was  deprived  of  his  place  of  royal  chap- 
lain, and  was  much  distressed  in  circumstances  before  his 
death,  which  happened  in  1764,  aged  80.  He  published 
a  volume  of  poems,  and  another  of  sermons. — Nichols'& 


John  Cocceius  was  born  at  Bremen,  in  1603,  where  he 
received  his  primary  education  ;  he  then  went  to  Ham- 
burg, where  he  became  acquainted  with  a  learned  Jew, 
and  perfected  himself  in  the  Oriental  languages,  which 
he  had  begun  to  study  at  Bremen.  Thence  he  went  to 
Frankfort  where  he  became  professor  of  Hebrew  in  1636. 
In  1649  he  obtained  the  chair  of  theology  at  Leyden, 
where  he  continued  till  his  death,  having  formed  a  school 
of  theology  which  was  long  distinguished  by  his  name. 
He  was  a  profound  Hebrew  scholar,  and,  as  Mosheim 
observes,  he  might  have  passed  for  a  great  man,  had  his 


vast  erudition,  his  exuberant  fancy,  his  ardent  piety,  and 
his  uncommon  appUcation  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures, 
been  under  the  direction  of  a  sound  and  solid  judgment. 
This  singular  man  introduced  into  theology  a  multitude 
of  new  tenets  and  strange  notions,  which  had  never  before 
entered  into  the  brain  of  any  other  mortal,  or  at  least  had 
never  been  heard  of  before  his  time :  for,  in  the  first 
place,  his  manner  of  explaining  the  holy  Scriptures  was 
totally  different  from  that  of  Calvin  and  his  followers, 
departing  entirely  from  the  admirable  simplicity  that 
reigns  in  the  commentaries  of  Calvin.  Cocceius  repre- 
sented the  whole  history  of  the  Old  Testament  as  a  mirror, 
that  held  forth  an  accurate  view  of  the  transactions  and 
events  that  were  to  happen  in  the  Church  under  the  dis- 
pensation of  the  New  Testament,  and  unto  the  end  of  the 
world.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  maintain,  that  the 
miracles,  actions,  and  sufferings  of  Christ,  and  of  His 
Apostles,  during  the  course  of  their  ministry,  were  types 
and  images  of  future  events.  He  affirmed,  that  by  far 
the  greatest  part  of  the  ancient  prophecies  foretold 
Christ's  ministry  and  mediation,  and  the  rise,  progress, 
and  revolutions  of  the  Church,  not  only  under  the  figure 
of  persons  and  transactions,  but  in  a  literal  manner,  and 
by  the  very  sense  of  the  words  used  in  these  predictions. 
And  he  completed  the  extravagance  of  this  chimerical 
system  by  turning  with  wonderful  art  and  dexterity,  into 
holy  riddles  and  typical  predictions,  even  those  passages 
of  the  Old  Testament  that  seemed  designed  for  no  other 
purpose  than  to  celebrate  the  praises  of  the  Deity,  or  to 
convey  some  religious  truth,  or  to  inculcate  some  rule  of 
practice.  In  order  to  give  an  air  of  solidity  and  plausi- 
bility to  these  odd  notions,  he  first  laid  it  down  as  a 
fundamental  rule  of  interpretation,  "  That  the  words  and 
phrases  of  Scripture  are  to  be  understood  in  every  sense 
of  which  they  are  susceptible  ;  or,  in  other  words,  that 
they  signify,  in  effect,  every  thing  that  they  can  possibly 
signify  ;"  a  rule  this,  which,  when  followed  by  a  man  who 



had  more  imagination  than  judgment,  could  not  fail  to 
produce  very  extraordinary  comments  on  the  sacred  wri- 
tings. After  having  laid  down  this  singular  rule  of  inter- 
pretation, he  divided  the  whole  history  of  the  Church  into 
seven  periods,  conformable  to  the  seven  trumpets  and  seals 
mentioned  in  the  Revelations. 

One  of  the  great  designs  formed  by  Cocceius,  was  that 
of  separating  theology  from  philosophy,  and  of  confining 
the  Christian  doctors,  in  their  explications  of  the  former, 
to  the  words  and  phrases  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Hence 
it  was,  that,  finding  in  the  language  of  the  sacred  writers, 
the  Gospel  dispensation  represented  under  the  image  of  a 
covenant  made  between  God  and  man,  he  looked  upon 
the  use  of  this  image  as  admirably  adapted  to  exhibit  a 
complete  and  well  connected  system  of  religious  truth. 
But  while  he  was  labouring  this  point,  and  endeavouring 
to  accommodate  the  circumstances  and  characters  of 
human  contracts  to  the  dispensations  of  divine  wisdom, 
which  they  represent  in  such  an  inaccurate  and  imperfect 
manner,  he  fell  imprudently  into  some  erroneous  notions. 
Such  was  his  opinion  concerning  the  covenant  made  be- 
tween God  and  the  Jewish  nation  by  the  ministry  and  the 
mediation  of  Moses,  "  which  he  affirmed  to  be  of  the  same 
nature  with  the  new  covenant  obtained  by  the  mediation 
of  Jesus  Christ."  In  consequence  of  this  general  prin- 
ciple, he  maintained,  "That  the  Ten  Commandments  were 
promulgated  by  Moses  not  as  a  rule  of  obedience,  but  as 
a  representation  of  the  covenant  of  grace — that  when  the 
Jews  had  provoked  the  Deity,  by  their  various  transgres- 
sions, particularly  by  the  worship  of  the  golden  calf,  the 
severe  and  servile  yoke  of  the  ceremonial  law  was  added 
to  the  decalogue,  as  a  punishment  inflicted  on  them  by 
the  Supreme  Being  in  his  righteous  displeasure — that 
this  yoke,  which  was  painful  in  itself,  became  doubly  so 
on  account  of  its  typical  signification ;  since  it  admonished 
the  Israelites  from  day  to  day,  of  the  imperfection  and 
uncertainty  of  tlieir  state,   filled   them   with  anxiety,   and 

COCHL^US.  115 

was  a  staniling  and  perpetual  proof  that  they  had  merited 
the  displeasure  of  God,  and  could  not  expect,  before  the 
coming  of  the  Messiah,  the  entire  remission  of  their  trans- 
gressi'jns  and  iniquities — that,  indeed,  good  men,  even 
under  the  Mosaic  dispensation,  were  immediately  after 
death  made  partakers  of  everlasting  happim  ss  and  glory; 
but  that  they  were,  nevertheless,  during  the  whole  course  of 
their  lives,  far  removed  from  that  firm  hope  and  assurance 
of  salvation,  which  rejoices  the  faithful  under  the  dispensa- 
tion of  the  Gospel — and  that  their  anxiety  flowed  naturally 
from  this  consideration,  that  their  sins,  though  they 
remained  unpunished,  were  not  pardoned,  because  Christ 
had  not,  as  yet,  offered  himself  up  a  sacrifice  to  the  Father 
to  make  an  entire  atonement  for  them."  These  are  the 
principal  lines  that  distinguish  the  Cocceian  from  other 
systems  of  thfology ;  it  is  attended,  indeed,  with  other 
peculiarities  ;  but  we  shall  pass  them  over  in  silence,  as  of 
little  moment,  and  unworthy  of  noti'je.  Tliese  notions 
were  warmly  opposed  by  the  same  i)ersons  that  declared 
war  against  the  Cartesian  philosophy ;  and  the  contest 
was  carried  on  for  many  years  with  various  success.  But, 
in  the  issue,  the  doctrines  of  Cocceius,  like  those  of  Des 
Cartes,  stood  their  ground  ;  and  neither  the  dexterity  nor 
vehemence  of  his  adversaries  could  exclude  his  disciples 
from  the  public  seminaries  of  learning,  or  hinder  them 
from  propagating,  with  surprising  success  and  rapidity, 
the  tenets  of  their  master  in  Germany  and  Switzerland. 
Cocceius  died  in  1GG9. — Moreri.     Musheim. 


John  Cochl^us  was  born  at  Nuremburg  in  1479,  and 
was  the  person  who  entered  the  lists  most  frequently  by 
writing  or  word  of  mouth  against  Luther  and  Lutherans. 
With  the  exception  of  the  fact,  that  from  the  year  1521  to 
the  year  1550,  his  fruitful  pen  produced  annually  more 
than  one  tract  in  defence  of  Romanism,  we  know  little  of 

116  COCHL^US. 

his  life.  He  was  dean  of  Frankfort  on  the  Maine  when 
he  made  his  appearance  at  Worms,  in  1521.  He  had  no 
summons  to  he  present,  hut  was  urged  on  by  his  zeal,  and 
was  introduced  to  Aleander,  the  pope's  nuncio,  who  was 
not  slow  in  discovering  in  him  a  devoted  servant  of  Rome, 
on  whom  he  could  calculate  as  on  himself.  Not  being 
able  to  be  present  at  the  audience  which  Luther  was  to 
have  with  the  Archbishop  of  Treves,  Aleander  appointed 
Cochlseus  to  attend,  enjoining  him  to  hear  what  Luther 
had  to  say,  but  to  enter  into  no  discussion  with  him.  He 
evidently  doubted  his  discretion.  Cochlaeus  found  it 
difficult  to  obey,  but  though  from  time  to  time  he  had 
thrown  in  a  few  words,  he  could  not  come  forward  as  he 
wished.  He  resolved,  however,  to  compensate  himself, 
and  had  no  sooner  given  an  account  of  his  mission  to  the 
papal  nuncio,  than  he  presented  himself  at  Luther's  lodg- 
ing. He  accosted  him  as  a  friend,  and  expressed  the 
grief  which  he  felt  at  the  Emperor's  resolution.  After 
dinner,  the  conversation  grew  animated.  Cochlseus  pressed 
Luther  to  retract.  He  declined  by  a  nod.  Several  nobles, 
who  were  at  table,  had  difficulty  in  restraining  themselves. 
They  were  indignant  that  the  partisans  of  Rome  should 
wish  not  to  convince  the  reformer  by  Scripture,  but  con- 
strain him  by  force.  Cochlasus,  impatient  under  these 
reproaches,  says  to  Luther,  "  Very  w^elb  I  offer  to  dispute 
publicly  wdth  you,  if  you  renounce  the  safe-conduct."  All 
that  Luther  demanded  was  a  public  debate.  What  ought 
he  to  do  ?  To  renounce  the  safe-conduct  was  to  be  his 
ov^n  destroyer  ;  to  refuse  the  challenge  of  Cochlseus  was  to 
appear  doubtful  of  his  cause.  The  guests  regarded  the 
offer  as  a  perfidious  scheme  of  Aleander,  whom  the  Dean 
of  Frankfort  had  just  left.  Vollrat  of  Watzdorff,  one  of 
the  number,  freed  Luther  from  the  embarrassment  of  this 
puzzling  alternative.  This  baron,  who  was  of  a  boiling 
temperament,  indignant  at  a  snare  which  aimed  at  nothing 
less  than  to  give  up  Luther  into  the  hands  of  the  execu- 
tioner, started  up,  seized  the  terrified  priest,  and  pushed 
him  to  the  door.     There  would  even  have  been  bloodshed 

COLE.  117 

had  not  the  other  guests  risen  up  from  the  table,  and 
interposed  their  mediation  between  the  furious  baron  and 
the  trembling  Cochlseus,  who  withdrew  in  confusion  from 
the  hotel  of  the  Knights  of  Rhodes. 

The  expression  had  no  doubt  escaped  the  dean  in  the 
heat  of  discussion,  and  was  not  a  premeditated  scheme 
between  him  and  Aleander  to  make  Luther  fall  into  a 
perfidious  snare.  Cochlaeus  denies  that  it  was,  and  we 
have  pleasure  in  giving  credit  to  his  testimony,  though  it 
is  true  he  had  come  to  Luther's  from  a  conference  with 
the  nuncio. 

His  works  are  said  to  be  of  little  worth ;  the  protestants 
represent  him  to  be  ignorant  as  to  his  facts,  and  it  is  assert- 
ed that  he  resorted  to  declamation  rather  than  argument. 
The  mere  titles  of  his  writings  would  occupy  many  pages; 
they  may  be  found  in  the  Bibliotheque  de  Boissard,  part  ii. 
In  1539  he  received  from  England  a  refutation  by  Richard 
Morrison,  D.D.,  of  the  tract  he  had  published  against  the 
marriage  of  Henry  VIII. ,  to  which  he  replied  in  a  treatise 
entitled,  The  Broom  of  John  Cochlaeus  for  sweeping 
down  the  Cobwebs  of  Morrison.  He  defends  what  he  had 
written  against  the  divorce  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  boasts 
that  Erasmus  had  approved  his  work.  His  chief  works  are, 
1.  Historiae  Hussitarum,  Libri  xii,  folio.  2.  De  Actis  et 
Scriptis  Lutherii,  ab  anno  1517,  ad  1546,  folio.  3.  Spe- 
culum antiquce  devotionis  circa  Missam,  8vo.  4.  De  Vita 
Theodorici  Regis  quondam  Ostrogothorum,  Stockholm, 
1699,  4to.  5.  Consilium  Cardinalium  anno  1538,  8vo, 
6.  De  Emendanda  Ecclesia,  1539,  8vo.  He  died  in  155'2. 
— MorerL    Fraheri  Theatrum.    D'Auhigne. 


Heney  Cole  was  born  at  Godshill,  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  and  educated,  we  are  sorry  to  say,  at  Winchester, 
whence  he  was  removed  to  New  College,  Oxford,  of 
which  he  became  perpetual  fellow  in  1523.     After  study- 

118  COLE. 

ing  the  civil  law,  he  travelled  into  Italy,  and  studied 
at  Padua.  In  1540  he  resigned  his  fellowship,  and 
settled  in  London,  and  became  an  advocate  in  the  court 
of  arches,  prebendary  of  Yatminster  Secunda,  in  the 
church  of  Sarum,  and  Archdeacon  of  Ely.  In  1540  he 
was  made  rector  of  Chelmsford,  in  Essex  ;  and  in  October 
following  was  collated  to  the  prebend  of  Holborn.  In 
1542  he  was  elected  warden  of  New  College;  and  in 
]  545  made  rector  of  Newton  Longville,  in  Buckingham- 
shire. Soon  after,  when  King  Edward  VI.  came  to 
the  crown.  Dr.  Cole  adhered  to  the  party  of  the  reformers, 
but  altering  his  mind,  he  resigned  his  preferments. 
After  Queen  Mary's  accession  he  became  again  a  zealous 
Roman  Catholic,  and  in  1554  was  made  provost  of  Eton 
College,  in  the  room  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith.  He  was  also 
one  of  the  disputants  against  Archbishop  Cranmer,  who 
was  sent  down  by  the  lower  house  of  convocation  to 
Oxford;  and  when  the  death  of  Cranmer  was  resolved 
upon.  Cole  received  instructions  privately  from  the  Queen 
to  preach  at  his  burning.  On  arriving  at  Oxford,  Cole 
visited  the  Archbishop,  but  did  not  mention  what  awaited 
him  on  the  morrow.  He  asked,  "  Have  you  continued  in 
the  Catholic  faith,  wherein  I  left  you?"  Cranmer  an- 
swered ;  "  By  God's  grace,  I  shall  be  daily  more  confirmed 
in  the  Catholic  faith  ;"  an  evasive  reply,  such,  indeed,  as 
might  have  been  expected  from  the  Archbishop  under  his 
existing  circumstances,  but  certainly  not  sufficiently  ex- 
plicit for  the  satisfaction  of  his  interrogator.  On  the 
following  morning,  it  being  Saturday,  the  21st  of  March, 
Cole  visited  the  prisoner  again,  and  enquired  of  him 
whether  he  had  any  money  ?  A  negative  answer  being 
returned,  fifteen  crowns  were  given  to  him.  The  provost 
also  exhorted  him  to  constancy  in  the  faith,  and  he,  pro- 
bably, acquainted  him  that  a  public  profession  of  his 
opinions  was  about  to  be  required  from  his  lips.  When, 
the  next  day  the  unhappy  Archbishop  was  brought  to 
St.  Mary's  church.  Cole  began  his  sermon,  he  assigned 
several  reasons  why,  in  the  present  instance,  a  heretic 

COLE.  119 

■who  had  repented,  should,  notwithstanding,  expiate  his 
offence  at  the  stake.  "The  prisoner,  he  said,  was  the  chief 
cause  of  recent  alterations  in  rehgion  ;  he  had  irregularly 
divorced  King  Henry  from  Queen  Catharine,  not  however 
of  malice  undoubtedly,  but  under  the  advice  of  various 
learned  men ;  he  had  written,  disputed,  and,  in  fine, 
exerted  himself  in  every  way  to  favour  heresy,  and,  "  had 
continued  in  it  even  to  the  last  hour."  No  heretic,  the 
preacher  asserted,  having  so  long  maintained  his  'errors, 
had  ever  been  pardoned  in  England,  unless  in  the  time  of 
the  schism.  It  was  besides,  the  congregation  was  told, 
necessary  to  use  severity  in  this  case,  for  the  sake  of 
example;  and  it  was  added,  "there  are  other  reasons 
which  have  moved  the  Queen  and  council  to  order  the 
execution  of  the  individual  present,  but  which  are  not 
meet  and  convenient  for  every  man's  understanding." 
After  some  practical  reflections  addressed  to  the  hearers, 
and  bearing  upon  the  case  before  them,  the  preacher 
exhorted  Cranmer  himself.  He  pressed  upon  his  atten- 
tion several  texts  of  Scripture  suitable  for  inspiring  him 
with  patience  under  his  approaching  death  ;  he  cited  the 
case  of  the  penitent  thief  in  the  Gospel,  as  an  encourage- 
ment to  him  in  believing  that  he  should  that  day  be  with 
Christ  in  Paradise :  he  reminded  him  that  the  three 
faithful  Jews,  consigned  to  the  fiery  furnace  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, suffered  not  by  the  fury  of  the  flames  ;  he  then 
made  a  shew  of  strengthening  this  consolation  by  relating, 
from  legendary  lore,  the  patience  of  St.  Andrew  upon  the 
cross,  and  of  St.  Laurence  upon  the  gridiron.  Finally, 
he  glorified  God  in  his  conversion,  assuring  the  people 
that  great  pains  had  long  been  taken  ineffectually  for  that 
purpose,  and  that  there  appeared  no  hopes  of  success, 
until  at  last  a  merciful  Diety  reclaimed  the  sinner.  Many 
flattering  observations  were  then  applied  to  Cranmer,  the 
severity  with  which  his  acts  had  been  described  in  a  former 
portion  of  the  sermon  was  greatly  softened  down,  and  he 
was  assured  that,  after  his  death,  masses  and  dirges  should 
be  chanted  for  the  repose  of  his  soul.     An  address  was 


even  directly  made  to  the  priests  present,  charging  them 
thus  to  assist,  during  its  detention  in  purgatory,  the  spirit 
now  about  to  leave  the  world. 

The  sermon  being  concluded,  Cole  intreated  his  hearers 
to  pray  for  the  prisoner.  Immediately  the  whole  congre- 
gation obeyed  the  call,  and  never  did  a  large  assembly 
exhibit  more  evident  marks  of  earnest  devotion.  Some 
individuals. ^probably,  supplicated  the  Father  of  mercies 
from  a  generous  compassion  for  the  sufferer  before  them  ; 
but  party-feelings  lent  fervency  to  the  prayers  of  the  con- 
gregation generally.  The  Romanist  and  Reformer  equally 
claimed  the  victim  as  his  own  ;  both,  accordingly,  felt 
deeply  interested  in  the  mitigation  of  his  sufferings,  and 
each  of  them  clung  to  the  hope  that  he  would  leave  the 
world  with  a  full  avowal  of  adherence  to  his  own  peculiar 

The  reader  is  referred  to  the  liife  of  Cranmer  for  the 
sequel  of  this  tragedy.  Dr.  Cole  was  prominent  in  all  the 
proceedings  of  the  Romanists  in  those  dreadful  times,  and 
when  he  acted  as  one  of  the  visitors  of  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  Whitgift  seems  to  have  regarded  his  appoint- 
ment with  fear.  He  became  dean  of  St.  Paul's  in  the 
December  of  1556,  and  was  made,  August  8,  1557,  vicar- 
general  of  the  spiritualities  under  Cardinal  Pole,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury ;  and  the  first  of  October  following, 
official  of  the  arches,  and  dean  of  the  peculiars ;  and  in 
November  ensuing,  judge  of  the  court  of  audience,  which 
office  the  following  year  he  resigned.  In  1558  he  was 
appointed  one  of  the  overseers  of  that  cardinal's  will.  In 
the  first  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign  he  was  one  of 
the  eight  divines  of  the  Church  of  England  appointed  to 
dispute  publicly  on  the  Romanizing  side  against  eight 
others  appointed  to  maintain  the  cause  of  the  Reformation. 
Of  this  disputation  Strype  informs  us  that  the  Queen 
ordered  it  should  be  m.anaged  in  writing  on  both  parties, 
for  avoiding  of  much  altercation  in  words  and  she  ordered 
likewise,  that  the  papists'  bishops  should  first  declare  their 
minds,  with  their  reasons,  in  writing;  and  then  the  others, 

COLE.  121 

if  they  had  any  thing  to  say  to  the  contrary,  should  the 
same  day  declare  their  opinions.  And  so  each  of  them 
should  deliver  their  writings  to  the  other,  to  be  considered 
what  were  to  be  disproved  therein  ;  and  the  same  to  declare 
in  writing  at  some  other  convenient  day. 

All  this  was  fully  agreed  upon.  And  hereupon  divers 
of  the  nobility  and  estates  of  the  realm,  understanding 
that  such  a  meeting  should  be,  made  earnest  means  to 
her  majesty,  that  the  bishops  and  divines  might  put  their 
assertions  into  English,  and  read  them  in  that  tongue, 
for  their  better  satisfaction  and  understanding,  and  for 
enabling  their  own  judgments  to  treat  and  conclude  of 
such  laws  as  might  depend  thereupon.  And  so  both 
parties  met  at  Westminster  Abbey  :  the  lords  and  others  of 
the  privy  council  were  present,  and  a  great  part  of  the 
nobility  and  of  the  commons.  But  while  all  were  in  ex- 
pectation to  hear  these  learned  men  and  their  arguments, 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  Dr.  White,  said,  they  were  mis- 
taken, that  their  assertions  and  reasons  should  be  written, 
and  so  only  recited  out  of  a  book  :  adding,  that  their  book 
was  not  then  ready  written  ;  but  that  they  were  ready  to 
argue  and  dispute  :  and  therefore  that  they  would  only  at 
that  time  repeat  in  speech  what  they  had  to  say  to  the 
first  proposition.  This,  with  some  words,  was  passed  off: 
and  then  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  and  his  colleagues 
appointed  Dr.  Cole,  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  to  be  the  utterer  of 
their  minds  :  who,  partly  by  speech,  and  partly  by  reading 
authorities  written,  and  at  certain  times  being  informed 
by  the  colleagues  what  to  say,  made  a  declaration  of  their 
meanings,  and  their  reasons  to  their  first  proposition. 

Which  being  ended,  they  were  asked  by  the  privy 
council  if  any  of  them  had  any  more  to  say.  They  said, 
No.  Then  the  other  part  was  licensed  to  shew  their 
minds,  which  they  did  according  to  the  first  order;  exhi- 
biting all  that  they  meant  to  propound  in  a  book  written  : 
which,  after  a  prayer  and  invocation  made  to  Almighty 
God,   and  a  protestation  to   stand  to  the  doctrine  of  the 

VOL.  IV.  M 

1-22  COLE. 

catholic  Church  built  upon  Scripture,  was  distinctly  read 
by  Dr.  Horn  (who  was  the  penner  of  the  same)  upon  the 
first  proposition.  And  so  the  assembly  was  quietly  dis- 
missed. This  was  on  Friday,  the  last  day  of  March.  The 
question  then  disputed  was,  "  That  it  was  against  the 
word  of  God,  and  the  custom  of  the  primitive  Church,  to 
use  a  tongue  unknown  to  the  people  in  common  prayer 
and  administration  of  Sacraments." 

When  Monday,  the  second  day  of  conference,  came, 
and  all  the  grave  assembly  were  set.  White,  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  and  the  rest  of  that  side,  refused  to  proceed 
on  the  second  question,  but  would  by  all  means  insist 
still  upon  the  first,  argued  the  last  day ;  and,  pretending 
they  had  more  to  say  of  it,  were  resolved  to  read  upon 
that  argument  only :  urging  much  that  they  and  their 
cause  should  suffer  prejudice  if  they  should  not  treat  of 
the  first.  And  Watson,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  striving  to 
have  his  turn  of  speaking,  hotly  said,  that  they  were  not 
used  indifferently,  that  they  might  not  be  allowed  to  de- 
clare in  writing  what  they  had  to  say  of  the  first  question; 
and  added,  that  what  Dr.  Cole  spake  in  the  last  assembly 
was  extempore,  and  of  himself,  and  with  no  fore-studied 
talk,  and  that  it  was  not  prepared  to  strengthen  their 
cause.  These  sayings  made  the  nobility  and  others  the 
auditors  frown,  knowing  that  Cole  spake  out  of  a  paper 
which  he  held  in  his  hand,  and  read  in  the  same :  and 
that  according  to  the  instructions  of  the  bishops,  who 
pointed  unto  several  places  in  his  paper  with  their  fin- 
gers for  his  direction.  Watson  also  complained  that  their 
adversaries  had  longer  warning  than  they  :  and  that  they 
themselves  had  notice  of  it  but  two  days  before,  and  were 
fain  to  sit  up  the  whole  last  night.  But  Bacon,  the  Lord 
Keeper,  told  them  that  at  the  last  conference,  when  Cole 
had  done,  he  asked  them,  the  Bishops,  whether  what  he 
had  spoken  was  what  they  would  have  him  say,  and  they 
granted  it ;  and  whether  he  should  say  any  more  in  the 
matter,  and  they  answered,  No.     But  for  their  satisfaction 

COLE.  123 

the  Lord  Keeper  added,  that  they  should  at  present, 
according  to  the  order  agreed  upon,  discourse  upon  the 
second  question ;  and  at  another  meeting,  when  the  day 
came  for  them  both  to  confirm  their  first  question,  they 
should  have  liberty  to  read  what  they  had  further  to  say 
upon  the  first.  To  which  all  the  council  there  present 
willingly  condescended  :  but  this  also  the  Bishops  would 
not  be  contented  with.  At  last  Hethe,  Archbishop  of 
York,  told  them  they  were  to  blame,  for  that  there  was  a 
plain  decreed  order  for  them  to  treat  at  this  time  of  the 
second  question,  and  bade  them  leave  their  contention. 
Then  the  Bishops  started  another  matter  of  quarrel,  and 
said,  it  was  contrary  to  the  order  in  disputations  that  they 
should  begin ;  for  that  their  side  had  the  negative  said 
the  Bishop  of  Chester :  and  therefore  they  that  were  on 
the  afiirmative  should  begin  :  that  they  were  the  defending 
party :  and  that  it  was  the  school  manner,  and  likewise 
the  manner  in  Westminster  Hall,  that  the  plaintiff  should 
speak  first,  and  then  the  accused  party  answer.  To  which 
the  keeper  told  them,  they  began  willingly  on  the  first 
question ;  and  the  protestants  told  them,  that  they  had 
the  negative  then.  Horn  wondered  that  they  should  so 
much  stand  upon  it,  who  should  begin.  Then  the 
Bishops  charged  the  protestants  to  have  been  the  pro- 
pounders  of  the  questions.  But  the  keeper  told  them 
that  the  questions  were  of  neither  of  their  propounding, 
but  offered  from  the  council  indifferently  to  them  both. 
Then  Bayne,  Bishop  of  Lichfield  and  Coventry,  minding 
to  run  from  the  matter,  began  to  question  with  the  pro- 
testants, what  church  they  were  of  ?  saying  that  they 
must  needs  try  that  first :  for  there  were  many  churches 
in  Germany ;  and  he  demanded  of  Horn,  which  of  those 
churches  he  was  of?  who  prudently  answered,  that  he  was 
of  Christ's  catholic  Church.  The  keeper  told  them  they 
ought  not  to  run  into  voluntary  talk  of  their  own  invent- 
ing. The  Bishop  of  Lichfield  said  that  they,  on  their 
part,  had  no  doubt,  but  assuredly  stood  in  the  truth. 
But  those  other  men  pretended  to  be  doubtful.     There- 


fore  they  should  first  bring  what  they  had  to  impugn 
them,  the  Bishops,  withal.  And  the  Bishop  of  Chester 
told  the  Lords  plainly,  if  themselves  began  first,  and  the 
others  spake  after,  then  they  speaking  last  should  have 
the  advantage  to  come  off  with  applause  of  the  people, 
and  the  verity  on  their  side  not  be  so  well  marked.  And 
therein  indeed  he  spake  out  the  true  cause  of  all  this 
jangling.  And  hereupon  Winchester  in  short  said  he 
was  resolved,  except  they  began,  he  would  say  nothing. 
When  the  Lord  Keeper  could  not  persuade  them  he  spoke 
of  departing.  And  Winchester,  as  though  this  was  the 
issue  he  desired,  presently  cried.  Contented,  and  offered  to 
go.  But  the  keeper  first  asked  them  man  by  man,  to 
know  their  resolution,  and  they  all,  save  one,  Fecknam, 
Abbot  of  Westminster,  utterly  denied  to  read,  without  the 
other  party  began ;  and  some  so  very  disorderly  and 
irreverently  as  had  not  been  seen  in  so  honourable  an 
assembly  of  the  two  estates  of  the  realm,  nobility  and  com- 
mons then  assembled,  besides  the  presence  of  the  Queen's 

And  so,  without  any  more  dispute,  all  was  dismissed. 
But  the  Lord  Keeper  at  parting  said  these  words  to  them  ; 
"  For  that  ye  would  not  that  we  should  hear  you,  perhaps 
you  may  shortly  hear  of  us."  And  so  they  did;  for,  for 
this  contempt,  the  Bishops  of  Winchester  and  Lincoln 
were  committed  to  the  Tower  of  London  ;  and  the  rest, 
including  Cole,  and  with  the  exception  of  the  Abbot  of 
Westminster,  were  bound  to  make  their  personal  appear- 
ance before  the  council,  and  not  to  depart  the  cities  of 
London  and  Westminster  till  their  order. 

They  were  thus  bound  over  until  the  Lords  of  the 
Council  assessed  them  for  the  contempt  committed  against 
the  Queen's  majesty,  as  the  obligation  ran.  Dr.  Cole  was 
fined  in  1000  marks,  though  only  500  were  levied  upon 
him.  It  seems  that  he  might  have  received  the  same 
gentle  treatment  which  the  otlier  deprived  dignitaries  met 
with,  had  he  not  been  of  a  restless  and  controversial  tern- 
per,   being,   as  Strype  says,  "  more  earnest  than   wise." 

COLE.  U6 

He  remained  at  liberty  till  May,  1560,  when  with  some 
others  he  was  sent  to  the  Tower.  How  long  he  remained 
there  we  do  not  know,  but  in  March,  1560,  after  the 
memorable  challenge  of  Bishop  Jewell,  "that  if  any  one  of 
the  leading  articles  of  Romanism  which  he  then  rehearsed 
could  be  proved  on  the  popish  side  by  any  sufficient 
authority,  either  of  the  Scripture,  or  of  the  old  doctors,  or 
of  the  ancient  councils,  or  by  any  one  allowed  example  of 
the  primitive  Church,  and  as  they  had  borne  the  people 
in  hand  they  could  prove  them  by,  he  would  be  contented 
to  yield  to  them,  and  to  subscribe." 

He  wrote  a  letter  to  him,  offering  to  dispute  with  him 
by  letter.  Some  letters  passed  between  him  and  Jewell, 
in  which,  as  Strype  says,  "it  is  evident  how  Cole  shuffled 
and  shifted  off  the  main  business,  and  nibbled  at  other 
bye  matters.  "  But  at  length  he  privately,  among  his 
own  party,  scattered  several  copies  of  an  answer,  as  he 
called  it  by  way  of  letter  to  Jewell,  to  which  Jewell  printed 
a  reply. 

In  the  month  of  June  the  same  year  he  was  summoned 
before  the  Queen's  visitors  at  Lambeth.  They  demanded 
of  him,  whether  that  letter,  that  went  abroad  under  his 
name,  in  answer  to  Jewell  elect  of  Sarum,  was  his,  and 
whether  he  would  acknowledge  it  so,  or  no  :  and  the 
rather,  because  it  had  gone  abroad  in  all  places,  even  to 
the  Bishops  own  diocese,  to  discredit  him  in  corners  at 
his  first  coming.  Cole  answered,  that  it  was  his  own  : 
but  that  it  was  much  abridged,  and  that  the  original  was 
twice  as  much.  Hereupon  the  Bishop  blamed  him  after- 
wards, in  his  letter  to  him,  "  that  he  would  so  unad- 
visedly bestow  his  writings  to  others  that  had  curtailed 
them ;  and  because  many  honourable  and  w^orshipful 
persons  would  gladly  see  what  both  said  in  print."  The 
Bishop  therefore  had  desired  him,  for  the  bettering  of 
his  own  cause,  to  send  hiin  his  own  copy  fully  and 
largely,  as  he  said  he  gave  it  out  at  the  first ;  that  he 
might  have  no  cause  to  think  himself  injured,  if  he  an- 


126  COLET. 

swered  one  parcel  of  his  letter,  and  not  the  whole.  This 
the  Bishop  wrote  to  him  from  Shirborn,  July  22,  1560. 
Cole  never  sent  his  copy,  nor  made  answer  one  way  or 
other ;  and  so  the  Bishop  was  fain  to  answer  that  paper 
that  went  about. 

The  visitors  at  Lambeth,  mentioned  above,  called  there 
before  them,  besides  Cole,  many  other  popish  divines,  to 
swear  to  the  supremacy  :  who  refusing  it,  they  took  of  them 
bonds  for  their  good  behaviour. 

Cole  died  in  London,  1579.  His  writings  were,  1.  Dis- 
putation with  Archbishop  Cranmer  and  Bishoj)  Pddley  at 
Oxford,  in  1554.  2.  Funeral  Sermon  at  the  Burning  of 
Dr.  Thomas  Cranmer,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Both 
these  are  in  Fox's  Acts  and  Monuments.  3.  Letters  to 
John  Jewell,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  upon  occasion  of  a 
sermon  that  the  said  Bishop  preached  before  the  Queen's 
majesty  and  her  honourable  council,  anno  1560,  London, 
i560,  8vo;  printed  afterwards  among  Bishop  Jewell's 
works.  4.  Letters  to  Bishop  Jewell,  upon  occasion  of  a 
sermon  of  his  preached  at  St.  Paul's  Cross  on  the  second 
Sunday  before  Easter,  in  1650.  5.  An  Answer  to  the 
first  Proposition  of  the  Protestants,  at  the  Disputation 
before  the  Lords  at  Westminster. — Strype.  Burnet.  Fox. 


John  Colet  was  born  in  the  parish  of  St.  Antholin, 
London,  in  the  year  1466,  and  was  the  eldest  son  of 
Sir  Henry  Colet,  knt.  twice  Lord  Mayor,  who  had,  besides 
him,  one  and  twenty  children.  In  the  year  1483,  he  was 
sent  to  Magdalene  College,  in  Oxford,  where  he  spent 
seven  years  in  the  study  of  logic  and  philosophy,  and  took 
his  degrees  in  arts.  He  was  perfectly  acquainted  with 
Cicero's  works,  and  no  stranger  to  Plato  and  Plotinus, 
whom  he  read  together,  to  the  end  that  they  might  illus- 
trate each  other's  meaning.     He  studied  also  Dionysius 

COLET.  12T 

and  Origen.  He  was  forced  however  to  read  these  authors 
only  in  their  Latin  translations  ;  for  at  school  he  had  no 
opportunity  of  learning  the  Greek  tongue,  nor  at  the 
university,  when  he  went  thither ;  that  language  being 
then  not  only  not  taught,  but  thought  unnecessary  and 
even  discouraged,  in  that  seat  of  learning.  Hence  the 
proverb,  Cave  a  Grsecis,  ne  fias  Hasreticus,  that  is,  "  Be- 
ware of  Greek,  lest  you  become  an  heretic;"  and  it  is  well 
known,  that  when  Linacer,  Grocin,  and  others,  afterwards 
professed  to  teach  the  Greek  language  in  Oxford,  they 
were  opposed  by  a  set  of  men  who  called  themselves  Tro- 
jans. Colet  was  also  skilled  extremely  well  in  mathe- 
matics ;  so  that  having  thus  laid  a  good  foundation  of 
learning  at  home,  he  went  and  travelled  abroad,  for  farther 
improvement ;  first  to  France,  and  then  to  Italy ;  and 
seems  to  have  continued  in  those  two  countries  from  the 
year  1403  to  1497.  But  before  his  departure,  and  indeed 
when  he  vras  but  two  years  standing  in  the  university,  he 
was  instituted  to  the  rectory  of  Denington,  in  Suffolk,  to 
which  he  was  presented  by  a  relation  of  his  mother,  and 
which  he  held  to  the  day  of  his  death. 

Being  arrived  at  Paris,  he  soon  became  acquainted  with 
the  learned  there,  with  the  celebrated  Budaeus  in  parti- 
cular ;  and  was  afterwards  recommended  to  Erasmus.  In 
Italy,  he  contracted  a  friendship  with  several  eminent 
persons,  especially  with  his  ov.n  countrymen  Grocin, 
Linacer,  Lilly,  and  Latimer;  who  were  learning  the 
Greek  tongue,  then  but  little  known  in  England,  under 
those  great  masters  Demetrius,  Angelus  Politianus,  Her- 
molus  Barborus,  and  Pomponius  Sabinus.  He  took  this 
opportunity  of  improving  himself  in  this  language ; 
and  having  devoted  himself  to  divinity,  he  read,  while 
abroad,  the  best  of  the  ancient  fathers,  particularly 
Origen,  Cyprian,  Ambrose,  and  Jerome.  He  looked  some- 
times also  into  Scotus  and  Aquinas,  studied  the  civil  and 
canon  law,  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  history  and 
constitution  of  Church  and  State  ;  and  for  the  sake  of 
giving  a  polish  to  all  this,  did  not  neglect  to  read  the 

128  COLET. 

English  poets,  and  other  authors  of  the  belles  lettres. 
During  his  absence  trom  England  he  was  made  a  pre- 
bendary in  the  church  of  York,  and  installed  by  proxy 
upon  the  5th  of  March,  1493 — 4.  Upon  his  return  in 
the  year  1496,  or  1497,  he  was  ordained  deacon  in 
December,  and  priest  in  July  following.  He  had,  indeed, 
before  he  entered  into  orders,  great  temptations  from  his 
natural  disposition,  to  lay  aside  study,  and  give  himself 
up  to  gaiety ;  for  he  was  rather  luxuriously  inclined ; 
but  he  curbed  his  passions,  and  after  staying  a  few 
months  with  his  father  and  mother  at  London  he  retired 
to  Oxford. 

Here  he  read  public  lectures  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles 
without  stipend  or  reward  :  which  being  a  new  thing,  drew 
a  vast  crowd  of  hearers,  who  admired  him  gi-eatly.  And 
here  began  his  memorable  friendship  with  Erasmus,  who 
came  to  Oxford  about  the  end  of  the  year  1497,  which 
remained  unshaken  and  inviolable  to  the  day  of  their 
deaths.  He  continued  these  lectures  through  the  years 
1497,  1498,  1499;  and,  in  the  year  1501,  was  admitted 
to  proceed  in  divinity,  or  to  the  reading  of  the  sen- 
tences. In  the  year  1504  he  commenced  doctor  in 
divinity  :  and  in  May,  1505,  was  instituted  to  a  prebend 
in  St.  Paul's,  London  The  same  year  and  month  he  was 
made  dean  of  that  church,  without  the  least  application  of 
his  own. 

The  following  account  of  him  in  his  private  character 
is  given  by  Erasmus  : — 

"The  dean's  table,"  says  he,  "  which,  under  the  name 
of  hospitality,  had  before  served  too  much  to  pomp  and 
luxury,  he  contracted  to  a  more  frugal  and  temperate  way 
of  entertaining.  And  it  having  been  his  custom  for  many 
years  to  eat  but  one  meal,  that  of  dinner,  he  had  always 
the  evening  to  himself.  When  he  dined  privately  with 
his  own  family  he  had  always  some  strangers  for  his 
guests  ;  but  the  fewer,  because  his  provision  was  frugal ; 
which  yet  was  neat  and  genteel.  The  sittings  were  short ; 
and  the  discourses  such  as  pleased  only  the  learned  and 

COLET.  129 

the  good.  As  soon  as  grace  before  meat  was  said,  some 
boy  with  a  good  voice  read  distinctly  a  chapter  out  of  one 
of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  or  out  of  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon. 
When  he  had  done  reading,  the  dean  would  pitch  upon 
some  particular  part  of  it,  and  thence  frame  a  subject 
matter  of  discourse ;  asking  either  the  learned,  or  such  as 
were  otherwise  of  good  understanding,  what  was  the 
meaning  of  this  or  that  expression :  and  he  would  so  adapt 
and  temper  his  discourse,  that  though  it  was  grave  and 
serious,  yet  it  never  tired,  or  gave  any  distaste.  Again, 
toward  the  end  of  dinner,  when  the  company  was  rather 
satisfied  than  satiated,  he  would  throw  in  another  subject 
of  discourse  :  and  thus  he  dismissed  his  guests  with  a 
double  repast,  refreshed  in  their  minds  as  well  as  bodies  ; 
so  that  they  always  went  away  better  than  they  came,  and 
were  not  oppressed  with  what  they  had  eat  and  drunk. 
He  was  mightily  delighted  with  the  conversation  of  his 
friends  ;  which  he  would  some  times  protract  till  very  late 
in  the  evening  :  but  all  his  discourse  was  either  of  learn- 
ing or  religion.  If  he  could  not  get  an  agreeable  com- 
panion, (for  it  was  not  every  body  he  did  like,)  one  of  his 
servants  read  some  part  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  to  him. 
In  his  journeys  he  would  sometimes  make  me  (says 
Erasmus)  his  companion  ;  and  he  was  as  easy  and  plea- 
sant as  any  man  living :  yet  he  always  carried  a  book 
with  him  ;  and  all  his  discourse  was  seasoned  with  reli- 
gion. He  was  so  impatient  of  whatsoever  was  foul  and 
sordid,  that  he  could  not  bear  with  any  indecent  or  im- 
I)roper  way  of  speaking.  He  loved  to  be  neat  and  clean 
in  his  goods,  furniture,  entertainment,  apparel,  and  books, 
and  whatever  belonged  to  him  ;  and  yet  he  despised  all 
state  and  magniiicence.  His  habit  was  only  black;  though 
it  was  then  common  for  the  higher  clergy  to  be  clad  in 
purple.  His  upper  garment  was  always  of  woollen  cloth, 
and  plain  ;  which,  if  the  weather  was  cold,  and  required  it, 
he  lined  with  fur.  Whatever  came  in  by  his  ecclesiastical 
preferments  he  delivered  to  his  stewai'd,  to  be  laid  out  on 
family  occasions  or  hospitality :   and  all  that  arose  from 

130  COLET. 

his  own  proper  estate,  (which  was  very  large,)  he  gave  away 
for  pious  and  charitable  uses." 

Erasmus  also  informs  us  of  his  public  character,  that 
*'  this  excellent  man,  as  if  he  had  been  called  to  the 
labours,  not  to  the  dignity  of  his  office,  restored  the 
decayed  discipline  of  his  cathedral  church,  and  brought  in 
what  was  a  new  practice  there,  preaching  himself  upon 
Sundays  and  all  solemn  festivals.  In  which  course  of 
preaching,  he  did  not  take  a  desultory  text  out  of  the  Gos- 
pel or  Epistle  for  the  day  ;  but  he  chose  a  fixed  and  larger 
subject,  which  he  prosecuted  in  several  successive  dis- 
courses, till  he  had  gone  through  the  whole ;  as  suppose 
the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  the  Creed,  or  the  Lord's  Prayer. 
And  he  had  there  always  a  full  auditory ;  and  amongst 
others,  the  chief  magistrates  of  the  city." 

The  frequent  preaching  of  Dean  Colet,  in  his  own  cathe- 
dral, set  a  good  example  to  some  other  deans,  to  do  the 
same  good  office  in  their  respective  churches  :  as  particu- 
larly at  Lichfield,  Dr.  Collingwood  introduced  the  pious 
practice  of  preaching  every  Sunday  :  being  the  first  and 
only  preacher  of  all  the  deans  there. 

We  hear  much  in  these  days  of  the  reverence  shewn  by 
the  people  before  the  Reformation,  but  the  following  quota- 
tion from  an  English  book,  printed  at  the  latter  end  of 
Henry  Vllth's  reign  will  shew  how  profane  and  dissolute 
were  the  choir  of  St.  Pauls  at  that  period,  and  how  much 
they  needed  reformation. 

"  Certeyne  of  vycars  of  Poules  dysposed  to  be  merye  on 
a  Sondaye  at  hye  masse  tyme,  sent  another  madde  felowe 
of  theyr  acquayntance  unto  a  folyshe  dronken  preest  upon 
the  toppe  of  the  stayres  by  the  chauncell  dore,  and  spake 
to  hym,  and  sayd  thus,  Syr,  my  maistre  hath  sent  you  a 
bottell  to  putt  your  drynke  in,  because  ye  can  kepe  none 
in  your  brayne.  Thys  preest  beynge  therewith  very  angrye, 
all  sodenly  toke  the  bottell,  and  with  his  fote  flange  it 
down  into  the  bodye  of  the  churche  upon  the  gentylmennes 

Dean  Colet  was  much  disgusted  with  the  state  of  mon- 

COLET.  131 

asteiies  and  the  immoralities  of  the  monks.  He  saw  also 
the  monstrous  evils  which  result  from  the  constrained 
celibacy  of  the  clergy.  He  used  to  say  he  never  found 
better  or  purer  manners  than  among  married  men,  whose 
natural  affection  for  their  wives  and  care  of  their  own 
children  and  go^rnment  of  their  own  families,  kept  them 
within  the  bounds  of  moderation  and  chastity.  Erasmus 
often  referred  to  the  wisdom  of  Dean  Colet,  when  at  a 
later  period  of  life  he  founded  his  school,  in  preferring  a 
married  man  for  the  master,  and  married  men  for  the 
trustees  and  guardians  of  it.  The  constrained  celibacy  of 
the  clergy  had  not  only  caused  crimes  and  scandals  of  the 
most  gross  nature,  but  had  actually  lowered  the  tone  of 
morals  in  religious  men.  Sir  Thomas  More  (Apologia 
pro  Erasmo)  narrates  that  he  heard  a  divine  of  his  ac- 
quaintance maintain  plus  eum  peccare  qui  unam  domi 
concubinam  quam  qui  decem  foras  meretrices  haberet. 
And  although  Erasmus  bears  testimony  to  the  purity  of 
Colet's  life,  a  fact  which  he  speaks  of  as  an  exception  to 
the  general  rule  of  the  clergy  ;  yet  he  says  he  had  a  chari- 
table opinion  of  those  priests  and  monks  who  were  guilty 
of  incontinence.  "  Not  that  he  did  not  heartily  abhor  the 
sin,  but  because  he  found  such  men  far  less  mischievous 
than  others  (if  compared)  who  were  haughty,  envious, 
backbiters,  hypocrites,  vain,  unlearned,  wholly  given  to 
the  getting  of  money  and  honour.  Yet  these  had  a 
mighty  opinion  of  themselves  ;  whereas  others,  by  acknow- 
ledging their  infirmity,  were  made  more  humble  and 
modest.  He  said,  that  to  be  covetous  and  proud  was 
more  abominable  in  a  priest  than  to  have  an  hundred 
concubines  :  not  that  he  thought  incontinence  to  be  a  light 
sin,  but  covetousness  and  pride  to  be  at  a  greater  distance 
from  true  piety.  And  he  was  not  more  averse  to  any  sort 
of  men,  than  such  bishops  who  were  wolves  instead  of 
shepherds  ;  and  commended  themselves  by  external  ser- 
vice of  God,  ceremonies,  benedictions  and  indulgences  to 
the  people,  while  with  all  their  hearts  they  served  the 
world,   that  is,   glory  and  gain.     He  was  not  much  dis- 

i:3'2  COLET; 

pleased  with  them  who  would  not  have  images  (either 
painted  or  carved,  gold  or  silver)  worshipped  in  churches ; 
nor  with  them,  who  doubted  whether  a  notorious  wicked 
priest  could  consecrate  the  Sacrament.  Hereby  not  fa- 
vouriDg  their  error,  but  expressing  his  indignation  against 
such  clergymen,  who  by  an  open  bad  life  gave  occasion  to 
this  suspicion." 

His  conduct  exposed  him  to  persecution  from  the 
Bishop  of  London,  Dr.  Fitzjames,  who  accused  him  to 
Archbishop  Warham  as  a  dangerous  man,  preferring  at 
the  same  time  some  articles  against  him.  But  Warham, 
knowing  the  worth  aijd  integrity  of  Colet,  dismissed  him, 
without  giviug  him  the  trouble  of  putting  in  any  formal 
answer.  The  Bishop,  however,  endeavoured  afterwards  to 
stir  up  the  King  and  the  court  against  him. 

Whatever  his  persecutions  were,  they  did  not  prevent 
his  making  a  noble  stand  against  the  existing  abuses  of 
the  Church,  and  from  calling  for  a  reformation  of  the 
establishment,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  sermon  before  the 
convocation  at  St.  Paul's,  in  1511.  In  that  sermon, 
referring  to  the  sins  of  the  world,  of  which  the  pride  of 
life  is  one,  he  says,  "  How  much  greediness  and  appetite 
of  honour  and  dignity  is  seen  now-a-days  in  clergymen  ? 
How  run  they  (yea  almost  out  of  breath)  from  one  benefice 
to  another,  from  the  less  to  the  greater,  from  the  lower  to 
the  higher?  Who  seeth  not  this?  And  who  seeing, 
sorroweth  not?  And  most  of  those  who  are  in  these 
dignities  carry  their  heads  so  high,  and  are  so  stately, 
that  they  seem  not  to  be  JDut  in  the  humble  bishopric  of 
Christ,  but  rather  in  the  high  lordship  and  power  of  the 
world  ;  not  knowing,  or  not  minding,  what  Christ  the 
master  of  all  meekness  said  unto  His  disciples  (whom  He 
called  to  be  bishops  and  priests :)  The  princes  of  the 
Gentiles  exercise  dominion  over  them,  and  those  that  be 
in  authority  have  power;  but  do  ye  not  so.  Whosoever  will 
be  chief  amongst  you  (highest  in  dignity)  let  him  be  your 
servant.  The  Son  of  Man  came  not  to  be  ministered 
unto,  but  to  minister.  Mat.  xx.  25,  &c.     By  which  words 

COLET.  133 

our  Saviour  doth  plainly  teach,  that  a  prelacy  in  the 
church  is  nothing  else  but  a  ministration,  that  an  high 
dignity  in  an  ecclesiastical  person  ought  to  be  nothing  but 
a  meek  service. 

"  The  second  secular  evil  is  carnal  concupiscence.  And 
hath  not  this  vice  grown  and  increased  in  the  Church  so 
far,  that  in  this  most  busy  age,  the  far  greater  number 
of  priests  mind  nothing  but  what  doth  delight  and  please 
their  senses  ?  They  give  themselves  to  feasts  and  ban- 
queting, spend  their  time  in  vain  babbling,  are  addicted 
to  hunting  and  hawking  ;  and  in  a  word,  drowned  in  the 
delights  of  this  world,  diligent  only  in  progging  for  those 
lusts  they  set  by.  Against  which  sort  of  men  St.  Jude 
exclaims  in  his  epistle,  saying,  Wo  unto  them  that  have 
gone  the  way  of  Cain  ;  they  are  foul  and  beastly,. feasting 
in  their  meats,  without  fear  feeding  themselves,  clouds  of 
the  wild  sea,  foaming  out  their  own  shame  ;  unto  whom 
the  storm  of  darkness  is  reserved  for  everlasting. 

"  Covetousness  is  the  third  secular  evil,  which  St.  John 
calls  the  lust  of  the  eyes,  and  St.  Paul,  idolatry.  This 
abominable  pestilence  hath  so  entered  into  the  minds  of 
almost  all  priests,  hath  so  blinded  the  eyes  of  their  under- 
standing, that  we  see  nothing  but  that  which  seems  to 
bring  unto  us  some  gain.  What  other  thing  seek  we 
now-a-days  in  the  church,  except  fat  benefices  and  high 
promotions  ?  And  it  were  well  if  we  minded  the  duty  of 
those  when  we  have  them ;  but  he  that  hath  many  great 
benefices,  minds  not  the  office  of  one  small  one.  And  in 
these  high  promotions,  what  other  thing  do  we  pass  upon, 
but  only  our  tithes  and  rents  ?  We  care  not  how  vast 
our  charge  of  souls  be,  how  many  or  how  great  benefices 
we  take,  so  they  be  of  large  value." 

In  suggesting  modes  of  reformation,  he  recommends 
especially  the  putting  in  force  of  existing  canons  :  "Above 
all  things,"  he  says,  "let  the  canons  be  rehearsed  that 
appertain  to  you  my  reverend  fathers  and  lord  bishops, 
laws  concerning  your  just  and  canonical  election  in  the 
chapters  of  your  churches,   calling  upon  the  Holy  Ghost : 

VOL  IV.  N 

134  COLET. 

for  because  those  canons  are  not  obeyed  now-a-days  (but 
prelates  are  chosen  oftentimes  more  by  the  favour  of 
men,  than  by  the  grace  of  God)  hence  truly  it  comes  to 
pass,  that  we  have  not  seldom  bishops  who  have  little 
spirituality  in  them,  men  rather  worldly  than  heavenly, 
favouring  more  of  the  spirit  of  this  world  than  the  spirit 
of  Christ. 

"  Let  the  canons  be  rehearsed  of  the  residence  of  bishops 
in  their  dioceses,  which  command  that  they  look  diligently 
to  the  health  of  souls,  that  they  sow  the  word  of  God,  that 
they  shew  themselves  in  their  churches,  at  least  on  great 
holidays ;  that  they  officiate  in  their  own  persons,  and 
do  sacrifice  for  their  people  ;  that  they  hear  the  causes  and 
matters  of  poor  men  ;  that  they  sustain  fatherless  children 
and  widows,  and  exercise  themselves  in  works  of  virtue. 

"  Let  the  canons  be  rehearsed  concerning  the  right  be- 
stowing of  the  patrimony  of  Christ;  the  canons  which 
command  that  the  goods  of  the  church  be  spent  not  in 
costly  building,  not  in  sumptuous  apparel  and  pomps,  not 
in  feasting  and  banqueting,  not  in  excess  and  wantonness, 
not  in  enriching  of  kinsfolk,  not  in  keeping  of  hounds ; 
but  in  things  profitable  and  necessary  for  the  Church." 

The  persecutions  he  endured  made  him  weary  of  the 
world,  and  he  began  to  think  of  disposing  of  his  effects, 
and  of  retiring.  Having,  therefore,  a  large  estate,  without 
any  near  relations,  he  resolved,  in  the  midst  of  life  and 
health,  to  consecrate  all  his  property  to  some  permanent 
benefaction.  And  this  he  performed  by  founding  St.  Pauls 
School,  in  London,  of  which  he  appointed  William  Lilly 
first  master,  in  1512.  He  ordained  that  there  should  be 
in  this  school  a  high  master,  a  surmaster,  and  a  chaplain, 
who  should  teach  gratis  153  children,  divided  into  eight 
classes ;  and  he  endowed  it  with  lands  and  houses,  amount- 
ing then  to  £122.  4s.  7^d.  per  annum,  of  which  endow- 
ment he  made  the  Company  of  Mercers  trustees. 

"  The  whole  fabric,"  says  Erasmus,  "he  divided  into 
four  parts  :  whereof  one  fat  the  entrance)  is  as  it  were  for 
the  catechumeni,  (and  yet  none  is  admitted  till  he  can 

COLET.  135 

read  and  write)  the  second  for  such  as  are  under  the  usher. 
The  third  part  is  for  those  whom  the  upper  master  teach- 
eth.  These  two  ends  are  divided  by  a  curtain,  which  is 
drawn  to  and  fro  when  they  please.  Above  the  master's 
chair  stands  the  holy  child  Jesus,  curiously  engraven,  in 
the  posture  of  one  reading  a  lecture,  with  this  motto, 
Hear  Him ;  which  words  I  advised  him  to  set  up.  And 
all  the  young  fry,  when  they  come  in  and  go  out  of  school 
(besides  their  appointed  prayers)  salute  Christ  with  an 
hymn.  At  the  upper  end  is  a  chapel,  in  which  divine 
service  may  be  said.  The  whole  building  hath  no  corners 
nor  lurking-holes  for  dunces,  having  neither  chamber  nor 
dining-room  in  it.  Every  boy  has  his  proper  seat  dis- 
tinguished by  spaces  of  wood,  and  the  forms  have  thi-ee 
ascents.  Every  class  containeth  sixteen  boys,  (the  two 
lowest  much  more,)  and  the  best  scholar  of  each  sits  in 
a  seat  somewhat  more  eminent  than  the  rest,  with  the 
word  CAPITANEUS  engraven  in  golden  letters  over 
his  head. 

"  Our  quick-sighted  Dr.  Colet  saw  very  well,  that  the 
main  hope  and  pillar  of  a  commonwealth  consists  in  fur- 
nishing youth  with  good  literature,  and  thcjrefore  did  ho 
bestow  so  much  care  and  cost  on  this  school.  Though  it 
stood  him  in  an  infinite  sum  of  money  to  build  and  endow 
it,  yet  he  would  accept  of  no  co-partner.  One  left  indeed 
a  legacy  of  £100  sterling  to  the  structure  of  it;  but  Colet 
thinking  that  if  he  took  it,  some  lay-people  would  chal- 
lenge to  themselves  I  know  not  what  authority  over  the 
school,  did  by  the  permission  of  his  Bishop  bestow  it 
upon  holy  vestments  for  the  choir.  Yet  though  he  would 
sufifer  no  lay-men  to  have  a  finger  in  the  building,  he 
enti-usted  no  clergyman  (not  so  much  as  the  Bishop, 
Dean,  and  Chapter  of  St.  Paul)  nor  any  of  the  nobility, 
with  the  oversight  of  the  revenues ;  but  some  married 
citizens  of  honest  report.  When  he  was  asked  why  he 
would  do  so,  he  answered,  that  there  was  nothing  certain 
in  human  affairs ;  but  he  found  least  corruption  in  such 

186  COLET. 

As  all  men  highly  commended  him  for  his  school,  so  many 
wondered  why  he  would  build  a  stately  house  for  himself 
within  the  bounds  of  the  Carthusian  monastery,  which  is 
not  far  from  the  palace  at  Pdchmond  :  but  he  told  them, 
that  he  provided  that  seat  for  himself  in  his  old  age,  when 
he  should  be  unfit  for  labours,  or  broken  with  diseases, 
and  so  constrained  to  retire  from  the  society  of  men. 
There  he  intended  to  philosophize  with  two  or  three 
eminent  friends,  among  which  he  was  wont,  says  Erasmus, 
to  reckon  me  ;  but  death  prevented  him.  For  being  a  few 
years  before  his  decease,  visited  thrice  with  the  sweating 
sickness,  (a  disease  which  seized  no  countrymen  but 
English]  though  he  recovered,  yet  he  thereupon  grew 
consumptive,  and  so  died.  One  physician  thought  that 
the  dropsy  killed  him  ;  but  when  he  was  dissected,  they 
saw  nothing  extraordinary,  only  the  capillary  vessels  of 
his  liver  were  beset  with  pustules.  He  was  buried  in  the 
south  side  of  the  choir,  of  his  own  cathedral,  in  a  low 
sepulchre,  which  he  to  that  end  had  chosen  for  himself 
some  years  before,  with  this  inscription,  John  Colet. 

Besides  his  dignities  and  preferments  already  men- 
tioned, he  was  rector  of  the  fraternity  or  guild  of  Jesus  in 
St.  Paul's  cathedral,  for  which  he  procured  new  statutes 
and  was  chaplain  and  preacher  in  ordinary  to  Henry  VIII.  ; 
and,  if  Erasmus  be  correct,  one  of  the  privy-council. 
He  wrote, — 1.  Oratio  habita  a  Doctore  Johanne  Colet, 
Decano  Sancti  Pauli,  ad  Clerum  in  Convocatioue,  anno 
1511.  2.  Eudimenta  Grammatices  a  Joanne  Coleto, 
Decano  Ecclesias  Sancti  Pauli  Londin.  in  Usum  Scholae 
ab  ipso  Institutes,  commonly  called  Paul's  Accidence, 
1539,  8vo.  3.  The  construction  of  the  Eight  Parts  of 
Speech,  entitled  Absolutissimus  de  Octo  Orationis  Partium 
Constructione  Libellus ;  which,  with  some  alterations, 
and  great  additions,  makes  up  the  syntax  in  Lilly's  Gram- 
mar, Antwerp,  1530,  8vo.  4.  Daily  Devotions  or  the 
Christian's  Morning  and  Evening  Sacrifice.  5.  Monition 
to  a  godly  Life,  1534,  1563,  &c.  6.  Epistolae  ad  Eras- 
mum — Erasmus.     Knight. 

COLLIER.  137 


Jeremy  Collier  was  born  at  Stow  Qui,  in  Cambridge- 
shire, in  1650.  He  was  educated  under  his  father  who 
was  master  of  the  free-school  at  Ipswich,  whence,  in  1GG9, 
he  was  sent  to  Cambridge,  and  admitted  a  poor  scholar 
of  Caius  College.  In  1676  he  was  ordained  deacon  by 
Gunning,  Bishop  of  Ely;  and  priest  the  year  after,  by 
Compton,  Bishop  of  London.  He  officiated  for  some  time 
at  the  Countess-dowager  of  Dorset's,  at  Knowle,  in  Kent, 
whence,  in  1679,  he  removed  to  the  rectory  of  Ampton, 
near  St.  Edmunds  Bury,  in  Suffolk  ;  but  resigned  it,  and 
came  to  London  in  1685,  and  was  appointed  lecturer  of 
Gray's-Inn,  but  when  the  Revolution  took  place,  he  not 
only  refused  to  take  the  oaths  to  the  new  government,  but 
engaged  as  a  zealous  and  active  partisan,  in  support  of  the 
pretensions  of  the  dethroned  Monarch,  and  in  defence  of 
the  conduct  of  his  non-juring  brethren.  The  first  treatise 
he  produced  was.  The  Desertion  discussed,  in  a  Letter  to 
a  Country  Gentleman,  1688,  designed  to  counteract  the 
influence  of  a  pamphlet  of  Dr.  Gilbert  Burnet,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  show,  that  James  11.  by  his  desertion  of 
his  people,  particularly  after  the  series  of  injustice  aud 
violence  by  which  his  reign  had  been  distinguished,  ought 
no  longer  to  be  considered  or  treated  with  as  King.  For 
this  Collier  was  confined  for  some  months  in  Newgate  ; 
whence  he  was  afterwards  liberated  without  being  brought 
to  a  trial.  He  then  published  a  Translation  of  the  Ninth, 
Tenth,  Eleventh,  and  Twelfth  Books  of  Sleidan  s  Commen- 
taries, 4to,  1689;  Vindiciee  Juris  Regii,  or  remarks  upon 
a  Paper  entitled  An  Enquiry  into  the  Measures  of  Sub- 
mission to  the  Supreme  Authority,  in  4to,  in  the  same 
year;  Animadversions  upon  the  modem  Explanation  of 
2  Henry  VII.  cap.  1.  or  a  King  de  facto,  in  the  same 
year ;  A  Caution  against  Inconsistency,  or  the  Connexion 
between  Praying  and  Swearing,  in  relation  to  the  Civil 
Powers,  4to,   1690;  A  Dialogue  concerning   the  Times, 

VOL.  IV.  0 

138  COLLIER. 

between  Philobelgus  and  Sempronius,  in  the  same  year ; 
a  petition,  on  a  half  sheet,  To  the  Right  Honourable  the 
Lords,  and  to  the  Gentlemen  convened  at  Westminster, 
in  the  same  year,  for  an  Enquiry  into  the  birth  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales  ;  Dr.  Sherlock's  Case  of  Allegiance  con- 
sidered, with  some  Remarks  upon  his  Vindication,  in 
1691  ;  and  a  Brief  Essay  concerning  the  Independency 
of  Church  Power,  in  1692.  By  these  publications,  and 
by  a  suspicion  that  a  journey  undertaken  by  the  writer  to 
the  coast  of  Kent,  in  169*2,  was  with  the  design  of  main- 
taining a  correspondence  with  the  exiled  King,  the 
jealousy  of  the  government  w^as  once  more  alarmed,  and 
he  was  brought  in  the  custody  of  messengers  to  London, 
where,  after  an  examination  before  the  Earl  of  Notting- 
ham, he  was  committed  prisioner  to  the  Gate-house,  but 
was  in  a  short  time  admitted  to  bail. 

Collier's  conscience,  however,  reproached  him,  and  he 
feared  lest  remaining  in  bail  he  should  acknowledge  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  court  in  which  the  bail  was  taken,  and 
consequently  of  the  power  from  whence  the  authority  of 
the  court  was  derived,  and  therefore  surrendered  in  dis- 
charge of  his  bail  before  Chief  Justice  Holt,  and  was  com- 
mitted to  the  King's  Bench  prison.  He  was  released  again 
at  the  iatercession  of  friends,  in  a  very  few  days  ;  but  still 
attempted  to  support  his  principles  and  justify  his  con- 
duct by  the  following  pieces,  of  which,  it  is  said,  there 
were  only  five  copies  printed  :  "  The  case  of  giving  bail 
to  a  pretended  authority  examined,  dated  from  the  King's 
Bench,  Nov.  23,  1692,"  with  a  preface,  dated  Dec.  1692; 
and,  "  a  Letter  to  Sir  John  Holt,"  dated  Nov.  30,  1692  ; 
and  also,  "  A  Reply  to  some  Remarks  upon  the  case  of 
giving  bail,  &c.,  dated  April,  1693."  He  wrote  soon  after 
this,  "  A  Persuasive  to  consideration,  tendered  to  the 
RoyaUsts,  particularly  those  of  the  Church  of  England," 
1693,  4to.  It  was  afterwards  reprinted  in  8vo,  together 
with  his  vindication  of  it,  against  a  piece  entitled  "  The 
Layman's  Apology."    He  wrote  also,  "  Remarks  upon  the 

COLLIER.  139 

London  Gazette,  relating  to  the  Streight's  Fleet,  and  the 
Battle  of  Landen  in  Flanders,"  1693,  4to. 

We  come  now  to  an  incident  in  the  life  of  Collier  by 
which  he  was  involved  in  much  trouble,  we  allude  to  his 
absolution  of  Sir  John  Friend  and  Sir  William  Perkins, 
who  were  sentenced  to  death  in  1096,  for  being  implicated 
in  a  plot  against  the  life  of  William  III.  The  account  of 
this  proceeding  is  thus  given  by  Collier  himself.  After 
his  trial,  Sir  William  Perkins,  whom  he  had  not  seen  for 
four  or  five  years,  sent  for  Collier,  who  visited  him  in 
Newgate.  After  two  days  he  was  not  permitted  to  see  the 
prisoner  alone  :  and  at  length  he  was  refused  altogether, 
so  that  he  did  not  see  him  from  Wednesday,  April  1, 
until  Friday,  at  the  place  of  execution.  Sir  William  had 
spoken  freely  to  Collier  on  the  state  of  his  mind,  and 
desired  that  the  absolution  of  the  Church  might  be  pro- 
nounced the  last  day.  On  Friday  Collier  was  refused 
admittance  to  the  prison  :  and  therefore  he  went  to  the 
place  of  execution  and  gave  the  absolution  there,  since  he 
was  not  allowed  to  give  it  elsewhere,  using  the  Form  in 
The  Office  for  The  Visitation  of  the  Sick. 

So  great  an  impression  was  made  upon  the  public  mind 
by  the  circumstance,  that  the  two  Archbishops  and  ten 
Bishops  published  a  declaration  against  the  practice : 
entitled  :  "  A  Declaration  of  the  Sense  of  the  Archbishops 
and  Bishops  now  in  and  about  London  upon  the  occasion 
of  their  attendance  in  parliament,  concerning  the  irregular 
and  scandalous  proceedings  of  certain  clergymen,  at  the 
execution  of  Sir  John  Friend  and  Sir  William  Perkins." 
The  document  is  somewhat  curious,  as  expressive  of  the 
opinions  of  the  Bishops  respecting  the  schism,  which  had 
now  occurred,  A  paper,  or  papers,  had  been  delivered  by 
the  criminals  to  the  sheriffs,  which  were  afterwards  printed 
and  circulated,  and  in  which  Sir  John  Friend  speaks  of 
the  Church  of  the  nonjurors  as  the  Church  of  England. 
The  Bishops  say,  that  they  felt  themselves  obliged  to 
express  their  sense  of  the  conduct  of  the  three  clergymen. 
Alluding  to  Sir  John  Friend  s  expression,  they  remark  of 

140  COLLIER. 

the  Church  of  England,  "  that  venerable  name  is,  by  the 
author  of  that  paper,  appropriated  to  that  part  of  our 
Church  which  hath  separated  itself  from  the  body ;  and 
more  particularly  to  a  faction  of  them,  who  are  so  furiously 
bent  upon  the  restoring  of  the  late  King,  that  they  seem 
not  to  regard  by  what  means  it  is  to  be  effected."  His 
words  are  as  follows  : 

"  I  profess  myself,  and  I  thank  God  I  am  so,  a  member 
of  the  Church  of  England,  though,  God  knows,  a  most 
unworthy  and  unprofitable  part  of  it,  of  that  Church  which 
suffers  so  much  at  present,  for  a  strict  adherence  to  the 
laws  and  Christian  principles. 

For  this  I  suffer,  and  for  this  I  die." 

The  Bishops  add,  that  they  conceive,  that  Sir  William 
Perkins  used  the  term  in  the  same  sense,  "  being  assured 
(as  we  are  by  very  good  information)  that  both  he  and 
Sir  John  Friend  had  withdrawn  themselves  from  our 
public  assemblies  some  time  before  their  death."  They 
then  proceed  to  arraign  the  conduct  of  the  three  clergymen. 
Collier,  Snatt,  and  Cook :  "  For  those  clergymen,  who 
took  upon  them  to  absolve  these  criminals  at  the  place  of 
execution,  by  laying,  all  three  together,  their  hands  upon 
their  heads,  and  publicly  pronouncing  a  form  of  absolu- 
tion; as  their  manner  of  doing  this  was  extremely  insolent, 
and  without  precedent,  either  in  our  Church  or  any  other 
that  we  know  of,  so  the  thing  itself  was  altogether  irregular. 
The  rubric  in  our  office  of  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  from 
whence  they  took  the  words  they  then  used,  and  upon 
which,  if  upon  anything  in.  our  liturgy,  they  must  ground 
this  their  proceeding,  gave  them  no  authority  nor  pretence 
for  absolving  these  persons."  They  further  state,  that  the 
rubric  relates  to  sick  persons  who  have  made  a  confession; 
while  these  clergymen  absolved  notorious  criminals,  with- 
out even  moving  them  to  make  a  special  confession  of 
their  sins,  the  parties  themselves  not  desiring  absolution. 
It  is  alleged,  that  the  clergy,  as  they  knew  nothing  of  the 
state  of  mind  in  which  the  criminals   were,    could  not 

COLLIER.  141 

absolve  them,  without  a  breach  of  the  order  of  the  Church. 
The  Bishops  also  add,  that  the  clergy,  if  they  were  aware 
of  the  sentiments  of  the  criminals  declared  in  their 
papers,  must  have  viewed  them  as  hardened  impenitents,  or 
martyrs.  The  Bishops  consider  the  former  supposition  as 
quite  out  of  the  question  :  but  they  remark  on  the  other, 
"  If  they  held  these  men  to  be  martyrs,  then  their  absolv- 
ing them  in  that  manner  was  a  justification  of  those 
grievous  crimes  for  which  these  men  suffered,  and  an  open 
affront  to  the  laws  both  of  Church  and  State."  The 
Bishops  then  add,  that  they  were  moved  by  a  desire  to 
prevent  the  Church  from  being  misunderstood  ;  and  that, 
therefore,  "  we  disown  and  detest  all  such  principles  and 
practices  ;  looking  upon  them  as  highly  schismatical  and 
seditious,  dangerous  both  to  the  Church  and  State,  and 
contrary  to  the  true  doctrine  and  spirit  of  the  Christian 

To  this  Collier  published  a  reply  ;  he  regards  their 
manifesto  as  an  unsupported  censure.  In  this  jDaper  he 
enters,  at  some  length,  on  the  defence  of  the  practice  of 
the  imposition  of  hands,  on  the  ground  of  its  primitive 
use.  To  the  charge,  that  no  such  ceremony  is  enjoined 
by  the  rubric,  he  replies  :  "  true  ;  neither  is  there  any 
prohibition.  The  rubric  is  perfectly  silent  both  as  to 
posture  and  gesture,  and  yet  some  circumstances  of  this 
nature  must  of  necessity  be  used.  Now  since  our  Church 
allows  the  priest  imposition  of  hands  in  another  case,  and 
does  not  forbid  it  in  this,  is  it  any  harm  if  our  liberty 
moves  upward,  and  determines  itself  by  general  usage  and 
primitive  practice  ?"  Some  "  Animadversions''  on  Collier's 
Two  Papers  were  speedily  published.  They  were  written 
by  Hody,  and  at  the  command  of  the  Archbishop, 
Tennison.  Collier,  who  seldom  allowed  an  opponent  to 
remain  unanswered,  was  soon  ready  with  a  reply.  The 
only  point  which  it  is  necessary  to  notice,  relates  to  the 
question  of  laying  on  of  hands.  The  animadverter  states, 
that  the  ceremony  is  not  retained  by  the  Church  of 
England  :    and  that  consequently  ministers   should   not 

142  COLLIER. 

make  use  of  any,  which  are  not  positively  enjoined. 
ColHer  replies  as  follows.  "  His  affirming  that  imposition 
of  hands  is  not  retained  in  the  Church  of  England,  will 
not  hold  generally  speaking.  For  this  ceremony  is  re- 
tained both  in  orders  and  confirmation :  which  is  a  suffi- 
cient argument  of  its  being  approved  by  the  Church.  But 
the  Church  does  not  retain  it  in  her  absolutions.  I  grant 
'tis  not  in  the  rubric  for  that  purpose.  And  therefore,  had 
it  been  used  at  the  Daily  Service  or  upon  any  solemn 
occasion  regulated  by  the  Church  there  might  have  been 
some  pretence  for  exception  ;  but  the  rubric  and  act  of 
uniformity,  mentioned  by  the  animadverter,  provide  only 
against  innovations,  in  stated  and  public  administrations. 
'Tis  in  Churches  and  Church  appointments  that  the  rubric 
condemns  adding  or  diminishing.  But  this  is  none  of  the 
present  case.  For  the  Church  has  not  prescribed  us  any 
ofjice  for  executions.  Every  priest  is  here  left  to  his 
liberty,  both  as  to  office  and  gesture,  to  substance  and 
ceremony.  The  devotion  may  be  all  private  composition, 
if  the  confessor  pleases.  And  when  out  of  respect  to  the 
Church,  he  selects  any  part  of  her  liturgy,  though  the 
form  is  public,  the  choice  and  occasion  are  private,  which 
makes  it  fall  under  another  denomination.  The  selected 
office  in  this  case,  is  like  coin  melted  into  bullion.  The 
public  impression  is  gone :  and  wath  that  the  forfeitures 
for  clipping  and  alloy  are  gone  too  :  and  the  honest  pro- 
prietor may  add  to  the  quantity,  or  alter  the  figure  as  he 
thinks  fit.  I  confess  had  the  Cliurch  excepted  against 
the  imposition  of  hands  in  absolution  :  had  she  condemned 
the  ceremony  thus  applied,  and  laid  a  general  prohibition 
upon  it :  her  members  ought  to  govern  themselves  accord- 
ingly, and  not  to  use  it,  so  much  as  in  private:  but  since 
the  Church  prescribes  this  rite  in  her  rubric,  and  takes 
notice  of  it  only  by  way  of  practice  and  approbation  :  when 
matters  stand  thus,  I  say,  her  non-prohibition  implies 
allowance  in  private  ministrations,  and  in  cases  no  way 
determined  by  herself  For  pray  what  is  liberty,  but  the 
absence  of  command,  the  silence  of  authority,  and  leaving 


things  in  their  natural  indifferency  ?  Thus  the  point  was 
understood  and  practised  by  the  famous  Bishop  Sanderson, 
upon  one  of  the  most  solemn  occasions,  and  in  which 
himself  was  most  nearly  concerned.  This  eminent  casuist 
about  a  day  before  his  death,  desired  his  chaplain, 
Mr.  Pullin,  to  give  him  absolution :  and  at  his  performing 
that  office  he  pulled  of  his  cap,  that  Mr.  Pullin  might  lay 
his  hand  upon  his  bare  head." 

The  government  of  course  proceeded  on  the  publication 
of  the  episcopal  document,  to  persecute  these  clergymen, 
although  it  is  difficult  to  say  of  what  offence  they  had 
been  guilty.  Cook  and  Snatt  were  admitted  to  bail. 
Collier,  however,  refusing  to  give  bail  was  outlawed  ;  and 
under  this  sentence  he  continued  through  life,  because  he 
refused  to  submit.  But  though  outlawed  and  living  in 
retirement,  he  continued  to  defend  his  cause  by  a  variety 
of  papers  or  pamphlets. 

When  this  affair  was  over.  Collier  employed  himself  in 
reviewing  and  finishing  several  miscellaneous  pieces  of 
his,  which  he  published  under  the  title  of  Essays  upon 
several  moral  subjects.  They  consist  of  three  volumes  in 
8vo;  the  first  of  which  was  printed  in  the  year  1697,  the 
second  in  1705,  and  the  third  in  1709.  They  are  written 
with  such  a  mixture  of  learning  and  wit,  and  in  a  style  so 
easy  and  flowing,  that  notwithstanding  the  prejudice  of 
party,  which  ran,  as  may  easily  be  imagined,  strong  against 
him,  they  were  generally  well  received,  and  have  gone 
through  many  editicms  since.  It  was  the  success  of  the  first 
volume,  which  encouraged  the  author  to  add  the  other  two. 
In  the  year  1698,  he  made  an  attempt  to  reform  the 
stage,  by  publishing  his  Short  View  of  the  immorality  and 
profaneness  of  the  English  stage,  together  with  the  sense 
of  antiquity  upon  this  argument,  8vo.  This  engaged  him 
in  a  controversy  with  the  wits  of  those  times ;  and  Con- 
greve  and  Vanbrugh,  whom,  with  many  others,  he  had 
attacked  very  severely,  appeared  openly  against  him.  The 
pieces  he  wrote  in  this  controversy,  besides  the  first 
already  mentioned,  were,  his  Defence  of  the  Short  View, 

144  COLLIER. 

being  a  reply  to  Mr.  Congreve's  Amendments,  &c.,  and  to 
the  vindication  of  the  author  of  the  Relapse,  1699,  8vo. 
A  second  Defence  of  the  Short  View,  being  a  reply  to  a 
book  entitled,  The  Ancient  and  Modern  stages  surveyed, 
&c.,  1700,  8vo :  the  book  here  replied  to  was  written  by 
Dr.  Drake.  Mr.  Collier's  Dissuasive  from  the  play-house  : 
in  a  letter  to  a  person  of  quality,  occasioned  by  the  late 
calamity  of  the  tempest,  1703,  8vo.  A  farther  Vindication 
of  the  Short  View,  &c.,  in  which  the  objections  of  a  late 
book  entitled,  a  Defence  of  Plays  are  considered,  1708,  8vo. 
In  this  controversy  with  the  stage.  Collier  exerted  himself 
to  the  greatest  advantage  ;  and  shewed,  that  a  clergyman 
might  have  wit,  as  well  as  learning  and  reason,  on  his 
side.  It  is  remarkable,  that  his  labours  here  were 
attended  with  success,  and  actually  produced  repentance 
and  amendment ;  for  it  is  allowed  on  all  hands,  that  the 
decorum,  which  has  been  for  the  most  part  observed  by 
the  modern  writers  of  dramatic  poetry,  is  entirely  owing 
to  the  animadversions  of  Collier.  What  Dryden  said 
upon  this  occasion,  will  shew,  that  this  observation  is  not 
made  without  sufficient  foundation.  "  I  shall  say  the  less 
of  Mr.  Collier,  because  in  many  things  he  has  taxed  me 
justly  ;  and  I  have  pleaded  guilty  to  all  thoughts  and 
expressions  of  mine,  which  can  be  truly  arraigned  of 
obscenity,  profaneness,  or  immorality,  and  retract  them. 
If  he  be  my  enemy,  let  him  triumph  ;  if  he  be  my  friend, 
as  I  have  given  him  no  personal  occasion  to  be  otherwise, 
he  will  be  glad  of  my  repentance.  It  becomes  me  not  to 
draw  my  pen  in  the  defence  of  a  bad  cause,  when  I  have 
so  often  drawn  it  for  a  good  one." 

His  next  publication  was  a  translation  of  Moreri,  of 
which  the  first  two  volumes  were  printed  in  1701,  the 
third,  under  the  title  of  a  "Supplement,"  in  1705,  and  the 
fourth,  called  an  Appendix,  in  1721.  About  1701  he  pub- 
lished a  translation  of  the  meditations  of  Marcus  Antoni- 
nus. In  the  year  1708  was  published  the  first  volume  of 
that  work  so  often  quoted  in  the  present  publication,  his 
"  Ecclesiastical   History."     The  second  appeared  in  1714. 

COLLIER.  145 

It  is  distinguished  by  its  bold  impartiality  as  to  facts,  and 
by  its  determined  and  thoroughly  Anglican  character  as  to 
principles.  He  never  fears  to  declare  his  principles,  but 
in  giving  his  facts,  he  would  rather  listen  to  the  assertions 
of  an  opponent,  than  take  for  granted  the  declarations  of  a 
partizan.  The  work  being  a  valuable  one,  was  of  course 
attacked.  Bishop  Nicholson  and  Bishop  Kennet,  parti- 
sans of  the  Revolution,  were  his  opponents,  but  Collier 
was  more  than  a  match  for  them. 

Before  the  publication  of  the  second  volume,  in  the 
year  1713,  Collier  had  been  consecrated  to  the  episcopal 
oflSce  among  the  Nonjurors,  and  after  the  death  of  the 
justly  celebrated  Hickes,  he  became  the  most  distinguished 
of  their  prelates,  until  the  body  separated  into  two  sections 
in  consequence  of  the  controversy  relating  to  the  usages ; 
an  account  of  which  shall  be  given  from  Lathbury,  to 
whom  the  reader  has  been  already  indebted. 

The  controversy  did  not  spring  up  till  after  the  death  of 
Hickes  :  but  similar  views,  with  those  entertained  by  the 
advocates  for  alterations,  had  been  advanced  in  his  Chris- 
tian Priesthood,  which  may  have  had  some  influence  in 
the  disputes.  It  is  remarkable,  that  the  men,  who  depre- 
cated any  changes  in  1C89,  should  have  been  the  first  to 
alter  the  Communion  Service.  They  actually  split  upon 
the  very  rock,  that  of  alterations,  which  by  the  good  Provi- 
dence of  God,  the  Church  had  avoided — and  avoided  too 
by  the  opposition  of  the  very  men,  who  now  advocated  the 
change.  Any  material  alterations  at  the  Revolution 
might  have  endangered  the  Church  :  aud  the  changes 
made  by  some  of  the  Nonjurors  weakened  them  so  much, 
as  a  party,  that  they  never  assumed  so  compact  a  form 
after  this  period.  The  divisions,  indeed,  which  now 
sprang  up,  may  be  assigned  as  the  remote  cause  of  their 

The  Communion  Ofiice,  in  the  First  Book  of  King 
Edward,  A.  D.  1549,  differed,  as  is  well  known,  from  that 
of  the  second,  and  of  all  our  succeeding  books,  in  several 

VOL.  IV.  p 

146  COLLIER. 

particulars.  Certain  practices  and  several  petitions  were 
kid  aside,  when  the  book  was  revised  in  1552.  In  the 
year  1717,  when  this  dispute  commenced,  a  reprint  of  the 
first  Communion  Book  was  published  by  the  Nonjurors, 
wlio  wished  to  adopt  the  usages,  which  were  rejected  when 
the  book  was  reviewed. 

Collier  took  the  lead  in  this  controversy.  Hickes  had 
expressed  his  preference  of  the  fiirst  Communion  Book, 
but  during  his  life  no  formal  proposal  was  made  by  Collier 
to  publish  a  new  book.  In  the  year  1717,  appeared  the 
"  Reasons  for  Restoring  Some  Prayers,  d-c.''  The  work  was 
published  by  Morphew,  who  was  the  printer  of  the  Com- 
munion Office :  from  which  circumstance,  we  may  infer 
the  probability,  that  Collier,  or  one  of  the  Nonjurors,  w^as 
the  originator  of  the  latter. 

This  tract  was  written  in  a  candid  and  moderate  tone. 
The  author  enters  very  abruptly  upon  his  work :  for  the 
\erj  first  sentence  in  the  tract  is  the  following :  "  The 
rubric  orders  the  putting  a  little  pure  icater  to  the  wine 
in  the  chalice."  He  then  proceeds  to  adduce  evidence  in 
proof  of  the  antiquity  of  the  practice.  Justin  Martyr, 
irenseus,  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  St.  Cyprian,  are  quoted 
as  authorities  for  the  practice  in  early  times,  besides  the 
Apostolical  Constitutitms.  The  council  of  Carthage,  A.  D. 
5^97,  the  council  in  Trullo,  and  the  liturgies  of  St.  Basil 
and  St.  Chrysostom  are  also  cited. 

The  next  point  is  the  introduction  of  the  words  "  Mili- 
tant here  on  Earth,''  after  the  words  "  Let  us  pray  for  the 
whole  state  of  Christ's  Church."  The  previous  words, 
he  says,  *'  seem  inserted  to  exclude  Prayer  for  the  Dead." 
In  ths  first  book  there  was  a  petition  for  the  desid  :  and  he 
contends,  that  such  a  recommendation  of  the  departed  to 
the  mercy  of  God,  "  is  nothing  of  the  remains  of  popery, 
but  a  constant  usage  of  the  primitive  Church."  Tertullian, 
Oypiian,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  St.  Ambrose,  St.  Epiphanius, 
St.  Chrysostom,  St.  Augustin,  and  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions, with  certain  ancient  liturgies,  are  quoted   in 

COLLIER.  147 

support  of  this  statement,  besides  certain  individuals,  who 
actually  prayed  for  deceased  friends.  Collier  argues  that 
the  Church  of  England,  though  she  condemns  the  Eomish 
doctrine  of  purgatory,  has  not  condemned  prayers  for  the 
dead  :  and  he  says  :  "  Where  the  Church  of  England  has 
left  her  meaning  doubtful,  the  greatest  honour  we  can  do 
her  is  to  interpret  her  to  a  conformity  to  primitive  prac- 
tice." Respecting  the  custom  itself  he  says  :  "  This  cus- 
tom, which  began  in  the  apostolical  age,  and  was  continued 
through  the  whole  church  till  the  16th  century  :  this  cus- 
tom, we  conceive,  is  very  serviceable  to  the  ends  of  reli- 
gion :  it  supposes  our  friends  but  removed  to  a  distant 
country,  and  existing  in  a  different  condition  :  and  that 
they  only  die  in  one  place  to  live  in  another.  It  refreshes 
the  belief  of  the  soul's  immortality,  draws  back  the  curtain 
of  the  grave,  and  opens  a  communication  between  this 
world  and  the  other." 

The  third  passage,  which  he  wished  to  be  restored  was 
the  prayer  of  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  sacra- 
mental elements.  In  the  first  liturgy  was  this  petition : 
"  Hear  us  (0  Merciful  Father)  we  beseech  Thee,  and  with 
Thy  Holy  Spirit  and  Word  vouchsafe  to  bless  and  sanctify 
these  Thy  gifts  and  creatures  of  bread  and  wine,  that  they 
may  be  unto  us  the  Rody  and  Blood  of  Thy  most  dearly 
beloved  Son,  Jesus  Christ."  He  then  adduces  testimonies 
from  antiquity  in  favour  of  the  petition.  He  admits  that 
the  force  of  the  invocation  may  be  contained  in  our 
present  office:  but  he  thinks  that  express  terms  are 

A  fourth  thing  is  specified,  namely,  the  restoration  of 
the  Oblatory  prayer,  which  in  the  first  liturgy  came  after 
the  consecration  prayer.  In  that  prayer  are  the  following 
words  :  "  We  Thy  humble  servants  do  celebrate  and  make 
here  before  Thy  Divine  Majesty,  with  these  Thy  holy  gifts, 
the  memorial  which  Thy  Son  hath  willed  us  to  make." 
Collier's  view  of  this  prayer  is  thus  stated  :  "  The  Oblatory 
prayer  goes  upon  this  ground,  that  the  Holy  Eucbarist  is 
a  proper  sacrifice  :  and   that  our  Blessed  Saviour,  at  His 

148  COLLIER. 

last  supper,  offered  the  bread  and  wine  to  God  the  Father 
as  the  symbols  of  His  body  and  blood,  and  commanded 
His  Apostles  to  do  the  same."  As  before,  several  testi- 
monies from  antiquity  are  produced,  besides  the  authority 
of  Hickes  in  his  Christian  Priesthood,  and  Johnson  in  his 
Unbloody  Sacrifice.  He  closes  with  an  allusion  to  Bucer, 
Calvin,  and  Peter  Martyr,  to  whom  our  reformers  are  sup- 
posed to  have  yielded  in  rejecting  these  four  practices. 
"  From  hence  we  infer,"  says  he,  "  that  the  explanations, 
as  they  are  called,  in  the  second  book,  were  not  made 
without  compliance  with  the  weakness  of  some  people ; 
not  without  condescension  to  those  who  had  more  scruples 
than  understanding,  more  heat  than  light  in  them." 

In  a  very  short  time  an  answer  was  published  by  a 
Nonjuror.  Collier  had  written  with  moderation,  and  the 
reply  evinces  a  similar  spirit.  The  writer  is  anxious  to 
prevent  divisions  among  themselves  :  and  he  is  apprehen- 
sive of  danger  from  the  proposed  changes.  He  takes  up 
the  four  points,  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  ranged  by 
Collier,  and  refutes  them. 

Collier,  Brett,  and  Campbell  the  Scottish  Bishop,  were 
the  chief  of  that  section,  by  whom  the  restoration  of  the 
prayers  and  directions  was  advocated :  while  Spinkes, 
Gandy,  Taylor,  and  Bedford  strenuously  contended  for  a 
strict  adherence  to  the  liturgy,  as  now  used  in  the  Church 
of  England. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  year  1718,  Collier  pub- 
lished an  answer  to  the  reply  to  his  former  pamphlet,  in 
which  he  meets  the  objections  alleged  by  his  opponent 
against  the  restoration  of  the  prayers.  Collier  asks,  whe- 
ther Justin  Martyr  is  not  early  enough,  the  author  of  ''No 
Reason,  dc,''  having  objected  on  the  ground,  that  he  was 
too  late  as  an  evidence  in  such  a  matter.  It  would  occupy 
too  much  space  to  go  over  Collier's  reasoning.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  sufficient  to  observe,  that  he  enters  at  great 
length  into  all  the  arguments  advanced  by  his  opponent, 
with  a  view  to  the  establishment  of  his  former  positions. 
He  closes  in  these  words  :  "  The  best  service  we  can  do 

COLLIER.  149 

the  Church  of  England,  is  to  recover  the  main  of  her  first 
reformation :  to  retrieve  what  she  has  suffered  by  inter- 
ested views,  by  foreign  direction,  and  calvinistic  alloy. 
Thus  I  humbly  conceive  she  will  be  remarkably  Decus  et 
tiitamen,  and  have  new  strength  and  lustre  upon  her. 
Thus  she  will  better  endure  the  test  of  antiquity,  be  more 
covered  from  assault,  and  stand  impregnable." 

The  author  of  "  No  Reason  for  restoring,  dr.,''  very  soon 
published  another  pamphlet  in  reply  to  Collier,  entitled 
**  No  Sufficient  Reason  for  Restoring  some  Prayers  and 
Directions  of  King  Edward  VI/s  First  Liturgy.''  Collier 
immediately  replied,  for  his  answer  was  published  in  the 
same  year.  This  is  a  work  of  considerable  size  ;  and 
every  page  affords  evidence  of  the  learning  and  talents 
of  the  author.  "  The  Vindication'  was  replied  to  by 
the  author  of  "  iVo  Reason,  t^c,"  and  ''No  Sufficient 
Reason,  dr."  After  which  Collier  published  in  the  year 
1720,  'M  Farther  Defejice,  dc,  being  an  Answer  to  a 
Reply  to  the  Vindication  of  the  Reasons  and  Defence  for 
Restoring,  dc. " 

Collier  preferred  the  first  Communion  Book,  while 
his  opponent  was  strenuous  for  adhering  to  our  present 
form.  The  latter  considered  the  practices  as  immaterial : 
and  consequently  that  no  sufficient  reason  could  be 
pleaded  for  their  restoration.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  con- 
troversy continued  several  years  :  and  that  the  parties 
became  embittered  towards  each  other  as  it  proceeded. 

During  the  progress  of  this  controversy  between  the  two 
sections  of  the  Nonjurors,  the  new  communion  office  was 
actually  published. 

In  the  prayer  for  the  King  no  name  is  used,  but  only  a 
petition  for  the  Sovereign :  and  of  course  the  four  points 
contended  for  by  Collier  and  Brett  are  incorporated  into 
the  office. 

During  his  latter  years,  Collier  suffered  much  frnni 
attacks  of  the  stone,  to  which  he  fell  a  victim  on  the 
2(Uh  of  April,   ilUQ.     His  chief  works  have  been  alj-eady 


150  COLUMBA. 

mentioned.  Various  smaller  publications  were  at  different 
periods  sent  forth  by  him ;  but  we  are  not  aware  of  these 
having  been  enumerated. — Blog.  Brit.  Lathbury.  Collier's 


Saint  Columba  was  bom  at  Gartan,   in  the  county  of 
Donegal,  about  the  year  of  our  Lord  522.     His  baptismal 
name  was  Crimthan ;  but  in  consequence  of  the  remark- 
able mildness  of  his  disposition  and  the  gentleness  of  his 
manners,  he  has  ever  been   surnamed  Columba,  or  the 
Dove.      Like    other  religious   youths  of  his  age,  it  was 
natural  that  he  should  early  seek  admission  into  one  of 
the  monastic  colleges ;  and  accordingly  we  find  him  first 
studying  in  the  monastery  of  Moville,  over  which  an  abbot 
named  Finian  then  presided.     He  continued  here  until 
his  admission  to  deacon's  orders,  when  he  placed  himself 
under  the  care  of  Germanus,  or  Gorman,  who  was  at  that 
period  considered  a  distinguished  instructor  of  the  young ; 
and  before  he  completed  his  studies,  he  spent  some  time 
at  the  school  of  Clonard,  whose  celebrity  has  been  noticed 
already.     The   life  he  passed  in  these  schools  was  a  very 
strict  one.    Emulous  of  evangelic  perfection,  and  inflamed 
with  the  love  of  Christ,  he,   as  well  as  the  other  religious 
youths,  used  to  pass  their  days  in  voluntary  poverty,  in 
vigils,  fastings,   and  heavenly  contemplation.     The  time 
that  was  not  occupied  in  acts  of  piety  or  in  study,  was 
employed  in  labouring  with  their  hands  for  their  daily 

St.  Columba  commenced  his  public  career  in  the  foun- 
dation of  the  abbey  of  Derry,  in  the  year  546.  This  was 
only  the  first  of  a  great  number  of  monastic  houses  and 
churches,  which  owed  their  erection  to  his  instrumen- 
tality. Indeed,  so  numerous  are  they  said  to  have  been, 
that  from  this  circumstance  he  received  the  addition  of 
"  cille"  to  his  name,  and  is  now  usually  known  as 
Columb-cille,  or  Columb  of  the  Churches. 

COLUMBA.  151 

It  was  about  the  year  551  when  Columba  was  admitted 
to  the  priesthood ;  and  it  requires  to  be  noticed  that  he 
never  rose  to  the  episcopal  order,  although  few,  perhaps, 
were  better  qualified  for  this  sacred  office.  This  circum- 
stance, apparently  so  strange,  is  thus  accounted  for  in  an 
old  legend : — 

"  Columba,"  says  the  writer,  "  while  still  only  a  deacon, 
was  sent  to  a  certain  Bishop  Etchen  to  be  raised  to  the 
episcopal  order.  Etchen  would  appear  to  have  been  one 
of  those  anchoiite  bishops  about  whom  something  was 
said  in  the  last  chapter.  He  was  ploughing  in  the  field 
when  Columba  arrived  at  his  cell ;  and  as  soon  as  he 
heard  the  name  of  his  visitor,  the  bishop  left  his  simple 
occupation  to  bid  him  welcome.  Nor,  when  informed  of 
the  object  of  his  visit,  did  Etchen  hesitate  for  a  moment 
compliance  with  his  request.  He  immediately  proceeded 
to  the  solemn  ceremony  of  the  ordination ;  but  (continues 
the  legend),  owing  to  some  oversight,  he  fixed  on  the 
wrong  office,  and  instead  of  consecrating  him  a  bishop, 
only  ordained  him  a  priest.  On  discovering  his  mistake, 
Etchen  offered  to  go  on  regularly ;  but  Columba  declined, 
and  attributing  the  occurrence  to  some  providential  inter- 
ference, expressed  his  resolution  to  remain  in  the  order  of 
the  priesthood  during  the  rest  of  his  life." 

Whatever  difficulties  may  attend  the  reception  of  this 
story,  there  is  reason  to  believe  it  true  in  all  important 
particulars ;  and  it  tends  to  prove  the  existence  in  Ireland 
of  the  evil  custom  censured  in  the  Nicene  council,  of  one 
bishop  consecrating  another  without  the  assistance  of 
coadjutors.  It  also  leads  us  to  conjecture,  that  deacons 
in  the  Irish  Church  were  occasionally  advanced  to  the 
highest  degree,  without  being  required  to  be  ordained 

Some  time  after  his  ordination,  St.  Columba  set  forth, 
with  twelve  companions,  on  his  eventful  expedition  to  the 
Highlands  of  Scotland.  He  arrived  in  that  country  in  the 
year  563,  and  fixed  his  abode  on  the  small  island  of  lona, 
the  grant  of  which  he  had   received  from  Conall,   King  of 

15a  COLUMBA. 

the  Dal-aradian  Scots.     Here  he  erected  a  monastery,  and 
commenced   his  labours   for  the  conversion  of  the  Picts. 
These  were  attended  with  so  much  success,   that  his  fame 
spread  through  every  part  of  Britain  ;  and  the  monastery 
of  lona  became  in  time,  the  chief  seat  of  learning  and 
piety  in   the  Western   Isles.     But  after   some   years  of 
anxious  exertion,  his  attention  was  diverted  from  the  care 
of  his  converts  to  the  social   troubles  of  Ireland.     There 
was  a  dispute  between  Aid,  the  King  of  Ireland,  and  his 
kinsman  Aidan,  King  of  the  Albanian   Scots,  respecting 
the  right  of  possession  to  the  territory  of  Dal-aradia.    Both 
sovereigns  laid  a  claim  to  it :  the  Scottish  prince  asserting 
that  the  land  in  dispute  belonged  to  him  by  right  of  here- 
ditary succession  ;  while  the  Irish  monarch  was  unwilling 
that  a  foreign   prince  should  enjoy  any  sovereignty  in  his 
dominions.     And,   in  addition  to  the   dangers  that  thus 
threatened  the  integrity  of  the  kingdom,   the  overgrown 
power  of  the  fileas,  or  bards,  greatly  obstructed  its  internal 
tranquillity.     Their  rude  rhymes  were  very  acceptable  to 
the  Irish  populace,  who  would  never  grow  wearied  of  listen- 
ing to  their  panegyrics  on  the  national  valour,  or  the  heroic 
deed  of  some  favourite  warrior.     The  bards  were  not  slow 
in  marking  the  effect  of  their  songs  upon  the  people— how 
the  popular  attention  was  riveted,   and  their  enthusiasm 
excited ;  but  they  made  use  of  their  acquired  influence  for 
the  very  worst  ends.     Intent  only  upon  enriching  them- 
selves, they  did  not  hesitate  to  defame  those  who  would 
not  purchase  their  good- will  with  costly  presents  :  and, 
protected  as  they  were,   by  the  favour  of  the  people,   they 
seemed  conscious  that  no   harm  could  happen   to   their 
persons.     They  therefore  increased  in  licentious  boldness, 
and  by  the  virulence  of  their  satirical  verses,  wounded 
many  of  the  influential  chieftains  of  the  day,  who  bore 
with  the  evil  until  it  appeared  no  longer  endurable. 

To  find  some  remedy  for  this  abuse,  as  well  as  to  settle 
the  affair  about  the  Dal-aradian  territory,  an  assembly  of 
the  states  of  the  kingdom  was  convened  at  Drum-ceat,  in 
the  county  of  Deiry,   in  the  year  590.     The  council  con- 

COLUMBA.  153 

sisted  of  the  Irish  Monarch,  the  nobles,  and  the  clergy, 
who,  since  the  conversion  of  the  island  to  the  Christian 
faith,  had  in  a  great  measure  succeeded  to  the  political 
privileges  of  the  pagan  Druids.  Columba  came  over  from 
lona  to  attend  the  council,  and  by  his  mediation,  succeed- 
ed in  preserving  the  order  of  the  bards  from  the  sentence 
of  abolition,  contemplated  by  the  King  and  nobles.  He 
conceived  that  no  good  end  could  result  from  the  extinc- 
tion of  an  order  so  intimately  connected  with  the  manners 
of  the  people  ;  and  therefore  proposed  that,  instead  of 
extirpating  them  altogether,  the  assembly  should  be  satis- 
fied with  correcting  their  excesses,  and  enacting  laws  for 
their  more  effectual  control  in  future.  To  this  proposal 
there  was  at  first  some  little  opposition,  but  it  was  in  the 
end  unanimously  conceded  to.  The  Dal-aradian  dispute 
was  also  arranged  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  parties.  By 
the  advice  of  St.  Columba,  the  whole  matter  was  left  to 
the  arbitration  of  a  holy  person  named  Col  man,  who  gave 
it  as  his  decision,  that  the  province — so  far  as  the  payment 
of  tribute  and  similar  affairs  was  concerned — ought  to  be 
subject  to  the  Irish  Monarch  ;  but  that  the  Scots,  as  being 
themselves  the  descendants  of  the  Dal-aradians,  might 
call  upon  them  for  aid  and  assistance  in  times  of  just 
necessity.  And  the  readiness  with  which  this  decision 
was  acquiesced  in,  is  a  proof  of  the  estimation  in  which 
the  integrity  of  religious  men  was  then  held,  as  well  as 
of  the  extensive  power  that  was  on  more  than  one  occasion 
conceded  to  them. 

Upon  the  breaking  up  of  the  council,  Columba  proceed- 
ed to  visit  some  of  his  Irish  monasteries  ;  and  after  com- 
pleting his  inspection  of  them,  returned  to  his  favourite 
residence  at  lona.  Here  he  ended  his  days  on  the  9th  of 
June,  in  the  year  597.  His  remains  were  buried  in  lona; 
but  at  a  subsequent  period  are  said  to  have  been  transla- 
ted to  Ireland,  and  placed  in  the  same  tomb  with  that  of 
Patrick  and  Bridgit,  at  Downpatrick. — The  ivJiole  of  this. 
Account  is  taken  from  Todd's  Ancient  Church  in  Ireland. 



Saint  Columbanus  was  an  emiDent  Christian  mis- 
sionary of  the  sixth  century.  lie  was  born  in  Ireland,  in 
the  year  560,  in  the  province  of  Lagcnia,  or  Leinster.  In 
his  youth  he  learnt  the  liberal  arts,  grammar,  rhetoric  and 
geometry  ;  but  as  he  had  a  graceful  person,  and  fearing 
that  he  should  become  subject  to  the  temptations  of  plea- 
sure, he  left  his  country,  notwithstanding  his  mother's  oppo- 
sition, and  going  into  another  province  of  Ireland,  he  put 
himself  under  the  guidance  of  a  venerable  person  named 
Silen,  who  so  well  instructed  in  sacred  literature,  that 
even  in  his  youth  he  composed  a  treatise  upon  the  psalms, 
and  some  other  works.  He  afterwards  entered  into  the 
monastery  of  Bancor,  the  most  famous  of  Ireland,  at  that 
time  under  the  government  of  the  Abbot  Cornmogel,  or 
Congal,  and  lived  there  several  years,  accustoming  him- 
self to  works  of  mortification.  To  disengage  himself  yet 
more  from  the  world,  he  purposed  to  travel  into  a  foreign 
country,  aft(!r  the  example  of  Abraham.  He  communicated 
his  intention  to  the  abbot,  who  with  great  difficulty  suf- 
fered himself  to  be  deprived  of  such  an  assistant ;  but  at 
last  believing  that  it  was  God's  will,  he  consented  to  it. 
St.  Columbanus  having  received  his  benediction,  departed 
from  Bancor  with  twelve  other  monks,  being  about  thirty 
years  of  age.  They  passed  into  Great  Britain,  and  from 
thence  to  Gaul.  The  faith  was  there  entire,  but  the  dis- 
cipline much  neglected,  whether  by  the  incursions  of 
foreigners,  or  the  remissness  of  the  prelates. 

Columbanus  preached  in  all  places  through  which  he 
passed,  and  his  virtues  added  great  weight  to  his  instruc- 
tions. He  was  so  humble,  that  he  always  contended  with 
his  companions  for  the  lowest  place :  they  were  all  of  one 
mind ;  their  modesty,  sobriety,  gentleness,  patience  and 
charity,  made  them  universally  admired.  If  any  one  was 
guilty  of  a  fault,  they  all  joined  in  reforming  his  error. 
Kvery  thing  was  in  common ;  nor  was  ever  any  contradic- 


tion,  or  hard  words  heard  among  them.  In  whatsoever 
place  they  abode,  their  example  inspired  an  universal 
piety.  Columbanus'  reputation  reached  even  to  the  court 
of  the  King  of  Burgundy :  this  was  Gontran,  who,  upon 
hearing  his  character,  desired  him  to  stay  in  his  kingdom, 
and  otTered  him  whatsoever  he  should  desire.  The  holy 
man  thanked  him,  saying,  that  he  desired  nothing  but  to 
cari7  his  cross  after  Jesus  Christ,  and  chose  the  vast 
Desart  of  Vosge  for  his  retreat,  where  among  the  rocks, 
and  in  a  most  barren  place,  he  found  the  ruins  of  an 
old  castle  named  Anagrates,  at  present  Anegray,  and 
there  settled  with  his  companions.  This  was  his  first 

In  589  he  founded  the  monastery  of  Luxcvil,  near 
Besangon,  which  lie  governed  for  twenty  years.  In  508 
he  engaged  in  a  controversy  with  pope  (Gregory  c(mcerning 
the  proper  time  of  keeping  Easter;  but  he  at  length 
submitted  to  the  court  of  Rome.  From  France  he  was 
banished  for  censuring  the  immoralities  of  Theodoric  and 
his  Queen  ;  he  then  went  to  Switzerland,  where  he  was 
kindly  received  by  Theodebert,  King  of  that  country,  and 
was  successful  in  converting  the  pagans  ;  but  the;  Swiss 
army  being  defeated  by  the  Fiench,  he  was  obliged  to 
remove  to  Italy,  where,  under  the  protection  of  the  King 
of  the  Lombards,  he  founded  in  013,  the  abbey  of  Bobio, 
near  Naples.  Over  this  monastery  he  presided  but  a 
short  time;  he  died  on  the  21st  of  November,  615. — Cave 


Francis  Combefis  was  born  in  1005  at  Marmauile,  and 
at  twenty  years  of  age  assumed  the  habit  of  a  Benedictine, 
at  Bordeaux,  where  he  taught  philosophy  and  theology. 
lie  entered  a  convent  of  his  order  at  Paris,  in  1040. 
lU'ing  learned  in  the  Greek  language,  he  undertook. the 
ofhce  (jf  editor  to  several  of  the  ancient  fathers,  and  dedi- 
cated fifty  years  of  his  Ufe  to  this  work.     He  was  not  by 

156  COMBER. 

any  means  so  skilled  in  Latin,  as  he  was  in  Greek,  and 
his  translations  are  obscure,  and  sometimes  nearly  unin- 
telligible. He  died  in  1679.  His  principal  works  are — 
1.  S.S.  Patrum,  Amphilochii,  Methodii,  et  Andrese  Ore- 
tensis  opera  Omnia,  Paris,  1644,  2  vols,  folio.  2.  Graeco- 
Latinse  Patrum  Bibliothecse  novum  auctuarium,  1648, 
2  vols,  folio.  3.  Bibliotheca  Patrum  concionatoria,  1662, 
8  vols,  folio.  4.  Originum  rerumque  Constantinopoli- 
tanarum  et  variis  autoribus  manipulus,  etc.,  1664,  in  4to. 
5.  Bibliotheca  Graecorum  Patrum  auctuarium  novissi- 
mum,  Grsece  et  Latine,  1672,  2  vols,  in  folio.  6.  Eccle- 
siastes  Grsecus,  1674,  in  8vo.  7.  S.  Maximi  opera,  1675, 
2  vols,  folio.  8.  Basilius  Magnus  ex  integro  recensitus, 
etc.,  1679,  2  vols,  8vo.  9.  Historioe  Byzantinas  Scriptores 
post  Theophanem  usque  ad  Nicephorum  Phocam,  GrEece 
et  Latine,  1685,  folio. — Biorjraphie  Universelle. 


Thomas  Comber  was  born  at  Westerham,  in  Kent, 
March  19th,  1644.  His  father  was  persecuted  for  his 
loyalty,  and  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  Flanders,  leaving 
young  Comber  to  be  educated  by  his  mother.  At  the 
period  of  her  death,  in  1672,  he  gratefully  remembered 
the  care  she  took  of  his  education,  describing  her  as  "  a 
person  of  great  understanding,  lovely  aspect,  and  admirable 
piety,  and  so  tender  of  me,  that  her  whole  life  was  dedi- 
cated to  my  improvement  in  learning  and  virtue ;  and  I 
believe  no  son  and  mother  did  more  entirely  love  each 
other,  nor  did  I  ever  know  any  thing  touch  my  heart  so 
near  as  her  death."  Under  her  superintendence  he  re- 
ceived his  primary  education  at  the  school  of  his  native 
place,  where  his  progress  was  so  rapid  that  he  could  read 
and  write  Greek  before  he  was  ten  years  old.  Thence  he 
removed,  in  1653,  to  London,  and  passed  some  time  under 
a  schoolmaster,  a  distant  relation;  and  in  1656  he  re- 
turned to  his  first  master  at  Westerham.     In  1659  lie  was 

COMBER.  157 

admitted  of  Sidney-Sussex  College,  Cambridge,  where  he 
was  placed  under  the  care  of  the  Rev.  Edmund  Matthews, 
B.D.,  senior  fellow  and  of  the  college,  to  whom 
he  acknowledges  his  obligations  for  the  pains  he  took  in 
instructing  him  in  science  and  in  the  languages.  In  1 66:2 
he  was  chosen  scholar  of  the  house.  Having  been  ad- 
mitted to  the  degree  of  B.A.  in  1662,  he  was  obliged,  by  the 
narrowness  of  his  circumstances,  to  leave  the  university, 
and  retire  to  his  mother's  house.  In  this  situation,  how- 
ever, he  was  befriended  by  a  Mr.  John  Holney,  of  Eden- 
bridge,  who,  discerning  his  talents,  made  him  a  handsome 
present,  and  signified  to  him  his  wish  that  he  would  draw 
upon  him  at  any  time  for  any  sum  he  might  require. 

Early  in  1663  he  accepted  an  invitation  to  the  house  of 
the  Rev.  William  Holland,  rector  of  Allhallows,  Staining, 
London,  whose  assistant  he  became.  Soon  after  he  was 
invited  to  be  curate  to  the  Rev.  Gilbert  Bennet,  who  held 
the  living  of  Stonegrave,  in  Yorkshire,  At  Stonegrave, 
his  character  having  recommended  him  to  the  notice  of 
Mr.  Thornton,  of  East  Newton,  he  was  invited  to  reside  at 
that  gentleman's  house,  and  he  afterwards  married  one  of 
his  daughters.  In  1669  Mr.  Bennet  resigned  to  him  the 
living  of  Stonegrave,  as  he  had  promised  to  do  when  he 
engaged  him  as  his  curate.  Having  long  been  an  admirer 
of  the  church-service,  he  determined  to  recommend  it  to 
the  public,  which  at  that  time  was  frequently  interested 
in  disputes  respecting  set  forms  and  extempore  prayer  : 
and  with  this  view  he  published,  about  167-2,  the  first  part 
of  his  Companion  to  the  Temple ;  in  1674  the  second 
part;  and  in  1675  the  third  part,  of  which  a  different 
arrangement  was  adopted  in  the  subsequent  editions. 
In  1677  he  was  installed  prebendary  of  Holme,  in  the 
metropolitan  church  of  York ;  and  the  same  year  a  third 
edition  of  his  Companion  to  the  Temple  was  published, 
together  with  his  first  book  on  the  Right  of  Tithes,  &c., 
against  Elwood  the  Quaker,  and  his  Friendly  and  Season- 
able Advice  to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  England.     This 

VOT,  IV.  Q 


little  book  was  republished  with  alterations  and  notes  by 
the  author  of  these  biographies  about  twenty  years  ago, 
and  is  now  reprinting,  so  valuable  does  it  appear  to  him, 
and  so  profitable  for  these  times.  The  same  year  appeared 
his  Brief  Discourse  on  the  Offices  of  Baptism,  Catechism, 
and  Confirmation,  dedicated  to  Dr.  Tillotson.  In  1678 
he  was  presented  to  the  living  of  Thornton  by  Sir  Hugh 
Cholmeley.  In  1680  he  published,  in  answer  to  Selden  s 
History  of  Tithes,  the  first  part  of  his  Historical  Vindica- 
tion of  the  Divine  Right  of  Tithes,  and  in  1681  the  second 
part.  Some  time  in  this  year  he  published  a  tract,  enti- 
tled Religion  and  Loyalty,  intended  to  convince  the  Duke 
of  York  that  no  person  in  succession  to  the  throne  of 
England  ought  to  embrace  popery :  but  to  persuade  the 
people  of  England  not  to  alter  the  succession. 

In  1683  a  correspondence  took  place  between  him  and 
Dr.  Grenville,  who  wrote  to  him  to  tell  him  of  some 
kind  expressions  used  towards  him  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  Dr.  Sancroft ;  in  the  course  of  this  letter 
Dr.  Grenville,  speaking  of  his  waiting  upon  the  Archbishop 
of  York,  says,  "  I  could  not  have  any  private  conference 
with  his  grace  to  fling  in  any  item  concerning  you,  or  my 
own  great  affair  about  the  weekly  Sacrament,  which  above 
all  other  matters  oppresses  my  mind."  "  I  am  told,"  adds 
he,  "  by  Dr.  Beveridge  that  it  is  intended  to  have  one, 
when  St.  Paul's  is  rebuilt,  in  that  cathedral ;  and  by  the 
Dean  of  Canterbury,  that  they  are  likely  soon  to  set  up 
one  in  their  church,  which  will  have  a  great  influence  on 
all  the  cathedrals  in  the  kingdom.  Dr.  Beveridge  his 
devout  practice  and  order  in  his  church,  doth  exceedingly 
edify  the  city,  and  his  congregation  increases  every  week : 
he  hath  seldom  less  than  four-score,  sometimes  six  or  seven 
score  communicants,  and  a  great  many  young  apprentices, 
who  come  there  every  Lord's  day  with  great  devotion. 
The  doctor  approves  of  my  honest  designs,  and  hath  con- 
firmed me  very  much  in  my  resolutions,  and  will  be  I 
pv(3mise  myself  a  very  useful  friend  to  me. 

COMBER.  159 

"  When  your  folio  edition  on  the  Common  Prayer 
comes  forth,"  adds  the  doctor,  "  I  promise  myself  the 
honour  of  presenting  it  to  the  King ;  it  will  prove  a  very 
good  application  to  my  sermon,  which  begins  and  ends 
you  know  with  my  beloved  mistress  the  Common  Prayer 

The  object  of  procuring  a  w^eekly  Communion  in  all  the 
cathedrals  throughout  the  kingdom,  which  Dr.  Grenville 
calls  his  great  affair,  seems  indeed  to  have  been  very  near 
his  heart,  for  amongst  the  numerous  letters  he  wrote 
to  Dr.  Comber,  and  which  are  still  extant,  he  presses  this 
point  with  great  zeal,  desiring  his  correspondent  to  use 
his  utmost  exertions  to  effect  this  great  point. 

This  good,  affectionate,  and  amiable  man,  in  another 
letter  says,  "  But  to  return  to  my  old  topic  of  pushing  on 
the  weekly  Sacrament,  you  and  I  are  more  particularly 
concerned  in  this  good  work,  than  any  other  clergymen 
that  I  know  of  in  the  whole  province,  and  I  am  certain 
that  it  is  the  expectation  of  several  clergy  and  devout 
people  in  these  parts,  that  we  should  do  more  than  others. 
You  are  looked  on  to  be  the  greatest  champion  for  the 
Common  Prayer  Book  in  the  whole  country,  (nay  per- 
chance in  all  England  ;)  and  I  am  considered  as  one  of 
the  more  exact  observers  of  the  rubric,  and  sticklers  for 
conformity ;  and  I  dare  without  pride  or  vanity  own  that 
I  am  a  hearty  lover  of  the  book,  and  have  in  me  some 
innate  zeal  for  order.  Really  Dr.  Comber  this  is  a  great 
and  excellent  work,  and  will  do  God  more  service  than  all 
your  past  labours,  or  my  past  endeavours  since  our  first 
coming  into  the  ministry.  It  will  have  a  wonderful  influ- 
ence over  all  the  north,  and  shame  the  other  cathedrals  into 
the  like  practice  :  which  accompanied  with  such  a  circular 
letter  as  my  Lord  of  Canterbury  intends  to  send  to  the 
bishops  of  his  own  province,  would  in  a  powerful  manner 
preach  to  all  the  inferior  clergy,  not  only  frequent  com- 
munion, but  exact  conformity.  Without  doubt  these 
means  that  are  of  Christ's  own  institution,  and  the  incom- 
parable established  order  of  our  own  church,  (the  most 

160  COMBER. 

incomparable  and  unexceptionable  institution  in  all  Chris- 
tendom,) are  the  most  probable  means  to  revive  religion, 
devotion,  conformity,  and  loyalty,  in  the  land." 

The  design  of  establishing  weekly  Communions,  which 
the  doctor  seems  to  have  desired  so  earnestly,  was  soon 
afterwards  carried  into  execution  in  the  metropolitan 
church  of  Canterbury,  as  appears  from  a  letter  of 
Dr.  Tillotson,  Dean  of  Canterbury,  still  extant:  the  same 
laudable  practice  was  also  established  about  the  same  time 
in  the  cathedral  of  York,  as  appears  from  divers  letters  to 
and  from  our  author. 

In  1683  Dr.  Dolben  was  appointed  to  the  metropolitan 
see  of  York,  and  one  of  his  first  acts  was,  to  obtain  for 
Comber  the  precentorship  of  York  Minster.  In  1685  the 
Archbishop  of  York  offered  him  the  Archdeaconry  of  Cleve- 
land, now  void  by  Dr.  Long  s  death ;  but  he,  excusing 
himself,  recommended  his  old  friend  Dr.  Burton,  rector  of 
Sutton,  who  had  been  Mr.  Thornton's  preceptor  previous 
to  his  going  to  college.  His  grace  paid  so  much  attention 
to  this  recommendation,  that  he  gave  the  arclideaconry  to 
the  doctor. 

At  his  request  the  Archbishop  of  York  issued  his  com- 
mands to  have  the  holy  Communion  administered  every 
Lord's  day  in  the  cathedral  at  York,  and  on  the  26th  of 
April  this  laudable  practice  first  began.  There  is  extant 
a  letter  from  Dr.  Grenville  to  the  precentor  on  this 
subject,  in  which  he  speaks  in  very  enthusiastic  terms 
on  this  head. 

The  precentor  began  his  second  residence  at  York  the 
11th  of  May,  and  on  the  14th  was  elected  a  procurator  for 
King  James's  convocation,  which  was  to  open  on  the  20th 
of  the  same  month. 

King  James  having,  very  soon  after  the  death  of  his 
brother  Charles  II.,  published  certain  papers,  said  to  have 
been  found  in  his  late  majesty's  box,  and  which  pretended 
to  give  an  account  of  the  reasons  which  induced  him  to 
turn  to  the  religion  of  Home,  the  precentor  wrote  shorty 
but  severe  animadversions  upon  them ;  he  likewise  did 

COMBER.  161 

the  same  thing  with  those  called  the  Duchess's  Papers, 
which  gave  a  like  weak  and  improbable  account  of  her  per 
version  to  the  Romish  religion. 

In  1688  King  James  sent  a  silver  crosier  to  York,  and 
a  conge  d'elire,  with  a  recommendation  of  Dr.  Smith,  a 
popish  priest,  but  the  chapter  of  York,  under  the  influence 
of  Comber,  though  he  was  not  present  on  the  occasion,  in- 
stead of  acceding  to  the  royal  mandate,  elected  Dr.  Thomas 
Lamplugb,  Bishop  of  Exeter.  In  all  the  proceedings  of 
the  Revolution  Comber  heartily  concurred,  and  was  a 
most  determined  Whig,  vindicating  the  loyalty  of  King 
William's  government,  but  at  the  same  time  attending 
with  devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  holy  oflBce.  Among  his 
papers  was  found  a  memorandum,  that  "  an  unknown 
person  sent  a  noble  crimson  velvet  cloth  with  rich  em- 
broidery, and  gold  fringe,  to  adorn  the  altar  of  the 
cathedral,"  and  he  prays  that  God  may  reward  his  alms 
done  in  secret,  very  openly,  observing  that  it  was  a  very 
seasonable  and  liberal  gift. 

In  1691  the  revolutionary  government  appointed  him 
to  the  deanery  of  Durham,  in  the  place  of  his  old  admirer 
and  friend,  Dr.  Grenville,  who  became  a  Nonjuror,  and 
attended  the  King  to  France.  Dr.  Grenville  repeatedly 
wrote  to  Dean  Comber,  treating  him  as  an  intruder,  and 
desiring  him  to  consider  himself  only  as  his  steward  until 
he  with  King  James  should  have  his  own  again.  Comber 
died  in  1699,  of  a  consumption,  before  he  had  completed 
his  55  th  year. 

Besides  the  works  already  noticed.  Dr.  Comber  wrote, 
1.  A  Scholastical  History  of  the  primitive  and  general  Use 
of  Liturgies  in  the  Christian  Church;  together  with  an 
Answer  to  Mr.  David  Clarkson's  late  Discourse  concern- 
ing Liturgies,  London,  1690,  dedicated  to  King  WilHam 
and  Queen  Mary.  2.  A  Companion  to  the  Altar ;  or,  an 
Help  to  the  worthy  receiving  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  by 
Discourses  and  Meditations  upon  the  whole  Communion- 
Ofiace.  3.  A  brief  Discourse  upon  the  Offices  of  Baptism, 


Catechism,  and  Confirmation,  printed  at  the  end  of  the 
Companion  to  the  Altar.  4.  A  Discourse  on  the  Occa- 
sional Offices  in  the  Common  Prajer,  viz :  Matrimony, 
Visitation  of  the  Sick,  Burial  of  the  Dead,  Churching  of 
Women,  and  the  Commination.  5.  A  Discourse  upon  the 
Manner  and  Form  of  making  Bishops,  Priests,  and 
Deacons,  London,  1699,  8vo,  dedicated  to  Archbishop 
Tenison.  6.  Short  Discourses  upon  the  whole  Common 
Prayer,  designed  to  inform  the  judgment,  and  excite  the 
devotion  of  such  as  daily  use  the  same,  chiefly  by  way  of 
paraphrase,  London,  1684,  Bvo,  dedicated  to  Anne,  Prin- 
cess of  Denmark,  to  whom  the  author  was  chaplain. 
7.  Roman  Forgeries  in  the  Councils  during  the  first 
four  centuries ;  together  with  an  Appendix,  concerning 
the  Forgeries  and  Errors  in  the  Annals  of  Baronius,  ibid, 
1689,  4to. — Comber's  Life  of  Comber. 


Henky  Compton,  youngest  son  of  Spencer,  second 
Earl  of  Northampton,  was  born  at  Compton,  in  1632. 
He  received  his  primary  education  at  a  grammar  school, 
and  was,  in  1649,  entered  a  nobleman  of  Queen  s  College, 
Oxford,  where  he  continued  till  about  1552,  and  soon 
after  travelled  on  the  continent.  At  the  Restoration  he 
returned  to  England,  and  became  a  cornet  in  a  regiment 
of  horse,  raised  about  that  time  for  the  King's  guard  ;  but 
soon  quitting  that  post,  he  went  to  Cambridge,  where  he 
was  created  M,A.,  and  entering  into  orders  when  about 
thirty  years  of  age,  he  was  admitted  canon  of  Christ 
Church,  Oxford,  in  the  beginning  of  1666.  In  April  of 
the  same  year  he  was  incorporated  M.  A.  at  Oxford,  hold- 
ing at  that  time  the  rectory  of  Cottenham,  in  Cambridge- 
shire. In  1667  he  was  made  master  of  St.  Cross,  near 
Winchester.  In  May  1669  he  was  installed  canon  of 
Christ  Church.     In  December  1674  he  was  preferred  to 

COMPTON.  163 

the  Bishopric  of  Oxford,  and  about  a  year  after  he  was 
made  dean  of  the  Chapel  Royal,  and  was  also  translated 
to  the  see  of  London.  Anthony  Wood  tells  us,  that 
"  this  translation  w^as  much  promoted  by  some  of  the 
politic  clergy,  because  they  knew  him  to  be  a  bold  man, 
an  enemy  to  the  papists,  and  one  that  would  act  and 
speak,  what  they  would  put  him  upon,  which  they  them- 
selves would  not  be  seen  in,  as  many  prime  papists  used 
to  say."  Bishop  Burnet  informs  us  further,  that  "  this 
translation  was  effected  through  the  Earl  of  Danby's 
interest ;  to  whom  the  Bishop,  he  says,  was  a  property, 
and  turned  by  him  as  he  pleased.  The  Duke  of  York 
hated  him  ;  but  Lord  Danby  persuaded  both  the  King 
and  the  Duke,  that  as  his  heat  did  no  great  hurt  to  any 
person,  so  the  giving  way  to  it  helped  to  lay  the  jealousies 
of  the  church  party.  He  tells  us  also,  that  Archbishop 
Sheldon  dying  about  a  year  after  that,  Compton  was  per- 
suaded Lord  Danby  had  tried  with  all  his  strength  to 
promote  him  to  Canterbury  ;  though  that,  he  says,  was 
never  once  attempted." 

Charles  II.  caused  him  to  be  sworn  one  of  his  privy- 
council,  and  committed  to  him  the  education  of  his  two 
nieces,  the  Princesses  Mary  and  Anne,  whose  attachment 
to  the  protestant  Church  was  owing  in  a  great  measure  to 
their  tutor.  Compton  had  early  indulged  the  vain  hope 
of  bringing  the  dissenters  to  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of  a 
union  among  protestants ;  to  promote  which,  he  held 
several  conferences  with  his  own  clergy,  the  substance  of 
w^hich  he  published  in  July,  1680.  He  further  hoped 
that  dissenters  might  be  the  more  easily  reconciled  to  the 
Church,  if  the  judgment  of  foreign  divines  should  be  pro- 
duced against  their  needless  separation ;  and  for  that 
purpose  he  wrote  to  M.  le  Moyne,  professor  of  divinity  at 
Leyden,  to  M.  de  lAngle,  one  of  the  preachers  of  the 
protestant  church  at  Charenton,  near  Paris,  and  to 
M.  Claude,  another  eminent  French  preacher.  Their  an- 
swers are  published  at  the  end  of  Bishop  Stillingfieet  s 
Unreasonableness  of  Separation,  1681,  4  to. 

164  COMPTON. 

The  answers  are  not  of  much  value  ;  they  are  evidently 
written  by  men  overwhelmed  with  a  sense  of  the  honour 
done  them  by  "  Monseigneur,"  the  Bishop,  and  wishing 
to  write  what  would  please  him  without  committing  them- 
selves. They  all  agree  in  thinking  dissent  unreasonable, 
but  they  evidently  were  not  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case.  There  is  nothing  unreasonable  in 
those  who  do  not  hold  sacramental  religion,  who  reject 
the  notion  of  baptismal  regeneration,  and  of  the  E,eal 
Presence  in  the  Eucharist,  separating  themselves  from 
the  Church  of  England:  the  difficulty  must  be  with  them 
to  reconcile  to  their  consciences  conformity  to  the  Church, 
until  these  doctrines  are  received.  It  is  on  other  grounds 
that  they  must  be  persuaded,  not  to  join  the  Church,  but, 
preparatory  to  their  union,  to  accept  the  Church's  faith. 

To  popery  Bishop  Compton  was  an  unflinching  enemy. 
He  omitted  no  opportunity  of  arresting  its  progress  v»'hen 
it  was  gaining  ground  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II. ;  and  on 
the  accession  of  James  II.  he  had  the  honour  of  being 
dismissed  from  the  council-table,  and  from  the  deanery  of 
the  Chapel  Royal.  But  the  event  of  Bishop  Compton 's 
life,  which  has  rendered  his  character  historical,  is  that 
w^hich  relates  to  the  proceedings  against  him  in  the 
council  chamber  at  Whitehall,  before  the  Lords  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  King  James  the  Second,  in  1686. 
The  Lord  Chancellor,  who  appears  in  these  proceedings, 
is  the  notorious  Judge  Jeffries.  The  following  account  is 
taken  from  the  State  Trials  : — 

On  Thursday,  the  17th  of  June,  Mr.  Atterbury  the 
messenger,  delivered  a  letter  from  his  majesty,  to  my  Lord 
Bishop  of  London,  at  Fulham ;  which  letter  was  dated 
Monday,  June  the  I4th,  and  took  notice,  "  that  notwith- 
standing the  directions  his  majesty  had  given  concerning 
preachers,  the  15th  of  March,  1685,  Dr.  John  Sharp  had, 
in  some  sermons,  presumed  to  make  unbecoming  reflec- 
tions ;  and  used  such  expressions  as  tended  to  beget  in 
the  minds  of  his  hearers,  an  evil  opinion  of  his  majesty 
and  his  government,  and  to  dispose  the  people  to  rebel- 

COMPTON.  165 

lion.  And  therefore  commanded  the  Bishop  to  suspend 
the  said  Dr.  John  Sharp  from  preaching,  till  his  majesty's 
pleasure  was  further  known." 

In  answer  to  which,  my  Lord  Bishop  of  London  wrote 
to  my  Lord  Sunderland  the  next  day,  being  the  18th  of 
June,  and  sent  the  letter  by  Dr.  Sharp.  Wherein  he 
acquaints  my  Lord  Sunderland,  "  He  was  concerned  he 
could  not  comply  with  his  majesty's  commands :  that 
being  to  act  as  a  judge  in  this  case,  he  could  not  condemn 
the  doctor  till  he  had  been  cited,  and  he  had  knowledge 
of  the  cause  ;  but  that  he  had  sent  to  the  doctor,  and 
acquainted  him  with  his  majesty's  displeasure,  and  found 
him  so  ready  to  make  all  reasonable  satisfaction,  that  he 
had  thought  fit  to  make  him  the  bearer  of  this  answer. 

The  Sunday  following  Dr.  Sharp  carried  a  petition  to 
Windsor,  which  was  not  permitted  to  be  read. 

The  substance  of  the  petition  was,  that  nothing  could 
be  so  afflictive  as  his  unhappiness  in  having  incurred  his 
majesty's  displeasure,  which  he  was  so  sensible  of,  that 
he  had  forborne  all  public  exercise  of  his  function  ever 

That  he  had  ever  faithfully  endeavoured  to  do  the  best 
service  he  could,  as  well  to  the  late  King  as  his  majesty, 
both  by  preaching  and  otherwise  ;  and  that  he  had  been 
60  far  from  venting  any  thing  that  tended  to  schism  or 
faction,  or  the  disturbance  of  the  government,  that  he  had 
upon  all  occasions  set  himself  against  such  doctrines  and 
principles  as  looked  that  way.  But  if  any  thing  had  slipt 
from  him,  that  was  capable  of  giving  any  offence  to  his 
majesty,  he  declared  he  had  no  ill  intentions  in  those 
expressions,  and  was  heartily  sorry  for  them ;  and  that  he 
would  be  so  careful  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty  for  the 
future,  that  his  majesty  should  have  reason  to  believe  him 
his  most  faithful  subject ;  and  therefore  desired  to  be 
restored  to  the  same  favour  the  rest  of  the  clergy  enjoyed 
under  his  majesty's  government. 

On  Wednesday  the  4th  of  August,  1686,  my  Lord  Bishop 
of  London  appeared  before  the  commissioners,  a<icording 

166  COMPTON. 

to  their  summons,  at  the  council  chamber  at  Whitehall ; 
present,  the  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord  Bishop  of  Durham, 
Lord  Treasurer,  Lord  Bishop  of  Rochester,  Lord  Presi- 
dent, Lord  Chief  Justice  Herbert. 

The  Lord  Chancellor  demanded  why  my  Lord  Bishop 
of  London  had  not  suspended  Dr.  Sharp,  according  to  the 
King's  command  ? 

The  Lord  Bishop  of  London  answered,  that  he  was 
advised  he  could  not  legally  do  it,  but  by  way  of  citation 
and  hearing  him. 

Lord  Chancellor.  You  ought  to  have  known  the  law 
better:  the  King  is  to  be  obeyed,  and  if  you  have  any 
reasons  to  offer  we  are  ready  to  hear  you. 

The  Lord  Bishop  of  London  desired  a  copy  of  their 
commission,  and  a  copy  of  his  charge ;  and  if  he  might 
not  have  a  copy  of  their  commission,  that  he  might  read 
it,  or  hear  it  read.  Then  he  was  ordered  to  withdraw ; 
and  being  called  again  in  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  the 
Lord  Chancellor  acquainted  him  that  the  commissioners 
were  of  opinion  his  request  could  not  be  granted  :  that  if 
every  one  that  appeared  there  should  demand  a  sight  of 
their  commission  their  whole  time  would  be  taken  up  in 
reading  of  it.  That  the  proceedings  of  courts  of  this  kind 
were  not  by  libel  and  articles,  but  by  word  of  mouth  ;  and 
it  was  a  short  question  only  they  asked,  why  he  did  not 
obey  the  King  ? 

My  Lord  Bishop  of  London  desired  the  commissioners 
to  consider  he  was  a  peer  and  a  bishop,  and  he  desired  to 
behave  himself  as  becomes  one  in  those  capacities ;  and 
hoped  they  would  give  him  time  till  the  next  term  to 
make  his  defence. 

The  commissioners  said,  they  thought  that  unreason- 
able, but  they  would  give  his  lordship  a  week's  time  ;  and 
then  adjourned  to  the  9th  of  August. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  the  same' commissioners  being 
present,  my  Lord  Bishop  of  London  came  before  them, 
attended  by  his  nephew,  the  Earl  of  Northampton,  Sir 
John  Nicholas,  and  his  brother,  Sir  Francis  Compton. 

COMPTON.  167 

My  Lord  Bishop  of  London  said,  he  had  not  been  able 
to  meet  with  their  commission,  till  the  night  before, 
though  he  was  told  he  might  see  it  in  every  coffee-house. 

The  Lord  Chancellor  answered,  they  would  admit  no 
quarrelling  at  their  commission ;  they  were  well  assured 
of  the  legality  of  it,  or  they  would  not  be  such  fools  as  to 
sit  there. 

My  Lord  Bishop  of  London  said,  he  desired  a  sight  of 
their  commission,  because,  possibly,  it  might  not  reach 
him,  being  a  peer  and  a  bishop ;  and  that  he  had  not  had 
time  to  advise  about  it,  and  therefore  desired  a  fortnight 
longer,  (which  was  granted.) 

On  Tuesday  the  23rd  day  of  August,  my  Lord  Bishop 
of  London  appeared  before  the  same  commissioners  again. 

Lord  Bishop.  My  Lord,  I  have  consulted  those  that 
are  very  learned  in  the  laws,  who  tell  me  that  your  pro- 
ceedings in  this  court  are  directly  contrary  to  the  statute 
law ;  and  they  are  here  to  plead  it,  if  your  lordship  will 
admit  them. 

Lord  Chancellor.  We  will  neither  hear  your  lordship 
nor  your  council  in  the  matter  :  w^e  are  sufiBciently  satis- 
fied of  the  legality  of  our  commission. 

Lord  Bishop.  My  lord,  I  am  a  bishop  of  the  Church 
of  England ;  and  by  all  the  law  in  the  Christian  Church, 
in  all  ages,  and  by  the  particular  law  of  this  land,  I  am, 
in  case  of  offence,  to  be  tried  by  my  metropolitan  and 
suffragans  :  I  hope  your  lordship  will  not  deny  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  Christian  bishops. 

Lord  Chancellor.  My  Lord,  you  know  our  proceedings 
are  according  to  what  has  been  done  formerly,  and  that 
we  have  an  original  jurisdiction  ;  this  is  still  questioning 
our  court. 

Lord  Bishop.  My  lords,  protesting  in  my  own  right  to 
the  laws  of  the  realm,  as  a  subject,  and  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  Church,  as  a  bishop,  I  shall  give  in  my 

The  answer  was  accepted,  and  the  bishop  withdrew ; 
and  after  half  an  hour,  the  bishop  and  his  council  were 

168  COMPTON. 

called  in,  who  were  Dr.  Oldish,  Dr.  Hodges,  Dr.  Price, 
and  Dr.  Newton;  whom  the  bishop  desired  might  be 

They  argued,  that  the  words  of  the  King's  letter  being, 
that  you  suspend  him  from  preaching,  this  could  not 
be  done  by  our  laws  without  a  citation,  and  proceeding  to 
judgment  thereupon.  But  if  by  that  expression  only  the 
silencing  the  doctor  was  intended,  then  the  bishop  had 
executed  the  King's  commands  in  such  a  method  as  is 
observed  in  their  courts. 

For  where  an  eminent  person  is  accused  the  judges 
send  him  a  letter ;  and  if  he  appears  and  complies  with 
the  judges'  order,  the  law^  is  satisfied.  Here  the  bishop 
sent  for  Dr.  Sharp,  and  advised  him  not  to  preach  till  the 
King  had  received  satisfaction  :  and  he  observed  his  lord- 
ship's directions,  and  had  not  preached  to  this  very  day  ; 
so  that  his  majesty's  command  was  in  effect  fulfilled. 
That  the  bishop  had  done  what  was  his  duty ;  he  was 
bound  to  return  his  reason  to  the  King  why  he  did  not 
do  that  which  he  commanded,  and  to  expect  his  farther 
answer,  w^iich  was  done.  That  if  a  prince  or  pope  com- 
mand any  thing  unlawful  it  is  the  duty  of  a  judge  Rescri- 
bere  Principi,  and  attend  his  further  pleasure,  and  this  is 
all  he  can  do.  That  as  in  nature  no  man  can  be  obliged 
to  do  that  which  is  impossible ;  so  no  man  can  be  obliged 
to  do  an  unlawful  act. 

Lord  Bishop.  If  through  mistake  I  have  erred  in  any 
circumstance  I  am  ready  to  beg  his  majesty's  pardon, 
and  shall  be  ready  to  make  any  reparation  I  am  capable. 

The  bishop  withdrew  for  half  an  hour  and  then  was 
called  in  and  acquainted  that  the  commissioners  would 
be  there  again  on  Wednesday  next,  when  his  lordship 
was  directed  to  attend. 

Die  Luna  6  Septemh.  1686. 

Lord  Chancellor.  You  were  desired  to  appear  this  day 
to  hear  your  sentence ;  which  to  prevent  mistake  we  have 
ordered  to  be  put  in  writing. 

COMPTON.  169 

Lord  Bishop.  My  lord,  may  I  have  leave  to  speak 
before  sentence  is  read  ? 

Lord  Chancellor.     My  lord,  we  have  heard  you  and  your 
council  already. 

Then  the  instrument  of  suspension  was  read  by  Mr. 
Bridgman,  their  lordships'  register,  viz  : 

By  his   Majesty's    Commissioners  for  Ecclesiastical 
Affairs,  dc. 

Whereas,  Henry,  Lord  Bishop  of  London,  hath  been 
convened  before  us,  for  his  disobedience,  and  other  his 
contempts,  mentioned  in  the  proceedings  of  this  cause ; 
and  the  said  Bishop  being  fully  heard  thereupon,  we  have 
thought  fit,  upon  mature  consideration  of  the  matter,  to 
proceed  to  this  our  definitive  sentence ;  declaring,  pro- 
nouncing, and  decreeing,  that  the  said  Heniy,  Lord  Bishop 
of  London,  shall,  for  his  said  disobedience  and  contempt, 
be  suspended  during  his  majesty's  pleasure.  And  accord- 
ingly we  do,  by  these  presents,  suspend  him,  the  said 
Lord  Bishop  of  London  ;  peremptorily  admonishing  and 
requiring  him  hereby  to  abstain  from  the  function  and 
execution  of  his  episcopal  office,  and  from  all  episcopal  and 
other  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  during  the  said  suspension, 
upon  pain  of  deprivation  and  removal  from  his  bishopric. 
Sealed  with  the  seal  of  the  court,  and  dated  the  6th 
of  September,  1686. 

Some  days  after,  an  instrument  was  delivered  by  a 
messenger  to  the  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  requiring  him  to 
cause  the  said  sentence  to  be  affixed  to  the  door  of  the 
Chapter-house ;  and  on  the  place  then  called  the  south 
door  of  St.  Paul's. 

The  Bishop  refusing  to  recognize  the  legality  of  the 
court  or  its  sentence,  thought  prudent  to  refrain  from  the 
performance  of  any  episcopal  act  in  his  diocese,  but  this  did 
not  prevent  his  making  a  stand  as  one  of  the  governors  of 
the  Charter  House,  against  the  King,  in  refusing  Andrew 

TOL.   IV.  R 

170  COMPTON. 

Popham,  a  papist,  into  the  first  pensioner's  place  in  that 
hospital.  He  then  retired  to  Fulham,  where  he  reroained 
till  the  Revolution  called  him  again  into  action.  His  sus- 
pension was  such  a  flagrant  act  of  tyrannical  injustice, 
that  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  his  declaration,  could  not 
omit  taking  notice  of  it;  and,  upon  the  dread  of  his 
highness's  coming  over,  the  court  was  willing  to  make  the 
Bishop  reparation,  by  restoring  him,  as  they  did  on  the 
23rd  of  September,  1688,  to  his  episcopal  function.  But 
he  made  no  haste  to  resume  his  charge,  and  to  thank  the 
King  for  his  restoration  ;  which  made  some  conjecture, 
and  as  was  afterwards  found  rightly  enough,  that  he  had 
no  inclination  to  be  restored  in  that  manner,  and  that  he 
knew  well  enough  what  had  been  doing  in  Holland.  The 
first  part  the  Bishop  took  in  the  Revolution,  which  imme- 
diately ensued,  was  the  conveying,  jointly  with  the  Earl 
of  Dorset,  the  Princess  Anne  of  Denmark  from  London  to 
Nottingham ;  lest  she,  in  the  present  confusion  of  affairs, 
might  have  been  sent  away  into  France,  or  put  under 
restraint,  because  the  prince,  her  consort,  had  left  King 
James,  and  was  gone  over  to  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
Bishop  Burnet  has  given  us  a  particular  account  of  this 
transaction  in  the  following  words  : 

"  When  the  news  came  to  London  of  Prince  G-eorge  of 
Denmark  having  joined  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the  Princess 
Anne  was  so  struck  with  the  apprehensions  of  the  King's 
displeasure,  and  of  the  ill  effects  it  might  have,  that  she 
said  to  the  Lady  Churchill  that  she  could  not  bear  the 
thoughts  of  it,  and  would  leap  out  at  a  window  rather  than 
venture  on  it.  The  Bishop  of  London  was  then  lodged 
very  secretly  in  Suffolk  Street :  so  the  Lady  Churchill, 
who  knew  where  he  was,  went  to  him  and  concerted  with 
him  the  method  of  the  Princess's  withdrawing  from  court. 
The  Princess  went  sooner  to  bed  than  ordinary  :  and  about 
midnight,  she  went  down  a  back  stairs  from  her  closet, 
attended  only  by  Lady  Churchill,  in  such  haste,  that  they 
carried  nothing  with  them.     They  were  waited  for  by  the 

COMPTON.  171 

Bishop  of  London,  who  carried  them  to  the  Earl  of 
Dorset's,  whose  lady  furnished  them  with  every  thing: 
and  so  they  went  northward  as  far  as  Northampton, 
where  that  earl  attended  on  them  with  all  respect,  and 
quickly  brought  a  body  of  horse  to  serve  for  a  guard  to 
the  Princess.  x\nd  in  a  little  while  a  small  army  was 
formed  about  her,  who  chose  to  be  commanded  by  the 
Bishop  of  London;  of  which,  says  Bishop  Burnet,  he 
too  easily  accepted." 

On  his  return  to  London  he  was  as  zealous  and  instru- 
mental as  any  man  in  completing  the  Pievolution.  He 
first  set  his  hand  to  the  association  begun  at  Exeter.  He 
waited  on  the  Prince  of  Orange,  on  the  21st  of  December, 
at  the  head  of  his  clergy  ;  and  in  their  names  and  his  own, 
thanked  his  highness,  for  his  very  great  and  most  hazard- 
ous undertaking  for  their  deliverance,  and  the  preservation 
of  the  Protestant  religion,  with  the  ancient  laws  and  liber- 
ties of  this  nation.  He  gave  his  royal  highness  the  Holy 
Communion  upon  the  30th  of  December,  and,  upon  the 
2 9 th  of  January  following,  when  the  house  of  lords,  in  a 
grand  committee,  debated  the  important  question,  "  Whe- 
ther the  throne,  being  vacant,  ought  to  be  filled  by  a 
regent  or  a  king?"  Dr.  Compton  was  one  of  the  two 
Bishops,  Sir  Jonathan  Trelawny,  Bishop  of  Bristol,  being 
the  other,  who  made  the  majority  for  filling  up  the  throne 
by  a  king.  On  the  14th  of  February,  he  was  again  ap- 
pointed one  of  the  privy  council,  and  made  dean  of  the 
royal  chapel ;  from  both  which  places  King  James  had 
removed  him :  and  afterwards  pitched  upon  by  King  Wil- 
liam, to  perform  the  ceremony  of  his  and  Queen  Mary's 
coronation,  upon  the  11th  of  April,  1689. 

Archbishop  Sancroft  being  a  nonjuror,  Bishop  Compton 
was  appointed  president  of  the  convocation  of  1689.  Be- 
fore, however,  the  convocation  was  convened,  a  preparatory 
step  was  taken — namely,  the  appointment  of  a  commission 
under  the  great  seal  to  draw  up  and  prepare  matters  for 
the  consideration  of  the  synod.  On  the  24th  of  May, 
1689,  the  '' Act  for  exempting  their  Majesties'    Protestant 

172  COMPTON. 

Subjects  dissenting  from  the  Church  of  England  from  the 
Penalties  of  certain  Laws,''  called  the  Act  of  Toleration, 
received  the  royal  assent.  Still  many  dissenters  wished 
for  a  comprehension  with  the  Church.  A  bill  on  the 
subject  had  passed  the  house  of  lords ;  but  on  its  reach- 
ing the  commons,  they  considered  that  the  question  was 
more  suitable  for  a  convocation.  The  lords,  therefore, 
concurred  in  an  address  to  the  throne  to  that  effect.  To 
prepare  the  way,  the  royal  commission  was  issued, 
authorizing  certain  individuals  to  meet  and  prepare  alter- 
ations in  the  liturgy  and  canons,  and  to  consider  other 
matters  connected  with  the  Church.  It  was  dated  in 
September,  1689. 

The  commissioners  frequently  met,  but  some  of  the 
members  who  were  named  absented  themselves,  especially 
Dr.  Jane,  the  regius  professor  of  divinity  in  Oxford,  on 
the  ground  that  alterations  were  not  required,  and  that 
the  present  was  not  the  season  for  such  discussions.  The 
majority,  however,  proceeded  in  the  work.  The  point  of 
greatest  difficulty  was  that  oi  re-ordination ;  but  it  was  at 
last  settled  by  the  commissioners  that  the  hypothetical 
form  should  be  adopted  in  the  case  of  the  dissenters  as  in 
the  case  of  uncertain  baptism,  in  these  words  :  "  If  thou 
art  not  already  ordained,  I  ordain  thee.''  This  would  have 
satisfied  many  of  the  nonconformists.  Burnet  says,  "We 
had  before  us  all  the  books  and  papers  that  they  had  at 
any  time  offered,  setting  forth  their  demands ;  together 
with  many  advices  and  propositions  which  had  been  made 
at  several  times  by  most  of  the  best  and  most  learned 
of  our  divines,  of  which  the  late  most  learned  Bishop  of 
Worcester  had  a  great  collection  :  so  we  prepared  a  scheme 
to  be  laid  before  the  convocation,  but  did  not  think  that 
we  ourselves,  much  less  that  any  other  person,  was  any 
way  limited  or  bound  to  comply  with  what  we  resolved  to 

The  commissioners  were  prepared  to  go  great  lengths, 
and  to  suggest  some  unjustifiable  alterations  in  the 
liturgy, — (See  Life  of  TiUotson) — but  the  government  per- 

COMPTON.  173 

ceived  that  there  was  no  hope  of  success  with  the  lower 
house  of  convocation,  and  that  any  attempt  to  make  altera- 
tions would  only  strengthen  the  party  of  those  good  men  who 
were  nonjurors.  In  1690  Compton  attended  William  III. 
to  the  congress  at  the  Hague,  wdrere  the  grand  alliance 
against  France  w^as  concluded.  But,  notwithstanding  the 
zealous  part  he  acted  in  the  revolution,  though  the  metro- 
politan see  of  Canterbury  was  twice  vacant  in  that  reign, 
yet  he  still  continued  Bishop  of  London.  At  the  accession 
of  Queen  Anne  he  was  sworn  of  the  privy-council,  and  was 
put  in  the  commission  for  the  union  of  England  and 
Scotland.  He  greatly  promoted  the  act  for  making  effec- 
tual the  Queen's  intention  for  the  Augmentation  of  the 
Maintenance  of  the  Poor  Clergy,  by  enabling  her  Majesty 
to  grant  the  revenues  of  the  first-fruits  and  tenths.  He 
maintained  an  amicable  correspondence  with  foreign  Pro- 
testants, as  appears  from  letters,  afterwards  printed  at 
Oxford,  which  passed  between  him  and  the  university  of 
Geneva  in  1706.  It  was  his  ultra-protestantism  which 
rendered  Bishop  Compton  unpopular  with  the  clergy, 
and  probably  hindered  his  advancement  to  Canterbury. 
Towards  the  close  of  his  life  he  was  afflicted  with  the 
stone  and  gout ;  which,  turning  at  length  to  a  complication 
of  distempers,  carried  him  off  on  the  7th  of  July,  1713,  in 
the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age.  His  remains  were  interred 
the  fifteenth  of  the  same  month  in  the  churchyard  of 
Fulham,  according  to  his  particular  direction ;  for  he  used 
to  say,  that  "  the  church  is  for  the  living,  and  the  church- 
yard for  the  dead."  His  works  are, — 1.  A  Translation 
from  the  Italian,  of  the  Life  of  Donna  Olympia  Maldachini, 
who  governed  the  Church  during  the  time  of  Innocent  X., 
which  was  from  the  year  1644  to  1655,  London,  1667. 
2.  A  Translation  from  the  French,  of  the  Jesuits'  In- 
trigues, with  the  private  Instructions  of  that  Society  to 
their  Emissaries,  1669.  3.  A  Treatise  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion, 1677.  4.  A  Letter  to  the  Clergy  of  the  Diocese 
of  London,  concerning  Baptism,  the  Lords  Supper,  Cate- 
chizing, dated  April  25,  1679.     5.  A  Second  Letter  con- 

174  CONANT. 

cerning  the  Half-Communion,  Prayers  in  an  Unknown 
Tongue,  Prayers  to  Saints,  July  6,  1680.  6.  A  Third 
Letter,  on  Confirmation,  and  Visitation  of  the  Sick,  1682. 

7.  A  Fourth  Letter,  upon  the  54th  Canon,  April  6,  1683. 

8.  A  Fifth  Letter,  upon  the  118th  Canon,  March  19, 
1684.  9.  A  Sixth  Letter,  upon  the  13th  Canon,  April 
18,  1685. — Anonymous  Biography.  Birch's  Tillotson, 
Lathbury  on  Convocation.     State  Trials. 


John  Conant  was  born  in  1608,  at  Yeatenton,  in  Devon- 
shire, and  educated  at  Exeter  College,  Oxford ;  where  he 
was  chosen  fellow,  and  proceeded  to  the  degree  of  D.D. 
He  was  one  of  the  assembly  of  divines  ;  in  1649  was  cho- 
sen rector  of  his  college  ;  aud  in  1654  professor  of  divinity. 
He  was  vice-chancellor  of  the  university  at  the  period  of 
the  Piestoration,  and  as  such  presented  a  congratulatory 
address  to  Charles  II.  He  was  present  at  the  Savoy  Con- 
ference on  the  side  of  the  Presbyterians,  and  afterwards 
became  a  nonconformist. 

He  continued  in  this  state  about  eight  years.  A 
Mr.  Edmund  Trench,  who  had  been  determined  for  the 
ministry,  and  was  very  willing  to  have  conformed,  hut  had 
some  scruples  which  he  could  not  remove,  sent  his  scru- 
ples to  Dr.  Conant  for  his  resolution.  After  half  a  year's 
expectation  the  doctor  sent  him  the  following  message : 
"  That  upon  the  most  serious  thoughts  he  could  hardly 
satisfy  himself ;  and  therefore  would  never  persuade  any 
to  conform  while  he  lived."  But,  after  eight  years'  deli- 
beration upon  the  interesting  subject  of  conformity, 
Dr.  Conant  himself  complied,  and  was  re-ordained  upon 
the  28th  of  September,  in  1670,  by  Dr.  Reynolds,  Bishop 
of  Norwich  ;  whose  daughter  he  had  married  in  August, 
1651,  and  by  whom  he  had  six  sons,  and  as  many 

COOPER.  175 

In  1670  he  became  minister  of  St.  Mary  Alderman- 
bury,  London,  which  he  exchanged  for  that  of  All  Saints, 
Northampton,  to  which  was  added  the  Archdeaconry  of 
Norwich,  and  in  1681,  a  prebend  of  Worcester.  He  died  in 
1693.  Six  volumes  of  his  sermons  have  been  pubUshed. 
— Reid.     Wood. 


Daniel  Concina  was  born  about  1686,  in  Friuli.  He 
entered  the  Dominican  order  in  1708,  and  preached  with 
great  applause  in  the  principal  towns  of  Italy.  He  was 
much  consuked  by  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  He  died  at 
Venice  on  the  2 1st  of  February,  1756.  His  principal 
works  are : 

1.  Disciplina  Apostolica  Monastica,  1739,  p.  4to. 

2.  Delia  Storia  del  probabilismo  e  del  rigorismo,  disser- 
tazioni,  con  la  difesa,  4  vols,  in  4to. 

3.  Commentarius  in  rescriptum  Benedicti  XIV.  de 
jejunii  lege,  in  4to. 

4.  Usus  contractus  trini  dissertationibus  hist,  theolog. 
demonstrata  adversus  mollioris  ethices  casuistas,  in  4to. 

5.  Theologia  Christiana  dogmatico-moralis,  12  vols,  in 

6.  De  spectaculis  theatralibus,  in  4to. 

7.  De  Sacramentali  absolutione  impertenda. — Moreri. 
Biog.  Universelle. 


Thomas  Cooper  was  born  about  the  year  1517,  at 
Oxford,  and  was  educated  at  Magdalen  College,  of  which 
he  was  first- chosen  demy,  and  afterwards  probationer,  and 
in  the  year  1540,  perpetual  fellow.  In  1546  he  quitted 
his  fellowship ;  and  on  the  accession  of  Mary,  as  he  was 
inclined  to  the  Reformation,  he  chose  physic  for  his  pro- 

176  COOPER. 

fession,  and  practised  for  some  time  in  his  native  city ; 
but  on  the  accession  of  EHzabeth,  he  returned  to  the  study 
of  divinity,  and  became  a  distinguished  preacher.  In  the 
year  1567  he  took  his  doctor's  degree,  and  about  that  time 
was  appointed  to  the  deanery  of  Christ  Church,  and  for 
several  years  afterwards  filled  the  office  of  vice-chancellor. 
In  1569  he  was  made  Dean  of  Gloucester;  and  in  1570 
he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  The  state  of  the 
church  of  Lincoln,  as  described  by  Archbishop  Parker,  was 
lamentable.  There  were,  he  says,  only  six  prebendaries, 
and  some  of  them  were  puritans.  In  1584  Cooper  was 
translated  to  Winchester.  While  he  was  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester he  wrote  a  paper  entitled,  "  Cogitations  conceived 
for  answer  to  those  petitions  w^hich  were  offered  to  my 
lords  of  the  upper  house,  by  certain  honourable  and 
worshipful  of  the  lower  house  of  parliament."  The  paper 
is  printed  in  Strype's  Whitgift,  but  is  not  worth  trans- 
cribing here.  Cooper  was  married,  and  was  unfortunate 
in  his  wife.  He  died  in  1594.  He  wrote  the  Epitome  of 
Chronicles  from  the  17th  year  after  Christ  to  1540,  and 
thence  afterwards  to  the  year  1560,  in  1560,  4to.  The- 
saurus Linguse  Romanse  et  Britannicae,  &c.,  et  Diction- 
arium  Historicum  et  Poeticum,  in  1565,  folio;  A  Brief 
Exposition  of  such  chapters  of  the  Old  Testament  as 
usually  are  read  in  the  Church  at  Common  Prayer,  on  the 
Sundays  throughout  the  Year,  in  1573,  4to;  Twelve 
Sermons,  on  different  texts,  1580,  4to;  An  Admonition  to 
the  People  of  England ;  wherein  are  answered  not  only 
the  Slanderous  Untruths  reproachfully  uttered  by  Martin 
the  Libeller,  but  also  many  other  crimes  by  some  of  his 
brood,  objected  generally  against  all  Bishops,  and  the 
chief  of  the  clergy,  &c.,  1589,  4to.  The  last-mentioned 
work  was  written  in  reply  to  a  scurrilous  puritanical  pam- 
phlet, published  under  the  name  of  Martin  Mar-Prelate ; 
and  provoked  answers  in  two  ludicrous  pamphlets,  entitled 
Ha'  ye  any  Work  for  a  Cooper  ?  and  more  Work  for  a 
Cooper. —  Godwin.     Wood.     Strype. 



John  Conybeare  was  born  at  Pinhoe,  in  Devonshire, 
in  1692.  He  received  his  education  at  the  grammar 
school  of  Exeter,  and  next  at  the  college  of  that  name  in 
Oxford  :  where,  in  1710,  he  obtained  a  fellowship.  In 
1716  he  entered  into  orders,  and  the  same  year  took  his 
degree  of  master  of  arts.  In  1724  he  was  presented  to 
the  rectory  of  St.  Clement's,  in  Oxford  ;  and  in  1727  he 
obtained  great  celebrity  by  a  visitation  sermon  on  the 
case  of  subscription.  Conybeare's  position  in  this  ser- 
mon is,  that  "  every  one  who  subscribes  the  articles  of 
religion,  does  thereby  engage,  not  only  not  to  dispute 
or  contradict  them ;  but  his  subscription  amounts  to  an 
approbation  of,  and  an  assent  to,  the  truth  of  the  doc- 
trines therein  contained,  in  the  very  sense  in  which 
the  compilers  are  supposed  to  have  understood  them." 
Mr.  Conybeare's  next  publication  was  an  assize  sermon, 
preached  at  St.  Mary's,  Oxford,  in  1727,  from  Ezra 
vii.  26,  and  entitled  The  Penal  sanctions  of  Laws  con- 

In  1728  he  took  his  degree  of  B.D.  ;  and  the  same 
year  that  of  doctor.  In  1730  he  was  chosen  rector  of  his 
college  ;  and  in  173^  published  his  Defence  of  Revealed 
Religion  against  Tindal's  Christianity  as  old  as  the  Crea- 
tion, or  the  Gospel  a  Republication  of  the  Law  of  Nature. 
Bishop  War  burton  styles  this  "  one  of  the  best  reasoned 
books  in  the  world."  In  this  year  he  was  appointed  dean 
of  Christ  Church,  on  which  occasion  he  resigned  his 
headship.  In  1750  he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Bristol, 
and  would  probably  have  been  further  advanced  had  he 
not  been  cut  off  at  Bath,  by  a  complication  of  disorders, 
July  13,  1755.  His  remains  were  interred  in  his  cathe- 
dral; and  afterwards  two  volumes  of  his  sermons  were 
published  by  subscription:  but  these  did  not  include 
twelve  discourses,  which  he  printed  in  his  life  time. — 
Biog.  Brit. 

VOL.  IV.  s 

178  COSIN. 


Julius  C.f:sAR  Cordara  was  born  in  Alexandria  de  la 
Paglia,  in  17(J4.  Being  taken  early  to  Home,  he  was  ad- 
mitted as  a  Jesuit  in  his  fourteenth  year.  He  was  distin- 
guished as  a  dramatic  writer  and  a  satirist,  and  for  his 
devotion  to  the  exiled  Iritewart  family  :  but  he  is  mentioned 
here  not  as  a  satirist  or  play  writer,  but  as  the  author 
of  a  work  which  he  published  in  1750,  entitled  Historia 
Societatis  Jesu  pars  sexta  complcctens  res  gestas  sub 
Mutio  Vitellesco  tomus  prior.  Ho  had  been  appointed 
historiographer  of  the  Jesuits  in  1742.  This  was  followed 
by  his  Caroli  Odoardi  Stuartu,  Walliae  principis,  Expe- 
ditio  in  Scotiam,  Libris  IV.  comprehensa.  On  the  disso- 
lution of  the  order  of  the  Jesuits,  he  retired  in  1772  from 
Home  to  Turin,  whence,  towards  the  close  of  his  life,  he 
retired  to  his  native  place,  where  he  died  in  1790. — 
BiorjrapJde  Universclle. 


John  Cosin  was  born  at  Norwich,  November  30,  1594, 
and  having  been  educated  at  the  free  school  in  that  city, 
was  entered  at  Caius  College,  Cambridge,  in  1610,  of 
which  college  he  became  successively  scholar  and  fellow. 
When  about  twenty  years  of  age  he  was  appointed  first 
librarian,  and  afterwards  secretary  to  Dr.  Overall,  Bishop 
of  Coventry  and  Lichfield.  The  title  of  the  bishop  of  that 
see  was  Coventry  and  Lichfield  till  the  Restoration,  when 
the  style  was  changed  to  Lichfield  and  Coventry.  In  1619 
Cosin  lost  his  friend  and  patron  Bishop  Overall,  but  was 
soon  after  appointed  domestic  chaplain  to  Dr.  Neile,  Bishop 
of  Durham.  In  those  days  Bishops  regularly  observed  all 
the  offices  of  the  Church,  and  had  morning  and  evening 
service  duly  performed  in  their  chapels.  A  domestic  chap- 
lain was  therefore  necessary  to  a  Bishop,  and  the  office 
was  not  a  sinecure.     In    1624  Mr.  Cosin  became  a  pre- 

COSIN.  179 

bendary  of  Durham,  and  arcLdeacon  of  the  East  Riding  in 
the  Church  of  York.  He  was  a  conscientious  man.  He 
could  not  become  a  prebendary  without  doing  the  duties 
of  his  office ;  he  would  have  thought  it  sinful  to  attend 
the  services  of  the  cathedral  publicly  while  in  private  he 
reviled  the  cathedral  service  ;  to  have  been  regular  in  his 
attendance  during  his  strict  residence,  but  never  to  have 
entered  the  church  on  a  week-day  when  his  strict  residence 
was  at  an  end :  to  have  received  a  full  income  from  his 
estates,  and  to  have  adorned  his  own  house,  leaving  only 
the  house  of  God  unadorned,  and  the  clioir  unsupported  : 
he  felt  that  he  was  appointed  to  his  prebend  not  only  that 
he  might  have  time  for  study,  but  thfit  he  might  regulate 
the  services  of  the  Church  so  as  to  make  them  a  model  to 
other  sanctuaries,  and  to  have  them  conducted  with  the 
grandeur  and  ceremony  which  was  befitting  in  such  a 
temple.  He  was  what  was  not  so  rare  in  those  times  as 
we  may  be  apt  to  imagine,  an  honest  prebendary  or  canon, 
and  consequently  he  was  called  a  papist. 

The  maids  of  honour  who  attended  the  Queen  Henrietta 
Maria,  being  many  of  them  piously  disposed,  wished  to 
employ  themselves  at  their  devotions  when  they  saw  their 
royal  mistress  so  occupied.  The  good  King  Charles  found 
them  often  reading  Romish  books  of  devotion.  Instead  of 
reviling  them  for  their  devotional  spirit,  he  more  wisely 
determined  to  provide  them  with  a  more  Catholic  manual 
than  that  which  they  possessed,  and  employed  Archdeacon 
Cosin  to  draw  up  a  collection  of  devotions.  He  completed 
his  work  admirably,  and  in  it  provided  for  the  observance 
of  all  the  canonical  hours.  The  work  has  lately  been 
reprinted,  and  has  had  for  its  editor  the  Venerable  Arch- 
deacon Harrison,  chaplain  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. But  Cosin  lived  in  an  age  almost  as  uncharitable 
as  our  own,  and  his  book  was  both  ignorantly  and  mali- 
maliciously  assailed ;  and  with  puritanical  levity,  the 
notorious  William  Prynne  entitled  it,  "  Cozen's  Cozening 

In    1628    Cosins    took    his    deforce    of   D.D.,  and   was 

180  COSIN. 

engaged  with  the  other  members  of  the  chapter  of 
Durham,  in  prosecuting  one  of  the  prebendaries,  a  wicked 
fanatic,  Peter  Sharp  by  name,  for  preaching  a  seditious 
sermon  in  the  cathedral.  Sharp  seems  to  have  been 
enraged  with  his  brother  prebendaries  for  endeavouring 
to  keep  their  oaths,  while  he  wilfully  neglected  his  own. 
The  text  of  his  sermon  was,  Psalm  xxxi.  7.  I  hate  them 
that  hold  of  sujjerstitlous  vanities.  From  which  he  took 
occasion  to  make  a  most  bitter  invective  against  some  of 
the  bishops,  charging  them  with  no  less  than  popery  and 
idolatry.  Among  other  virulent  expressions  he  had  these, 
'*  The  Whore  of  Babylon's  bastardly  brood,  doting  upon 
their  mother's  beauty,  that  painted  harlot  of  the  Church 
of  Rome,  have  laboured  to  restore  her  all  her  robes  and 
jewels  again,  especially  her  looking  glass,  the  mass,  in 
which  she  may  behold  her  bravery.  The  mass  coming  in, 
brings  with  it  an  inundation  of  ceremonies,  crosses,  and 
crucihxes,  chalices  and  images,  copes  and  candlesticks, 
tapers  and  basons,  and  a  thousand  such  trinkets,  which 
we  have  seen  in  this  church,  since  the  Communion  table 
was  turned  into  an  altar.  I  assure  you  the  altar  is  an 
idol,  a  damnable  idol  as  it  is  used.  I  say  they  are  whores 
and  whoremongers,  they  commit  spiritual  fornication,  who 
bow  their  bodies  before  that  idol  the  altar,  &c."  For  this 
sermon  he  was  questioned  first  at  Durham,  afterwards  in 
the  high  commission  court  at  London ;  from  whence  he 
was  removed,  at  his  own  desire,  to  that  at  York,  where, 
refusing  with  great  scorn,  to  recant,  he  was,  for  his  obsti- 
nacy, degraded,  and  by  sentence  at  common  law,  soon 
after  dispossessed  of  his  prebend  and  livings  :  whereupon 
he  was  supplied  with  £400  a  year  by  subscription  from 
the  puritan  party,  which  was  more  than  all  his  prefer- 
ments amounted  to.  As  for  Dr.  Cosin,  he  was  so  far  from 
being  Mr.  Smart's  chief  prosecutor  (as  he  avers)  that  after 
lie  was  questioned  in  the  high  commission  at  Durham,  he 
never  meddled  in  the  matter,  save  that  once  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  Archbishop  of  York  and  the  commissioners 
in  his  favour. 

COSIN.  181 

We  almost  seem  in  this  description  to  have  an  account 
of  what  is  passing  in  our  own  times.  And  one  cannot  but 
regret  to  find  that  the  spirit  of  puritanism  is  so  unchanged, 
so  indevout,  so  bitter,  so  regardless  of  truth. 

Dr.  Cosin  was  appointed  master  of  Peter-house  in 
163 1,  and  dean  of  Peterborough  in  1640.  But  his 
troubles  were  now  to  begin,  for  the  low  church  party  had 
nearly  succeeded,  as  far  as  success  in  such  a  case  is 
possible,  in  ruining  the  church.  On  the  10th  of  Novem- 
ber this  year,  Peter  Smart,  perceiving  the  time  of  revenge 
to  have  come,  sent  a  petition  against  him  to  the  house  of 
commons,  and  in  January  following  Dr.  Cosin,  having 
been  previously  taken  into  custody  by  the  sargeant-at-arms, 
had  the  honour  of  being  the  first  clergyman  who  by  a  vote 
of  the  whole  house  was  sequestered  from  his  ecclesiastical 
benefices.  The  low  churchmen  and  dissenters  were  united 
in  the  house,  and  were  as  eager  to  commence  the  persecu- 
tion of  true  Christians  as  ever  Bonner  or  Gardiner  could 
have  been  in  the  reign  of  Mary.  On  the  21st  of  March 
they  sent  up  to  the  House  of  Lords  twenty-one  articles  of 
impeachment  against  him. 

They  were  carried  up  by  one  Mr.  Rouse,  who  intro- 
duced them  with  the  following  speech.  "  My  lords,  I  am 
commanded  by  the  House  of  Commons,  to  present  to  your 
lordships  a  declaration  and  impeachment  against  Dr.  Co- 
sin, and  others,  upon  the  complaint  of  Mr.  Peter  Smart ; 
which  Mr.  Smart  was  a  proto-martyr,  or  first  confessor  of 
note  in  the  late  days  of  persecution.  The  whole  matter  is 
a  tree,  whereof  the  branches  and  fruit  are  manifest  in  the 
articles  of  this  declaration."  Then  follow  these  articles 
against  Dr.  Cosin. 

1.  That  he  was  the  the  first  man  that  caused  the  com- 
munion table  in  the  church  of  Durham  to  be  removed 
and  set  altar- ways,  in  the  erection  and  beautifyiug 
whereof,  he  (being  then  treasurer)  expended  two  hundred 

2.  That  he  used  to  officiate  at  the  west  side  thereof, 
turning  his  back  to  the  people. 

VOL  IV.  T 

182  COSIN. 

3.  That  he  used  extraordinary  bowing  to  it. 

4.  That  he  compelled  others  to  do  it,  using  violence 
to  the  persons  of  them  that  refused  so  to  do  :  for  instance, 
once  some  omitting  it,  he  comes  out  of  his  seat,  down 
to  the  seat  where  they  sat,  being  gentlewomen,  called 
them  whores,  and  jades,  and  pagans,  and  the  like  un- 
seemly words,  and  rent  some  of  their  clothes. 

5.  That  he  converted  divers  prayers  in  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  into  hymns,  to  be  sung  in  the  choir, 
and  played  with  the  organ,  contrary  to  the  ancient  custom 
of  that  church. 

6.  That  whereas  it  had  been  formerly  a  custom  in  that 
church,  at  the  end  of  every  sermon,  to  sing  a  psalm ;  this 
custom,  when  Dr.  Cosin  came  thither,  was  abrogated,  and 
instead  thereof  they  sung  an  anthem  in  the  choir,  there 
being  no  psalm  sung  either  at  the  minister's  going  up 
into  the  pulpit,  or  at  his  coming  down. 

7.  That  the  first  Candlemas  day  at  night,  that  he  had 
been  in  that  church,  he  caused  three  hundred  wax  candles 
to  be  set  up  and  lighted  in  the  church  at  once,  in  honour 
of  our  lady,  and  placed  three-score  of  them  upon  and 
about  the  altar. 

8.  That  in  this  church  there  were  reliques  of  divers 
images,  above  which  were  remaining  the  ruins  of  two 
seraphims,  with  the  picture  of  Christ  between  them, 
erected  in  Queen  Mary's  time,  in  the  time  of  popery  ;  all 
which,  when  Queen  Elizabeth  came  to  the  crown,  were 
demolished,  by  virtue  of  a  commission  by  her  to  that 
intent  granted,  which  so  continued  demolished  from  that 
time,  till  Dr.  Cosin  came  to  that  church,  who,  being 
treasurer,  caused  the  same  to  be  repaired,  and  most 
gloriously  painted. 

9.  That  all  the  time  he  was  unmarried  he  wore  a  cope 
of  white  satin,  never  officiating  in  any  other,  it  being 
reserved  solely  for  him,  no  man  excepting  himself  making 
use  thereof,  v»'hich,  after  marriage,  he  cast  off,  and  never 
after  wore. 

AG.  That  there   was  a  knife  belonging  to   the  church., 

COSIN.  15<3 

kept  altogether  in  the  vestry,  being  put  to  none  but  holy- 
uses,  as  cutting  the  bread  in  the  sacrament,  and  the 
like ;  Dr.  Cosin  refusing  to  cut  the  same  with  any  other 
but  that,  thinking  all  others  that  were  unconsecrated 
polluted  ;  but  that,  which  he  putting  holiness  in,  never 
termed  but  the  consecrated  knife. 

11.  That  in  a  sermon  preached  in  that  church,  he  did 
deliver  certain  words  in  disgrace  of  the  reformers  of  our 
Church,  for  instance,  the  words  were  these,  "  The  refor- 
mers of  this  Church,  when  they  abolished  the  mass,  took 
away  all  good  order,  and,  instead  of  a  reformation,  made 
it  a  deformation." 

1'2.  That  he  seldom  or  never,  in  any  of  his  sermons, 
stiled  the  ministers  of  the  word  and  sacraments  by  any 
other  name  than  priests,  nor  the  communion  table  by  any 
other  name  than  altar. 

18.  That  by  his  appointment  there  was  a  cope  bought, 
the  seller  being  a  convicted  Jesuit,  and  afterwards  em- 
ployed in  that  church,  having  upon  it  the  invisible  and 
incomprehensible  Trinity. 

14.  That  whereas  it  had  been  formerly  a  custom  in  that 
church,  at  five  of  the  clock  to  have  morning  prayers  read, 
winter  and  summer :  this  custom,  when  Dr.  Cosin  came 
thither,  was  abandoned ;  and  instead  thereof  was  used 
singing  and  playing  on  the  organs,  and  some  few  prayers 
read,  and  this  was  called  first  service  ;  which  being  ended, 
the  people  departed  out  of  the  church,  returning  at  nine 
o'clock,  and  having  then  morning  prayers  read  unto  them, 
and  this  was  called  second  service ;  which  innovation 
being  raisliked  and  complained  of  by  Mr.  Justice  Hutton, 
was  reformed. 

15.  That  he  framed  a  superstitious  ceremony  in  light- 
ing the  tapers  which  were  placed  on  the  altars,  which,  for 
instance,  was  this  :  a  company  of  boys  that  belonged  to 
the  church,  came  in  at  the  choir  door  with  torches  in 
their  hands  lighted,  bowing  towards  the  altar  at  their  first 
entrance,  bowing  thrice  before  they  lighted  the  tapers  : 
having  done,  they  withdrew  themselves,   bowing  so  oft  as 

184  COSIN. 

before,  not  once   turning  their  back   parts  towards    the 
altar,  the  organs  all  the  time  going. 

16.  That  he  counselled  some  young  students  of  the 
university  to  be  imitators  and  practicers  of  his  super- 
stitious ceremonies,  who,  to  ingratiate  themselves  in  his 
favour,  did  accordingly ;  and  being  afterwards  reproved 
for  the  same  by  some  of  their  friends,  confessed  that 
Dr.  Cosin  first  induced  them  to  that  practice,  and  encour- 
aged them  therein. 

17.  That  he  used  upon  communion  days  to  make  the 
sign  of  the  cross  with  his  finger,  both  upon  the  seats 
whereon  they  were  to  sit,  and  the  cushions  to  kneel  upon, 
using  some  words  when  he  so  did. 

18.  That  one  Sabbath  day  there  was  set  up  an  un- 
necessary company  of  tapers  and  lights  in  the  church, 
which  Dr.  Hunt,  being  then  dean,  fearing  they  might 
give  offence,  since  they  were  then  unnecessary,  sent  his 
man  to  pull  them  dow^n,  who  did  so  ;  but  Dr.  Cosin  being 
thereat  aggrieved,  came  to  the  fellow,  and  there  miscalled 
him  in  a  most  uncivil  manner,  and  began  to  beat  him  in 
the  public  view  of  the  congregation  to  the  great  disturb- 
ance of  the  same. 

19.  That  the  dean  and  chapter  of  that  church,  whereof 
Dr.  Cosin  was  one,  with  many  others,  being  invited  to 
dinner  in  the  town  of  Durham,  Dr.  Cosin  then  and 
there  spake  words  derogating  from  the  King's  preroga- 
tive :  the  words  were  these  :  "  The  King  hath  no  more 
power  over  the  Church  than  the  boy  that  rubs  my  horse- 

20.  That  there  being  many  of  the  canons  of  the  said 
church  present  at  that  time,  amongst  the  rest  there  was 
one  took  more  notice  of  his  words  than  the  rest,  and 
acquainted  one  of  his  fellow-canons  with  them  when  he 
came  home.  This  canon,  being  a  friend  to  Dr.  Cosin, 
told  the  doctor  that  such  a  man  exclaimed  of  him,  and 
charged  him  with  words  that  he  should  speak  at  such  a 
time ;  the  doctor  presently  sends  for  him,  and  when  he 
came  into  the  house  the  doctor  desires  him  to  follow  him 

COSIN.  185 

into  an  inner  room,  who  did  so ;  but  so  soon  as  he  came 
in  the  doctor  shuts  the  door,  and  sets  both  his  hands  upon 
him,  calHng  him  rogue  and  rascal,  and  many  other  names, 
insomuch  that  the  man,  fearing  he  would  do  him  a  mis- 
chief, cried  out ;  Mrs.  Cosin  coming  in,  endeavoured  to 
appease  her  husband,  and  holding  his  hands,  the  other 
ran  away. 

'21.  That  the  doctor  did  seek  many  unjust  ways  to 
ensnare  this  man,  that  so  he  might  take  a  just  occasion  to 
put  him  out  of  his  place  ;  but  none  of  them  taking  effect, 
he  put  him  out  by  violence,  having  no  other  reason  why 
he  did  so,  but  because  he  had  no  good  voice,  when  he  had 
served  the  place  two  years  before  Dr.  Cosin  came  thither : 
for  instance  of  which  unjust  ways  to  ensnare  this  man, 
Dr.  Cosin  hired  a  man  and  a  woman  to  pretend  a  desire 
of  matrimony,  and  to  offer  a  sum  of  money  to  this  petty 
canon  to  contract  matrimony  between  them  in  a  private 
chamber,  so  thereupon  to  take  advantage  of  his  revenge 
upon  him.  This  plot  being  confessed  by  the  parties 
to  be  first  laid  by  Dr.  Cosin,  and  that  they  were  his 

Besides  the  several  particulars  mentioned  in  these 
articles,  Mr.  Fuller  informs  us  that  Dr.  Cosin  was  accused 
of  having  bought  a  cope  with  the  Trinity,  and  God  the 
Father,  in  the  figure  of  an  old  man ;  another  with  a 
crucifix,  and  the  image  of  Christ,  with  a  red  beard,  and 
a  blue  cap.  And  to  have  made  an  anthem  to  be  sung, 
of  the  three  Kings  of  Collen,  by  the  names  of  Gasper, 
Balthazar,  and  Melchior. 

To  these  articles  Dr.  Cosin  put  in  his  answer  upon 
oath  before  the  House  of  Lords.  But  seeing  afterwards 
the  substance  of  them  pubUshed  in  Mr.  Fuller's  Eccle- 
siastical History,  he  wrote  from  Paris  a  letter  to  Mr.  War- 
ren and  Dr.  Reves,  in  bis  own  vindication,  dated  April  6, 
1658,  wherein  he  declares,  as  he  had  done  before  the 

1.  That  the  communion  table  in  the  church  of  Durham 
(which  in  the  Bill  of  Complaint   and  Mr.  Fuller's  history 

T  U 

186  COSIN. 

is  said  to  be  the  marble  altar,  with  cherubims)  was  not 
set  up  by  him  [Dr.  Cosin,]  but  by  the  dean  and  chapter, 
(whereof  Mr.  Smart  himself  was  one)  many  years  before 
Mr.  Cosin  became  prebendary  of  that  church,  or  ever  saw 
the  country. 

'^.  That  by  the  public  accounts  which  are  there  regis- 
tered, it  did  not  appear  to  have  cost  above  the  tenth  part 
of  what  is  pretended,  appurtenances  and  all. 

3.  That  likewise  the  copes  used  in  that  church  w^ere 
brought  in  thither  long  before  his  [Dr.  Cosin's]  time,  and 
when  Mr.  Smart  the  complainant  was  prebendary  there, 
who  also  allowed  his  part  (as  he  [Dr.  Cosin]  was  ready  to 
prove  by  the  Act  book)  of  the  money  that  they  cost,  for 
they  cost  but  little. 

4.  That  as  he  never  approved  the  picture  of  the  Trinity, 
or  the  image  of  God  the  Father,  in  the  figure  of  an  old 
man,  or  otherwise  to  be  made  or  placed  any  w^here  at  all ; 
so  he  was  well  assured  that  there  were  none  such  (nor  to 
his  own  knowledge  or  hearsay  ever  had  been)  put  upon 
any  cope  that  was  used  there.  One  there  was  that  had 
the  story  of  the  Passion  embroidered  upon  it  all,  but  the 
cope  that  he  used  to  wear,  when  at  any  time  he  attended 
the  communion  service,  was  of  plain  white  satin  only 
without  any  embroidery  upon  it  at  all. 

5.  That  what  the  Bill  of  Complaint,  called  the  image 
of  Christ,  with  a  blue  cap,  and  a  golden  beard,  (Mr.  Ful- 
ler's history  says  it  was  red,  and  that  it  w'as  set  upon  one 
of  the  copes)  was  nothing  else  but  the  top  of  Bishop  Hat- 
field's tomb  (set  up  in  the  church,  under  a  side-arch 
there,  two  hundred  years  before  Dr.  Cosin  was  born) 
being  a  little  portraiture,  not  appearing  to  be  above  ten 
inches  long,  and  hardly  discernable  to  the  eye  what  figure 
it  is,  for  it  stands  thirty  feet  from  the  ground. 

6.  That  by  the  local  statutes  of  that  Church  (whereunto 
Mr.  Smart  was  sworn,  as  w^ell  as  Dr.  Cosin)  the  treasurer 
was  to  give  order,  that  provision  should  every  year  be 
made  of  a  sufficient  number  of  wax  lights  for  the  service  of 
the  choir,   during  all  the  winter  time ;  which  statute  he 

COSIN.  187 

[Dr.  Cosin]  observed  when  he  wasrehosen  into  that  office, 
and  had  order  from  the  dean  and  chapter,  bj  capitular 
act,  to  do  it ;  jet  upon  the  communion  table  they  that 
used  to  light  the  candles,  never  set  more  than  two  fair 
candles,  with  a  few  small  sizes  near  to  them,  which  they 
put  there  of  purpose,  that  the  people  all  about  might  have 
the  better  use  of  them  for  singing  the  psalms,  and  read- 
ing the  lessons  out  of  the  Bibles  :  but  two  hundred  was  a 
greater  number  than  they  used  all  the  church  over,  either 
upon  Candlemas  night,  or  any  other. 

7.  That  he  never  forbad  (nor  any  body  else  that  he  knew) 
the  singing  of  the  (metre)  psalms  in  the  church,  w^iich 
he  used  to  sing  daily  there  himself,  with  other  company, 
at  morning  prayer.  But  upon  Sundays  and  holy-days,  in 
the  choir,  before  the  sermon,  the  creed  was  sung,  (and 
that  plainly  for  every  one  to  understand)  as  is  appointed 
in  the  communion  book ;  and  after  the  sermon,  was  sung 
a  part  of  a  psalm,  or  some  other  anthem  taken  out  of  the 
Scripture,  and  first  signified  to  the  people  where  they 
might  find  it. 

8.  That  so  far  was  he  from  making  any  anthem  to  be 
sung  of  the  three  Kings  of  Collen,  as  that  he  made  it, 
when  he  first  saw  it,  to  be  torn  in  pieces,  and  he  himself 
cut  it  out  of  the  old  song  books  belonging  to  the  choristers' 
school,  with  a  penknife  that  lay  by,  at  his  very  first 
coming  to  that  college.  But  he  was  sure  that  no  such 
anthem  had  been  sung  in  the  choir  during  all  his  time  of 
attendance  there,  nor  (for  ought  that  any  of  the  eldest 
persons  of  the  church  and  town  could  tell,  or  ever  heard 
to  the  contrary,)  for  fifty  or  three- score  years  before,  or 
more . 

9.  That  there  was  indeed  an  ordinary  knife,  provided 
and  laid  ready  among  other  things  belonging  to  the 
administration  of  the  communion,  for  the  cutting  of  the 
bread,  and  divers  other  uses  in  the  church  vestry.  But 
that  it  was  ever  consecrated,  or  so  called,  otherwise  than 
as  Mr.  Smart,  and  some  of  his  followers  had,  for  their 
pleasure,  put  that  appellation   upon  it ;   he  [Dr.  Cosin] 

188  COSIN. 

never  heard,  nor  believed  any  body  else  had,  that  lived 
at  Durham.  The  rest  of  the  articles  mentioned  above, 
Mr.  Smart  could  not  prove,  and  Dr.  Cosin  gave  a  very 
satisfactory  answer  to  them,  remaining  upon  the  Rolls  of 

The  whole  of  this  statement  has  been  given  to  confirm 
what  has  been  said  before  of  the  unchanged  spirit  of 
puritanism.  Dr.  Cosin  was  dismissed  by  the  Lords 
upon  his  putting  in  bail  for  his  appearance,  but  he  was 
not  summoned  to  appear  again.  But  the  evil  spirit  of 
puritanism  is  not  easily  laid.  Upon  amotion  made  in  the 
House  of  Commons  that  he  had  enticed  a  young  scholar 
to  popery  he  was  again  committed  to  the  sargeantat-arms, 
to  attend  daily  till  the  house  should  call  him  to  a  hearing. 
The  low  churchmen  and  puritans  both  in  the  church  and 
out  of  it,  knew  very  well  that  all  this  was  a  falsehood,  and 
that  in  fact  he  had  when  vice-chancellor  of  Cambridge 
severely  punished  that  very  scholar  by  making  him  recant, 
and  by  expelling  him  the  university.  But  the  end  was 
supposed  to  justify  the  means,  and  Dr.  Cosin  was  com- 
pelled to  attend  the  house  daily  till  the  house  should  call 
him  to  a  hearing,  which  hearing  he  did  not  obtain  till  after 
fiftydays'  imprisonment,  during  which  time  he  had  to  pay 
twenty  shillings  a  day.  He  was  of  course  acquitted,  but 
received  no  reparation  for  the  wrong  done  to  him.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  puritanism  may  not  again  obtain  the 
upper  hand,  and  that  the  House  of  Commons  may  never 
again  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  religion.  An  attempt  is 
not  unfrequently  made  to  do  so,  but  the  ignorance  dis- 
played by  the  leading  members  of  the  honourable  house  is 
not  very  creditable  to  the  country  it  represents. 

As  Cosin  had  the  honour  to  be  the  first  of  the  clergy 
sequestered,  so  was  he  the  first  to  be  turned  out.  What 
the  puritans  could  not  do  by  law  they  effected  by  force ; 
he  was  ejected  from  his  mastership  in  1642,  having 
exasperated  the  puritans  and  their  friends,  by  sending 
the  plate  of  the  university  to  the  King  at  York.  Being 
deprived    of  all   his    preferments,    he  left    the    kingdom 

COSIN.  189 

and  proceeded  to  Paris,  where  he  formed  a  congregation, 
and  had  several  discussions  with  the  Jesuits  and  Romish 

At  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  Dr.  Cosin  returned  to 
England,  and  took  possession  of  all  his  preferments  ;  but 
before  the  year  was  out,  was  raised  to  the  see  of  Durham, 
being  consecrated  upon  the  2nd  of  December,  1660.  As 
soon  as  he  could  get  down  to  his  diocese,  he  set  about 
reforming  many  abuses,  that  had  crept  in  there  during 
the  late  anarchy  ;  and  distinguished  himself  greatly  by  his 
charity  and  public  spirit.  He  laid  out  a  great  share  of 
his  large  revenues  in  repairing  or  re-building  the  several 
edifices  belonging  to  the  bishopric  of  Durham,  which  had 
eitlier  been  demolished,  or  neglected,  during  the  civil 
wars.  He  repaired,  for  instance,  the  castle  at  Bishop "s 
Auckland,  the  chief  country  seat  of  the  Bishops  of  Dur- 
ham; that  at  Durham,  which  he  greatly  enlarged ;  and  the 
bishop's  house  at  Darlington,  then  very  ruinous.  He  also 
enriched  his  new  chapel  at  Auckland,  and  that  at  Durham, 
with  several  pieces  of  gilt  plate,  books,  and  other  costly 
ornaments;  the  charge  of  all  which  buildings,  repairs,  and 
ornaments,  amounted,  according  to  Dr.  Smith,  to  near 
sixteen  thousand  pounds ;  but  as  others  say,  to  no  less 
than  twenty-six  thousand  pounds.  He  likewise  built  and 
endowed  two  hospitals ;  the  one  at  Durham  for  eight  poor 
people,  the  other  at  Auckland  for  four.  The  annual  revenue 
of  the  former  was  seventy  pounds,  that  of  the  latter  thirty 
pounds :  and  near  his  hospital  at  Durham,  he  re-built  the 
school-houses,  which  cost  about  three  hundred  pounds. 
He  also  built  a  library  near  the  castle  of  Durham,  the 
charge  whereof,  with  the  pictures  with  which  he  adorned 
it,  amounted  to  eight  hundred  pounds ;  and  gave  books 
thereto  to  the  value  of  two  thousand  pounds,  as  also  an 
annual  pension  of  twenty  marks  for  ever  to  a  librarian. 
But  his  generosity  in  this  way  was  not  confined  within 
the  precincts  of  his  diocese.  He  re-built  the  east  end  of 
the  chapel  at  Peter-house,  in  Cambridge,  which  cost  three 
hundred  and  twenty  pounds;  and  gave  books  to  the  library 

190  COSIN. 

of  that  college  to  tbe  value  of  one  thousand  pounds.  He 
founded  eight  scholarships  in  the  same  university ;  viz  : 
five  in  Peter-house  of  ten  pounds  a  year  each,  and  three  in 
Caius  College  of  twenty  nobles  a  piece  per  annum  :  both 
which,  together  with  a  provision  of  eight  pounds  yearly, 
to  the  common  chest  of  those  two  colleges  respectively, 
amounted  to  two  thousand  five  hundred  pounds. 

It  is  indeed  impossible  to  recount  all  the  numerous 
benefactions  of  this  generous  Bishop.  He  gave  to  the 
cathedral  at  Durham  a  fair  carved  lectern,  and  litany-desk, 
with  a  large  scalloped  silver  patten,  gilt,  for  the  use  of  the 
communicants  there,  which  cost  forty-five  pounds.  Upon 
the  new  building  of  the  Bishop's  court,  exchequer,  and 
chancery,  and  towards  the  erecting  of  two  session- houses 
at  Durham,  he  gave  a  thousand  pounds.  Moreover,  he 
gave  towards  the  redemption  of  Christian  captives,  at 
Algiers,  five  hundred  pounds.  Towards  the  relief  of  the 
distressed  loyal  party  in  England,  eight  hundred  pounds. 
For  repairing  the  banks  in  Howdenshire,  a  hundred 
marks.  Towards  the  repair  of  St.  Paul's  cathedral,  in 
London,  fifty  pounds.  By  his  will  he  bequeathed  to  the 
poor  of  his  hospitals  at  Durham  and  Auckland,  to  be  dis- 
tributed at  his  funeral,  six  pounds.  To  the  poor  people 
of  the  country,  coming  to  his  funeral,  twenty  pounds. 
To  poor  prisoners  detained  for  debt,  in  the  gaols  of 
Durham,  York,  Peterborough,  Cambridge,  and  Norwich, 
fifty  pounds.  To  the  poor  people  within  the  precints  of 
the  cathedral  at  Norwich,  and  within  the  parish  of 
St.  Andrew's  there,  in  which  he  was  born  and  educated  in 
his  minority,  twenty  pounds.  To  the  poor  of  Durham, 
Auckland,  Darlington,  Stockton,  Gateshead,  and  Bran- 
speth,  (all  in  the  bishopric  of  Durham),  thirty  pounds. 
To  the  poor  in  the  parishes  of  Chester  in  the  Street, 
Houghton-le-Spring,  North-Allerton,  Creike,  and  Howden, 
(all  lordships  belonging  to  the  Bishops  of  Durham)  forty 
pounds.  Towards  the  re-building  of  St.  Pauls  cathedral 
in  London,  when  it  should  be  raised  five  yards  from  the 
ground,  a  hundred  pounds.     To  the  cathedral  of  Norwich, 

COSIN.  101 

whereof  the  one  half  to  be  bestowed  on  a  marble  tablet, 
with  an  inscription,  in  memory  of  Dr.  John  Overall,  some 
time  Bishop  there,  (whose  chaplain  he  had  been)  the  rest 
for  providing  some  useful  ornaments  for  the  altar,  forty 
pounds.  Towards  the  re-edifying  of  the  north  and  south 
sides  of  the  College  chapel  at  Peter-house,  in  Cambridge, 
suitable  to  the  east  and  w^est  ends,  already  by  him  per- 
fected, two  hundred  pounds.  Towards  the  new  building 
of  the  chapel  at  Emanuel  College,  in  Cambridge,  fifty 
pounds.  To  the  children  of  Mr.  John  Heyward,  late 
prebendary  of  Lichfield,  as  a  testimony  of  his  gratitude 
to  their  deceased  father,  who,  in  his  lordship's  younger 
years,  placed  him  with  his  uncle,  Bishop  Overall,  twenty 
pounds  a  piece.  To  the  dean  and  chapter  of  Peter- 
borough, to  be  employed  for  the  use  of  the  poor  in  that 
town,  a  hundred  pounds.  To  the  poor  of  Durham,  Bran- 
speth,  and  Bishop's  Auckland,  to  be  distributed  as  his  two 
daughters  (the  lady  Gerard,  and  the  lady  Burton)  should 
think  best,  a  hundred  pounds. 

This  great  and  good  man  died  in  1672.  Besides  the 
benefactions  alluded  to  above,  his  will  is  remarkable  as 
containing  his  profession  of  faith ;  wherein,  after  repeat- 
ing the  substance  of  the  Apostles'  and  Nicene  creeds,  he 
condemns  and  rejects  whatsoever  heresies  or  schisms,  the 
ancient  catholic  and  universal  Church  of  Christ  with  an 
unanimous  consent,  had  rejected  and  condemned ;  to- 
gether with  all  the  modern  fautors  of  the  same  heresies ; 
sectaries,  and  fanatics,  who,  being  carried  on  with  an 
evil  spirit,  do  falsely  give  out,  they  are  inspired  of  God. 
As  the  anabaptists,  new  independents,  and  presbyterians 
of  our  country,  a  kind  of  men  hurried  away  with  the 
spirit  of  malice,  disobedience,  and  sedition.  "  Moreover, 
(adds  he)  I  do  profess,  with  holy  asseveration,  and  from 
my  very  heart,  that  I  am  now,  and  ever  have  been  from 
my  youth,  altogether  free  mid  averse  from  the  corruptions 
and  impertinent  new-fangled,  or  papistical  superstitions 
and  doctrines, — long  since  introduced,  contrary  to  the 
Holy  Scripture,  and  the  rules  and  customs  of  the  ancient 

192  COSIN. 

Fathers.  But  in  what  part  of  the  world  soever  any 
Churches  are  extant,  bearing  the  name  of  Christ,  and  pro- 
fessing the  true  catholic  faith  and  religion,  worshipping 
and  calling  upon  God  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  with  one  heart  and  voice,  if  I  be  now  hindered 
actually  to  join  with  them,  either  by  distance  of  countries, 
or  variance  amongst  men,  or  by  any  hindrance  what- 
soever ;  yet  always  in  my  mind  and  affection  I  join  and 
unite  wdth  them  ;  which  I  desire  to  be  chiefly  understood 
by  protestants,  and  the  best  Reformed  Churches,  &c." 
This  part  of  his  Will  was  written  in  Latin,  and  the  latter 
part  containing  his  benefactions,  in  English. 

How  accurately  he  understood  the  points  of  difference 
between  the  Church  of  England  and  the  Church  of  Rome, 
may  be  seen  from  the  following  paper,  published  by 
Dr.  Hickes  in  the  Appendix  to  his  "Letters."  "We  that 
profess  the  catholic  faith  and  religion  in  the  Church  of 
England  do  not  agree  with  the  Roman  Catholics  in  any 
thiug  w^hereunto  they  now  endeavour  to  convert  us.  But 
we  totally  dissent  from  them  (as  they  do  from  the  ancient 
catholic  Church)  in  these  points. 

J .  That  the  Church  of  Rome  is  the  mother  and  mistress 
of  all  the  other  churches  in  the  world. 

2.  That  the  Pope  of  Rome  is  the  vicar-general  of  Christ : 
or  that  he  hath  an  universal  jurisdiction  over  all  Chris- 
tians that  shall  be  saved. 

3.  That  either  the  Synod  of  Trent  was  a  general  council ; 
or  that  all  the  canons  thereof  are  to  be  received  as  matters 
of  catholic  faith,  under  pain  of  damnation. 

4.  That  Christ  hath  instituted  seven  true  and  proper 
Sacraments  in  the  New  Testament,  neither  more  nor  less, 
all  conferring  grace,  and  all  necessary  to  salvation. 

5.  That  the  priests  offer  up  our  Saviour  in  the  mass,  as 
a  real,  proper,  and  propitiatory  sacrifice  for  the  quick  and 
the  dead,  and  that  whosoever  believes  it  not,  is  eternally 

6.  That  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  the  whole 
substance   of  bread   is   converted   into  the  substance  of 

COSIN.  195 

Clirist's  Body,  and  the  whole  substance  of  wine  into  His 
Blood,  so  truly  and  properly,  as  that  after  consecration 
there  is  neither  any  bread  nor  wine  remaining  there,  which 
they  call  transubstantiation,  and  impose  upon  all  persons, 
under  pain  of  damnation  to  be  believed. 

7.  That  the  Communion  under  one  kind  is  sufficient 
and  lawful  (notwithstanding  the  institution  of  Christ 
under  both),  and  that  whosoever  believes  or  holds  other- 
wise is  damned. 

8.  That  there  is  a  purgatory  after  this  life,  wherein  the 
souls  of  the  dead  are  punished,  and  from  whence  they  are 
fetched  out  by  the  prayers  and  offerings  of  the  living  :  and 
that  there  is  no  salvation  possibly  to  be  had  by  any  that 
will  not  believe  as  much. 

9.  That  all  the  old  saints  departed,  and  all  those  dead 
men  and  women,  whom  the  pope  hath  of  late  canonized 
for  saints,  or  shall  hereafter  do  so,  whosoever  they  be, 
are  and  ought  to  be  invocated  by  the  religious  prayers 
and  devotion  of  all  persons,  and  that  they  who  do  not 
believe  this  as  an  article  of  the  catholic  faith  cannot  be 

10.  That  the  relics  of  all  these  true  or  reputed  saints 
ought  to  be  religiously  worshipped ;  and  that  whosoever 
holdeth  the  contrary  is  damned. 

11.  That  the  images  of  Christ  and  the  blessed  Virgin, 
and  of  the  other  saints,  ought  not  only  to  be  had  and 
retained,  but  likewise  to  be  honoured  and  worshipped, 
according  to  the  use  and  practices  of  the  Roman 
Church ;  and  that  this  is  to  be  believed  as  of  necessity 
to  salvation. 

1'-^,  That  the  power  and  use  of  indulgences,  as  they  are 
now  practised  in  the  Church  of  Rome,  both  for  the  living 
and  the  dead,  is  to  be  received  and  held  of  all,  under  pain 
of  eternal  perdition. 

13.  That  all  the  ceremonies  used  by  the  Roman  Church 
in  the  administration  of  the  Sacrament  (such  as  are  spittle 
and  salt  in  baptism  ;  the  five  crosses  upon  the  altars,  and 

VOL.  IV.  u 

194  COSIN. 

Sacrament  of  the  Eucharist ;  the  holding  of  that  Sacra- 
ment over  the  priest's  head  to  be  adored ;  the  exposing  of 
it  in  their  churches  to  be  worshipped  by  the  people  ;  the 
circumgcstation  and  carrying  of  it  abroad  in  procession 
upon  their  Corpus  Christi  day,  and  to  their  sick  for  the 
same  ;  the  oil  and  chrism  in  confirmation  ;  the  anointing 
of  the  ears,  the  eyes  and  noses,  the  hands  and  reins  of 
those  that  are  ready  to  die ;  the  giving  of  an  empty 
chalice  and  paten  to  them  that  are  to  be  ordained  priests, 
and  many  others  of  this  nature,  now  in  use  with  them) 
are  of  necessity  to  salvation,  to  be  approved  and  admitted 
by  all  other  Churches. 

14.  That  all  the  ecclesiastical  observations  and  consti- 
tutions of  the  same  church  (such  as  are  their  laws  of  for- 
bidding all  priests  to  marry  ;  the  appointing  several  orders 
of  monks,  friars,  and  nuns  in  the  church  ;  the  service  of 
God  in  an  unknown  tongue  ;  the  saying  of  a  number  of 
Ave  Marias  by  tale  upon  their  chaplets  ;  the  sprinkling 
of  themselves  and  the  dead  bodies  with  holy  water,  as 
operative  and  effectual  to  the  remission  of  venial  sins ; 
the  distinctions  of  meats  to  be  held  for  true  fasting ; 
the  religious  consecration  and  incensing  of  images ;  the 
baptizing  of  bells ;  the  dedicating  of  divers  holidays 
for  the  immaculate  Conception,  and  the  bodily  Assump- 
tion of  the  blessed  Virgin;  and  for  Corpus  Christi,  or 
transubstantiation  of  the  Sacrament ;  the  making  of  the 
apocryphal  books  to  be  as  canonical  as  any  of  the  rest  of 
the  holy  and  undoubted  Scriptures ;  the  keeping  of  those 
Scriptures  from  the  free  use  and  reading  of  the  people  ; 
the  approving  of  their  own  Latin  translation  only,  and 
divers  other  matters  of  the  like  nature)  are  to  be  approved, 
held,  and  believed  as  needful  to  salvation,  and  that,  who-  • 
ever  approves  them  not,  is  out  of  the  catholic  Church, 
and  must  be  damned. 

All  which  in  their  several  respects,  we  hold  some  to  be 
pernicious,  some  unnecessary,  many  false,  and  many  fond, 
and  none  of  them  to  be  imposed  upon  any  church,  or  any 

COSIN.  195 

Christian,  as  the  Roman  catholics  do  upon  all  Christians, 
and  all  churches  whatsoever,  for  matters  needful  to  be 
approved  for  eternal  salvation. 


If  the  Roman  Catholics  would  make  the  essence  of 
their  Church  (as  we  do  ours)  to  consist  in  these  following 
points,  we  are  at  accord  with  them.  In  the  reception  and 
believing  of : 

1.  All  the  two  and  twenty  canonical  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  and  the  twenty-seven  of  the  New,  as  the  only 
foundation  and  perfect  rule  of  our  faith. 

2.  All  the  apostolical  and  ancient  creeds,  especially 
those  which  are  commonly  called  the  Apostles'  Creed,  the 
Nicene  Creed,  and  the  Creed  of  St.  Athanasius,  all  which 
are  clearly  deduced  out  of  the  Scriptures. 

3.  All  the  decrees  of  faith  and  doctrines  set  forth,  as 
well  in  the  first  four  general  councils,  as  in  all  other 
councils,  which  those  first  four  approved  and  confirmed, 
and  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  general  councils  besides  (than 
which  we  find  no  more  to  be  general),  and  in  all  the 
following  councils  that  be  thereunto  agreeable  ;  and  in  all 
the  anathemas  or  condemnations  given  out  by  those 
councils  against  heretics,  for  the  defence  of  the  Catholic 

4.  The  unanimous  and  general  consent  of  the  ancient 
catholic  Fathers,  and  the  universal  Church  of  Christ,  in 
the  interpretation  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  col- 
lection of  all  necessary  matters  of  faith  from  them  during 
the  first  six  hundred  years,  and  downwards  to  our  own 

5.  In  acknowledgment  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  if  he 
would  rule  and  be  ruled  by  the  ancient  canons  of  the 
Church,  to  be  the  patriarch  of  the  West,  by  right  of 
ecclesiastical  and  imperial  constitution,  in  such  places 
where   the   kings   and    governors    of   those    places    had 

196  COSIK 

received  him,  and  found  it  behooveful  for  them  to  make 
use  of  his  jurisdiction,  without  any  necessary  dependence 
upon  him  by  divine  right. 

6.  In  the  reception  and  use  of  the  two  blessed  Sacra- 
ments by  our  Saviour ;  in  the  confirmation  of  those 
persons  that  are  to  be  strengthened  in  their  Christian 
faith,  by  prayer  and  imposition  of  hands,  according  to  the 
examples  of  the  holy  Apostles  and  ancient  Bishops  of  the 
catholic  Church ;  in  the  public  and  solemn  benediction 
of  persons,  that  are  to  be  joined  together  in  haly  matri- 
mony ;  in  public  or  private  absolution  of  penitent  sinners; 
in  the  consecrating  of  Bishops,  and  the  ordaining  of 
priests  and  deacons  for  the  service  of  God  in  His  Church, 
by  a  lawful  succession  ;  and  in  visiting  the  sick,  by  pray- 
ing for  them,  and  administering  the  blessed  Sacrament  to 
them,  together  with  a  final  absolution  of  them  from  their 
repented  sins. 

7.  In  commemorating  at  the  Eucharist  the  sacrifice  of 
Christ's  Body  and  Blood,  once  truly  offered  for  us. 

8.  In  acknowledging  His  sacramental,  spiritual,  true  and 
Keal  Presence  there  to  the  souls  of  all  them  that  come 
faithfully  and  devoutly  to  receive  Him,  according  to  His 
own  institution  in  that  holy  Sacrament. 

9.  In  giving  thanks  to  God  for  them,  that  are  departed 
out  of  this  life  in  the  true  faith  of  Christ's  catholic 
Church,  and  in  praying  to  God  that  they  may  have  a 
joyful  resurrection,  and  a  perfect  consummation  of  bliss, 
both  in  their  bodies  and  souls,  in  His  eternal  Kingdom  of 

10.  In  the  historical  and  moderate  use  of  painted  and 
true  stories,  either  for  memory  or  ornament,  where  there 
is  no  danger  to  have  them  abused  or  worshipped  with 
religious  honour. 

11.  In  the  use  of  indulgences,  or  abating  the  rigour 
of  the  canons,  imposed  upon  offenders  according  to 
their  repentance,  and  their  want  of  ability  to  undergo 

COSIN.  197 

12.  In  the  administration  of  the  two  Sacraments,  and 
other  rites  of  the  Church,  with  ceremonies  of  decency  and 
order,  according  to  the  precept  of  the  Apostle,  and  the 
free  practice  of  the  ancient  Christians. 

13.  In  observing  such  hoHdays  and  times  of  fasting, 
as  were  in  use  in  the  first  ages  of  the  Church,  or  after- 
wards received  upon  just  grounds,  by  public  and  lawful 

14.  Finally,  in  the  reception  of  all  ecclesiastical  consti- 
tutions and  canons  made  for  the  ordering  of  our  Church  ; 
or  others,  which  are  not  repugnant  either  to  the  Word  of 
God ;  or  the  power  of  kings,  or  the  laws  established  by 
right  authority  in  any  nation. 

Besides  the  collection  of  Private  Devotions,  he  pub- 
lished "  A  Scholastical  History  of  the  Canon  of  the 
Holy  Scripture :  or.  The  certain  and  indubitable  Books 
thereof,  as  they  are  received  in  the  Church  of  England." 
Loudon,  1657,  4to,  reprinted  in  1672.  The  history 
is  deduced  from  the  time  of  the  Jewish  Church,  to  the 
year  1546,  that  is,  the  time  when  the  council  of  Trent 
corrupted,  and  made  unwarrantable  additions  to,  the 
ancient  canon  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Consequently 
it  was  directed  against  the  papists,  and  was  written  by 
the  author  during  his  exile  at  Paris.  He  dedicated  it  to 
Dr.  M.  Wrenn,  Bishop  of  Ely,  then  a  prisoner  in  the 
tower.  Dr.  P.  Gunning  had  the  care  of  the  edition. 
Since  the  Bishop  s  decease  the  following  books  and  tracts 
of  his  have  been  published. 

1.  "A  letter  to  Dr.  Collins,  concerning  the  Sabbath," 
dated  from  Peter-house,  Jan.  24,  1635.  In  which,  speak- 
ing first  of  the  morality  of  the  Sabbath,  he  afiBrms, 
that  the  keeping  of  that  particular  day  was  not  moral, 
neither  by  nature  binding  all  men,  nor  by  precept  bind- 
ing any  other  men  but  the  Jews,  nor  them  further  than 
Christ's  time.  But  then,  adds  he,  whether  one  day 
of  seven,  at  least,  do  not  still  remain  immutably  to  be 
kept  by  us  Christians,  that  have  God's  will  and  ex- 

198  COSIN. 

ample  before,  and  by  yirtue  of  the  rules  of  reason  and 
religion,  is  the  question  ?     And  for  this  he  decides  in  the 
affirmative.     Then  he  proves,   that  the  keeping   of  our 
Sunday  is  immutable,   as  being  grounded   upon   divine 
institution,   and  apostolical  tradition,   which  he  confirms 
by  several  instances.     Next  he  shews,  that  the  schoolmen 
were  the  first  who  began  to  dispute,  or  deny,  this  day  to 
be  of  apostolical   institution,  on  purpose  to  set  up  the 
pope's  power,  to  whom,  they  said,  it  belongeth,  either  to 
change  or  abrogate  the  day.     Towards  the  end,  he  lay© 
down  these  three  positions  against  the  puritans  :   1.  "  The 
observation  of  the  Sunday  in  every  week  is  not  commanded 
us  by  the  fourth  commandment,  as  they  say  it  is.     2.  Nor 
is  our  Sunday  to  be  observed  according  to  the  rule  of  the 
fourth  commandment,   as  they  say  it  is.     3.  Nor  hath  it 
the  qualities  and  conditions  of  the  Sabbath  annexed  to  it, 
as  they  say  it  hath."     2.  There  is  published,  "  A  Letter 
from   Cosin  to  Mr.  Cordel,   dated  Paris,   Feb.  7,   1650." 
It  is  printed  at  the  end  of  a  pamphlet,  entitled,    "  The 
Judgment  of  the  Church  of  England,   in  the  case  of  lay- 
baptism,   and  of  dissenters'  baptism."     3.  Kegni  Anglia? 
Eeligio  Catholica,  prisca,  casta,  defoecata :  omnibus  Chris- 
tianis  Monarchis,  Principibus,  Ordinibus,   ostensa.   anno 
1652.,  i.e.   A  Short    Scheme   of  the   ancient   and   pure 
doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  Church  of  England  ;  written 
at  the  request  of  Sir  Edward  Hyde,  afterwards  Earl  of 
Clarendon.    4.  Historia  Transubstantationis  Papalis.    Cui 
praemittitur,    atque   opponitur,    turn    S.    Scripturas,    turn 
Veterum  Patrum,  &  Pieformatarum  Ecclesiarurn  Doctrina 
Catholica,    de    Sacris    Symbolis,  &  praesentia   Christi   in 
Sacramento  Eucharistse,  i.  e.  The  History  of  Popish  Tran- 
substantiation,  &c.,  written  by  the  author  at  Paris,  for  the 
use  of  some   of  his    countrymen,    who    were    frequently 
attacked  upon   that  point  by  the   Papists.     It  was  pub- 
lished by  Dr.  Durell,  at  London,  1675,  8vo,  and  translated 
into  English  in  1676,  by  Luke  de  Beaulieu,  8vo.     There 
is  a  second  part  still  in  manuscript.     5.  "The  differences 


in  the  chief  points  of  religion,  between  the  Roman  Catholics 
and  us  of  the  Church  of  England;  together  with  the  agree- 
ments which  ^Ye,  for  our  parts,  profess,  and  are  ready  to 
embrace,  if  thej,  for  theirs,  were  as  ready  to  accord  with 
us  in  the  same.  Writteu  to  the  Countess  of  Peterborough." 
6.  "  Notes  on  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer."  Published 
by  Dr.  William  Nicholls,  at  the  end  of  his  Comment  on 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  Lond.  1710,  folio.  7.  "Ac- 
count of  a  Conference  in  Paris,  between  Cyril,  Archbishop 
of  Trapezond,  and  Dr  John  Cosin."  Printed  in  the  same 

The  following  pieces  were  also  written  by  Bishop 
Cosin,  but  never  printed.  1.  "  An  Answer  to  a  Popish 
Pamphlet,  pretending,  that  St.  Cyprian  was  a  Papist." 
2.  "An  Answer  to  four  queries  of  a  Roman  Catholic,  about 
the  Protestant  Religion."  3.  "An  Answer  to  a  paper 
delivered  by  a  Popish  Bishop  to  the  Lord  Inchequin." 
4.  "  Annales  Ecclesiastici,  imperfect."  5.  "x\n  Answer  to 
Father  Robinsons  Papers,  concerning  the  validity  of  the 
Ordinations  of  the  Church  of  England."  6.  "  Historia 
Conciliorum,  imperfect."  7.  "  Against  the  forsakers  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  their  seducers  in  this  time  of  her 
trial."  8.  Chronologia  Sacra,  imperfect.  9.  "A  Treatise 
concerning  the  abuse  of  Auricular  Confession  in  the 
Church  of  Rome." 

His  whole  works  have  been  collected  for  the  first  time 
in  the  Anglo-Catholic  Library. — Smith.  Basire.  Hickes. 
Hutchinson  s  History  of  Durham.   Fuller.    Walker. 


John  Baptist  Cotelerius,  a  learned  Frenchman,  was 
born  at  Nismes,  in  1627.  He  very  early  displayed  great 
abilities  in  the  knowledge  of  the  learned  languages,  and  at 
the  age  of  twelve  was  able  to  construe  the  New  Testament 
in  Greek,  and  the  Old  in  Hebrew,  with  great  ease.  In 
1647  he  took  his  B.D.  degree.  In  1649  he  was  elected  a 
fellow  of  the  Sorbonne.     The  Greek  fathers  were  his  chief 


study :  he  read  their  works  both  printed  and  manuscript 
with  great  exactness  ;  made  notes  upon  them  ;  and  trans- 
lated some  of  them  into  Latin.  In  the  year  1660,  he 
published  four  Homilies  of  St.  Chrysostom  upon  the 
psalms,  and  his  Commentary  upon  Daniel,  with  a  Latin 
translation  and  notes.  Then  he  set  about  his  Collection 
of  those  fathers  who  lived  in  the  apostolic  age  ;  which  he 
published  in  two  volumes  folio  at  Paris,  in  the  year  1672, 
all  reviewed  and  corrected  from  several  manuscripts,  with  a 
Latin  translation  and  notes.  The  editor's  notes  in  this 
performance  are  very  learned,  and  very  curious  :  they 
explain  the  difficulties  in  the  Greek  terms,  clear  up 
several  historical  passages,  and  set  matters  of  belief  and 
discipline  in  a  better  light.  He  had  published  this  work 
some  years  sooner,  but  he  was  interrupted  by  being 
pitched  upon  with  Monsieur  Du  Cange  to  review  the 
manuscripts  in  the  King's  library.  This  task  he  entered 
upon  by  Colbert's  order  in  1667,  and  was  five  years  in 
performing  it. 

In  the  year  1 676,  he  was  made  Greek  professor  in  the 
Royal  Academy  at  Paris,  which  post  he  maintained  during 
his  life  with  the  highest  reputation.  He  had  the  year 
before  published  the  first  volume  of  a  work,  entitled 
Monumenta  Ecclesias  Grsecse,  which  was  a  collection  of 
Greek  tracts  out  of  the  King's,  and  Monsieur  Colbert's 
libraries,  and  had  never  been  published  before.  He 
added  a  Latin  translation  and  notes  ;  which,  though  not 
so  large  as  those  upon  the  Patres  Apostolici,  are  said  to 
be  very  curious.  The  first  volume  was  printed  in  the 
year  1675,  the  second  in  1681,  and  the  third  in  1686. 
He  intended  to  have  continued  this  work  if  he  had  lived. 
Upon  the  third  of  August,  1686,  he  was  seized  with  an 
inflammatory  disorder  in  his  breast,  which  required  him 
to  be  let  blood  :  but  Cotelerius  had  such  a  dislike  to  this 
operation,  that,  sooner  than  undergo  it,  he  dissembled  his 
illness,  when,  at  last  he  consented,  it  was  too  late,  for  he 
died  upon  the  10th  of  the  same  month,  when  he  was  not 
sixty  years  of  age. — Moreri.     Baluzius. 



Peter  Francis  Courayer  was  born  at  Rouen,  in  Nor- 
mandy, where  his  father  was  president  of  the  Court  of 
Justice,  November  17,  1681  ;  received  his  first  scientific 
instruction  at  Vernon ;  came  in  his  1 4th  year  to  the 
College  of  Beauvais  at  Paris  ;  and  in  the  same  place 
entered  two  years  later  the  congregation  of  St.  Genevieve. 
There  he  honourably  distinguished  himself  by  his  talents 
and  scientific  efforts,  so  that  in  1706  he  was  appointed 
presbyter  of  his  congregation,  and  also  professor  of  theo- 
logy. After  he  had  performed  the  duties  of  this  office  up 
to  August,  1711,  the  oversight  of  the  rich  library  of  the 
abbey  was  given  into  his  hands. 

While  canon  and  librarian  of  the  Augustinian  abbey  of 
St.  Genevieve,  he  projected  his  great  work,  A  Dissertation 
on  the  Validity  of  the  Ordinations  of  the  English,  and  of 
the  Succession  of  the  Bishops  of  the  Anglican  Church. 
The  origin  of  this  work  is  as  follows :  having  been  engaged 
in  reading  Abbe  Renaudot's  "  Memoire  sur  la  validite  des 
Ordinations  des  Anglois,"  inserted  in  Abbe  Gould  s  "  La 
veritable  croyance  de  I'eglise  Catholique,"  he  was  induced 
to  enter  into  a  farther  examination  of  that  subject.  Ac- 
cordingly he  drew  up  a  memoir  upon  it,  for  his  own  satis- 
faction only,  but  which  grew  insensibly  into  a  treatise : 
and  at  the  instance  of  some  friends  to  whom  it  was  com- 
municated, he  was  at  length  prevailed  with  to  consent  to 
its  publication.  He  therefore  made  the  usual  application 
for  permission  to  print  it ;  and  obtained  the  approbation 
of  Mons.  Arnaudin,  the  royal  licenser  of  the  press.  Some 
persons,  however,  afterwards  found  means  to  prevail  on 
the  chancellor  to  refuse  to  affix  the  seal  to  the  approbation 
of  the  licenser.  Terms  were  proposed  to  Father  Courayer, 
to  which  he  could  not  accede,  and  he  gave  up  all  thoughts 
of  pubhshing.  Some  of  his  friends,  however,  being  in 
possession  of  a  copy,  resolved  to  print  it :  and  this  obliged 
him  to  acquiesce  in  the  publication.  When  he  first  wrote 
his  treatise,   all  his  materials  were  taken  from  printed 


authorities,  and  he  had  no  acquaintance  or  correspondence 
in  England.  But  sundry  difficulties,  which  occurred  to 
him  in  the  course  of  his  inquiries,  suggested  to  him  the 
propriety  of  writing  to  England,  in  order  to  obtain  clearer 
information  on  some  points ;  and  knowing  that  a  corres- 
pondence had  been  carried  on  between  Dr.  Wake,  then 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  Dr.  Dupin,  on  the  project 
of  re-uniting  the  Churches  of  England  and  France,  he 
took  the  liberty,  in  1721,  although  entirely  unknown  to 
that  prelate,  to  desire  his  information  respectiug  some 
particulars.  The  Archbishop  answered  his  inquiries  with 
great  readiness,  candour,  and  politeness,  and  many  letters 
passed  between  them  on  this  occasion.  Father  Courayer's 
book  was  at  length  published  in  1723,  in  two  volumes 
small  8vo. 

The  intention  of  Courayer  in  this  work  is  thus  described 
by  himself  in  his  preface,  and  what  he  designed  he  ably 
accomplished.  "  In  order,"  he  says,  "  to  treat  this  subject 
with  some  method,  I  shall  first  set  forth  the  chauges  that 
have  happened  in  the  Church  of  England  with  regard  to 
the  succession  of  their  Bishops,  and  their  ordination.  I 
shall  shew  afterwards  that  notwithstanding  the  changes 
introduced  by  Edward  the  Sixth  in  the  Ordinal,  there 
was  nothing  essential  omitted  in  the  consecration  of 
Parker,  who  is  the  origin  and  source  of  the  English 
ministry,  such  as  it  subsists  at  this  day.  In  the  chapters 
that  follow,  I  shall  prove  the  truth  of  Barlow's  consecra- 
tion, upon  which  that  of  Parker  depends  ;  and  I  shall 
endeavour  to  refute  all  the  arguments  which  are  brought 
against  it.  In  fine,  in  discussing  some  general  difficulties 
which  are  made  use  of  to  attack  the  validity  of  the  new 
ordinations,  I  shall  endeavour  to  lay  down  principles  and 
maxims  which  may  serve  not  only  to  establish  the  good- 
ness of  the  English  ordinations,  but  also  to  the  decision 
of  other  facts  that  might  happen  of  the  same  kind.  I 
shall  moreover  examine  with  some  care,  what  authority  a 
national  Church  may  challenge  in  what  concerns  the 
administration  of  the  Sacraments :  and  1  hope  to  make  it 


evident,  that  the  Church  of  England  has  not  exceeded  her 
powers  in  those  alterations  she  thought  it  right  to  make 
in  her  rites.  By  the  examination  of  all  these  facts,  and 
of  these  principles,  it  will  be  easy  to  decide  what  ought  to 
be  thought  of  the  practice  of  many  Bishops,  who  re-ordain 
the  English ;  and  I  think  men  will  be  easily  convinced 
by  the  proofs  we  have  produced,  that  this  custom  is  con- 
trary to  all  the  received  maxims  of  the  Church  in  the 
matter  of  re-ordinations,  and  that  it  is  founded  only  upon 
chimerical  facts,  upon  opinions  that  are  abandoned,  and 
and  upon  doubts  that  have  no  foundation." 

The  value  of  this  work  is  very  great.  It  is  to  be 
remembered  that  it  was  written  by  a  Romanist,  not  with 
a  view  of  defending  the  Church  of  England,  but  with  the 
design  of  establishing  a  position  for  the  practice  of  his 
own  communion.  The  question  which  Courayer  discussed 
professedly,  was  this,  whether  clergymen  of  the  Church 
of  England  conforming  to  the  Church  of  Rome  should  be 
re-ordained,  and  whether  in  the  event  of  the  Church  of 
England  forming  an  alliance  with  the  Church  of  Rome, 
the  validity  of  her  orders  should  be  recognized.  This 
double  question  Courayer  answered  in  the  affirmative. 
On  other  points,  such  as  the  justifiableness  of  our  reform- 
ation, and  our  keeping  ourselves  separate  from  Rome, 
he  takes  part  against  us.  The  one  point  to  which  he 
addresses  himself,  however,  is  so  ably  argued,  that  the  very 
fact  of  his  disagreeing  with  us  on  the  other  points  makes 
his  arguments  of  greater  weight.  And  the  defence  of  the 
Church  of  England,  on  points  whereupon  he  ventures  to 
censure  her  is  easy.  There  is  no  one  point  on  which 
Romish  controversialists  have  more  frequently  resorted  to 
evil  speaking,  lying  and  slandering,  than  upon  that  which 
relates  to  our  orders,  and  it  is  not  wonderful  that  their 
conduct  should  have  disgusted  an  honest  mind  like  that 
of  Courayer. 

Courayer's  work  was  translated  into  English  by  the 
Rev.  Daniel  Williams,  and  published  at  London  in  one 
volume  8vo,   under  the  title  :   "A  Defence  of  the  vahdity 


of  the  English  Ordinations,  and  of  the  Succession  of  the 
Bishops  in  the  Church  of  England  :  together  with  proofs 
justifying  the  facts  advanced  in  this  treatise."  Father 
Courayer's  work  was  immediately  attacked  by  several 
popish  wTiters,  particularly  by  father  le  Quien  and  father 
Hardouin.  Rutin  1726  he  published,  in  four  volumes 
12mo,  "  Defense  de  la  Dissertation  sur  la  validite  des 
Ordinations  des  Anglois,  centre  les  differentes  responses 
qui  y  ont  ete  faites.  Avec  les  preuves  justificatives  des 
faits  avencez  dans  cet  ouvrage.  Par  lAuteur  de  la  Dis- 
sertation." An  English  translation  of  this  also  was  after- 
wards published  at  London,  in  two  volumes  8vo,  under 
the  following  title  :  "  A  Defence  of  the  Dissertation  on 
the  validity  of  the  Enghsh  Ordinations,"  &c. 

But  father  Courayer  was  not  only  attacked  by  those 
writers  who  published  books  against  him :  he  was  like- 
wise censured  both  by  the  mandates,  and  by  the  assem- 
blies of  several  bishops,  and  particularly  by  Cardinal  De 
Noailles,  x\rchbishop  of  Paris,  and  the  Bishop  of  Mar- 
seilles. During  this  time  he  retired  from  Paris  into  the 
country,  but  was  recalled  by  his  superior  to  reside  at  the 
priory  of  Hennemonte,  four  leagues  from  Paris.  Here  he 
received  a  diploma  for  the  degree  of  doctor  in  divinity 
from  the  university  of  Oxford,  dated  August  28,  1727 : 
and  from  hence  he  returned  his  thanks  to  the  university 
in  an  elegant  Latin  letter,  dated  Dec.  1,  the  same  year, 
both  of  which  he  afterwards  printed.  But  though  this 
book  had  procured  this  honourable  testimonial  of  his  merit 
from  an  English  university,  his  enemies  in  Fiance  were  not 
satisfied  with  publishing  censures  and  issuing  episcopal 
mandates  against  him,  but  proceeded  to  measures  for 
compelling  him  to  recant  what  he  had  written,  and  to 
sign  such  submissions  as  were  inconsistent  with  the 
dictates  of  his  conscience.  In  this  critical  state  of  things, 
he  resolved  to  quit  his  native  country,  and  to  seek  an 
asylum  in  England.  He  was  the  more  inclined  to 
embrace  this  resolution,  in  consequence  of  the  warm  and 
friendly  invitations  which  he   had   received  from  Arch- 


bishop  Wake,  who  had  conceived  a  great  regard  for  him. 
After  having  spent  four  months  very  disagreeably  at 
Hennemonte,  he  obtained  leave  to  remove  to  Senlis  ;  but, 
instead  of  going  thither,  he  took  the  road  to  Calais  in 
the  common  stage  coach,  from  thence  got  safely  over  to 
Dover,  and  arrived  in  London  on  the  Qith  of  January, 

On  his  landing  at  Greenwich  Viscount  Perceval,  after- 
wards Earl  of  Egmont,  sent  his  coach  with  six  horses  to 
convey  him  to  his  house,  which  he  desired  the  doctor  to 
consider,  and  to  use,  as  his  own  :  after  dinner  his  lord- 
ship made  him  a  handsome  present.  Next  day  Dr.  Wake, 
then  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  him  to  dine  at  his 
palace  at  Lambeth,  and  made  him  a  like  present.  Bishop 
Hare,  Bishop  Sherlock,  and  several  other  prelates,  treated 
him  with  similar  generosity ;  and  soon  after  his  arrival, 
the  Marquis  of  Blandford  made  him  a  present  of  fifty 
pounds,  through  the  hands  of  Nicholas  Mann,  Esq.,  after- 
wards master  of  the  Charter-house. 

It  is  pleasing  to  be  able  to  say  with  certainty,  to  the 
honour  of  this  nation,  that  very  many  of  the  tables  and 
houses  of  the  great  were  generously  opened  for  the  recep- 
tion of  P.  Courayer,  from  the  first  moment  of  his  arrival 
in  England.  He  secured  his  future  constant  welcome  by 
his  own  merits,  and  an  instructive,  entertaining,  and  in- 
offensive manner  of  conversation. 

He  got  early  into  the  habit  of  living,  for  months  toge- 
ther, in  one  or  other  of  the  first  families  in  this  kingdom  ; 
and  at  the  diiferent  habitations  of  the  Countess  of  Hert- 
ford, afterwards  Duchess  of  Somerset,  it  was  not  unusual 
for  him  to  make  visits  of  six  months  at  a  time. 

He  did  not,  however,  continue  very  long  a  precarious 
pensioner  on  the  bounty  of  our  nobility,  prelates,  and 
gentry,  who  were  not  deficient  in  their  generosity  and 
attention  to  him.  A  national  pension  of  £1 00  per  annum 
was  settled  upon  him.  In  173G  this  pension  was  doubled 
by  Queen  Caroline,  who,  vviih  ail  her  faults,  was  a  uiuuifi- 



cent  patroness  of  men  of  letters,  and  of  indigent  merit 
To  her  he  dedicated  his  French  translation  of  "Father 
Paul's  History  of  the  council  of  Trent, '"  published  in  that 
year ;  and  his  dedication  is  penned  in  a  strain  of  lively 
and  heartfelt  gratitude. 

By  the  sale  of  the  translation  just  mentioned  he  cleared, 
it  is  said,  £1500,  and  was  enabled  to  give  £1000  to  Lord 
Feversham  for  an  annuity  of  £100,  which  he  enjoyed  for 
almost  forty  years. 

P.  Courayer,  after  his  coming  into  this  country,  was 
never  in  want  of  anything  that  was  necessary  for  him, 
or  that  could  contribute  to  the  comfort  of  his  life,  which 
he  protracted  to  the  very  advanced  age  of  ninety-five  years. 
By  degrees,  and  in  no  great  length  of  time,  he  got  into 
very  affluent  circumstances,  and  was  in  the  receipt  of  very 
much  more  money  yearly  than  his  frugal  mode  of  living 

He  wrote  some  other  books  in  French,  besides  those 
that  have  been  mentioned  ;  and,  in  particular,  he  tran- 
slated into  that  language  Sleidan's  "  History  of  the  Refor- 
mation." He  died  in  Downing- Street,  Westminster,  after 
two  days  illness,  on  the  17th  of  October,  1776.  Accord- 
ing to  his  own  desire,  he  was  buried  in  the  cloister 
of  Westminster  Abbey,  by  Dr.  Bell,  chaplain  to  the 
Princess  Amelia.  In  his  will,  which  was  dated  Feb.  3, 
1774,  he  declared,  "  That  he  died  a  member  of  the  catholic 
Church,  but  without  approving  of  many  of  the  opinions 
and  superstitions  which  have  been  introduced  into  the 
Romish  Church,  and  taught  in  their  schools  and  semina- 
ries, and  which  they  have  insisted  on  as  articles  of  faith, 
though  to  him  they  appeared  to  be  not  only  not  founded 
in  truth,  but  also  to  be  highly  improbable.'" 

Such  was  the  life,  and  such,  so  far  as  appeared  to  the 
public  during  his  life,  were  the  doctrinal  views  of  Courayer: 
it  is  melancholy  to  be  obliged  to  add,  that  it  subsequently 
came  to  light,  by  means  of  two  posthumous  works,  that 
towards  the  close,  at  least,  of  the  long  period  of  his  earthly 

COVEL.  207 

existence,  he  had  fallen  into  unsound  views  even  on  the 
fundamental  doctrines  of  the  Trinity  and  the  Incarnation. 

As  to  the  former,  he  acquiesced  indeed  in  the  language 
of  the  Church,  of  the  Three  Persons  in  one  Substance,  but 
attempting  to  explain  this  language  otherwise  than  in  the 
received  waj-,  he  fell  apparently  into  a  kind  of  modified 
Sabellianism,  or,  to  say  the  least,  into  a  very  near  approxi- 
mation to  such  a  view.  As  regards  the  doctrine  of  the 
Incarnation,  he  appears  to  have  adopted  a  kind  of  Nesto- 
rian  idea.  It  must  be  observed,  how^ever,  that  he  seems 
to  have  thought  that  he  agreed  in  substance  with  the 
catholic  and  orthodox  doctrine,  and  differed  only  from  the 
*'  common"  or  received  way  of  expJaining  it ;  and  that  he 
defended  the  maintainers  of  orthodoxy  from  the  charges 
made  by  the  Socinians  against  them. 

On  the  doctrine,  too,  of  original  sin,  his  views  were  very 

With  respect,  too,  to  the  Atonement,  there  is  in  both 
these  treatises  a  silence  v.iiich,  particularly  when  taken  in 
connection  with  the  Pelagian  views  just  mentioned,  is  by 
no  means  satisfactory.  He  defends,  however,  the  doctrine 
of  a  commemorative  Sacrifice  in  the  Eucharist. 

When  his  posthumous  works  were  published,  Socinian- 
ism  was  prevalent  in  this  country,  and  Socinians  laid 
claim  to  Courayer,  but  from  the  above  statement  taken 
from  the  preface  to  the  Oxford  Edition  of  the  Dissertation, 
and  compared  with  the  quotation  from  his  will,  the  reader 
will  perceive  that  whatever  were  Courayer's  errors,  to  the 
soul-destroying  heresy  of  the  Socinians  he  was  decidedly 
opposed. — Courayer's  Dissertation,  Oxford  Edition.  Allge- 
meine  Encyclopadie.  Courayer  s  Last  Sentiments,  uith  Ac- 
count of  Author  prefixed. 


John  Covel  was  born  at  Horningsheath,  in  Suffolk,  in 
1638,  and  educated  at  Edmundsbury,  from  whence  he 
removed,  in    1654,    to    Christ's   College,    Cambridge,   of 

208  COVEL. 

which  he  became  fellow.  In  1670  he  went  to  Constan- 
tinople as  chaplain  to  the  embassy.  This  appointment 
occasioned  the  publication  of  the  work  by  which  his  name 
is  now  known,  Some  Account  of  the  Present  Greek  Church, 
though  the  publication  was  delayed  till  a  short  time  before 
his  death.  In  the  preface  he  remarks  "that  many  learned 
men  all  over  Europe  have  been  very  inquisitive,  especially 
in  these  last  two  centuries,  about  the  constitutions  and 
doctrines  of  the  Eastern  Churches,  especially  that  of  the 
Greeks ;  and  we  have  had  several  treatises  and  narratives 
printed  upon  that  subject.  At  last  arose  that  famous 
controversy  between  those  two  eminent  Frenchmen,  Mon- 
sieur Arnold,  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  and  Monsieur  Claud, 
minister  of  Charenton,  about  the  Real  Presence  in  the 
Eucharist.  The  first  positively  asserting,  that  the  Greeks 
and  all  other  Christians  in  the  east  did  own  it  in  the 
very  sense  of  the  school  term,  transubstantiation,  accord- 
ing to  the  council  of  Trent,  and  that  it  was  handed 
down  to  them,  by  an  uninterrupted  tradition  even  from 
the  Apostles  themselves ;  the  second,  as  positively  deny- 
ing it. 

"  All  Greeks  who  travelled  or  straggled  this  way  amongst 
the  Europeans  were  every  where  nicely  catechised  and 
examined  about  this  point ;  and  I  remember  that  about 
the  year  1668,  1669,  there  was  one  'ir^Epta?  n^/xavo?, 
Jeremias  Germanus  here  in  England,  at  Oxford  (well 
known  to  Dr.  Woodroof)  and  elsewhere,  who  told  every 
body  that  the  Greeks  believed  no  such  thing,  but  that 
they  owned  the  elements  to  remain  after  consecration,  as 
our  Church  doth,  still  mere  and  true  bread  and  wine. 

"  In  the  year  1670  I  was  appointed  and  sent  as  chaplain 
to  his  excellency  Sir  Daniel  Harvey,  then  Ambassador 
from  King  Charles  the  Second  at  the  Ottoman  Porte ; 
this  caused  the  Reverend  Dr.  Gunning  and  Dr.  Pearson 
(then  our  two  public  professors  at  Cambridge)  Dr.  San- 
croft,  Dr.  Womock,  and  several  others  to  importune  me 
strictly  to  enquire  into  this  matter  after  I  arrived  at 


The  work  is  very  learned,  and  is  on  that  account  in- 
teresting, but  it  does  not  throw  much  Hght  upon  the  then 
existing  Greek  Church,  and  might  have  been  written  for 
the  most  part  bj  one  who  had  never  been  at  Constanti- 
nople. He.  complains  of  the  extreme  ignorance  of  the 
"  Easterlings,"  as  he  calls  them,  though  he  says  they  were 
not  more  ignorant  than  the  generality  of  Romish  priests  ; 
the  Romanists  understanding  no  Greek,  and  the  Easter- 
lings no  Latin.  Of  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  be 
says  that  it  was  not  introduced  into  the  Greek  Church  till 
after  the  taking  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks,  that  is, 
till  after  the  year  1453.  In  1679,  he  took  his  degree  of 
D.D.,  and  was  chosen  Margaret  preacher  of  divinity.  The 
next  year  he  was  presented  to  the  living  of  Littlebury,  in 
Essex,  and  in  1687  was  made  chancellor  of  York,  and  the 
next  year  master  of  Christ  College,  Cambridge.  He  died 
in  17'2'2. — Covets  Greek  Church.     Blog.  Brit. 


Miles  Coverdale  was  born  in  Yorkshire,  in  the  year 
1488,  and  was  educated  in  the  convent  of  Augustines  in 
Cambridge,  of  which  order  he  became  a  monk.  In  his 
time,  although  our  Church  was  corrupted  by  the  errors  of 
popery,  there  were  some  young  men  at  the  university,  who 
had  begun  to  suspect  that  a  reformation  was  necessary, 
and  of  this  number  was  Miles  Coverdale. 

In  1514  he  was  ordained  priest  at  Norwich,  by  John, 
Bishop  of  Chalcedon.  But  he  appears  to  have  resided 
still  at  Cambridge,  where  the  new  school  of  theology 
continued  to  gain  strength.  Between  the  reforming  and 
the  Romish  prelates  in  our  Church  disputes  now  became 
frequent,  and  the  peace  of  the  university  was  disturbed  by 
preachers  coming  up  from  the  country  to  protest  against 
the  Reformation  ;  while  the  advocates  of  the  old  doctrines 
by  these  university  preachers  represented  as  new,  took 


courage  to  defend  themselves,  till  at  last  Dr.  Barnes  was 
apprehended,  and  the  Heads  of  Houses  caused  a  diligent 
search  to  be  made  for  the  prohibited  books, — the  books 
relating  to  the  necessity  of  a  reform  in  the  Church,  and 
especially  the  Bible. 

Coverdale  now  took  a  more  decided  part ;  he  laid  aside 
the  habit  of  a  monk,  and  assuming  that  of  a  secular 
priest,  he  went  about  preaching  at  different  places,  till  at 
last  he  thought  it  prudent  to  quit  the  country.  In  1528 
he  joined  Tyndal  in  Germany,  who,  in  1526,  had  published 
the  whole  of  the  New  Testament  in  English.  It  was  printed 
at  Antwerp,  and  from  thence  imported  into  England. 
There  were  several  ancient  translations  in  England,  for  it 
is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  before  the  Reformation  no 
translations  were  allowed.  Long  before  Wickliff's  trans- 
lation, some  hundred  years,  as  Thomas  James  conjectures, 
there  was  a  translation  of  the  whole  Bible  in  English,  of 
which  there  are  three  copies  at  Oxford.  And  John 
Thursby,  Archbishop  of  York,  who  died  in  1373,  publicly 
condemned  the  prelates  and  clergy  who  then  began  to 
withhold  the  Scriptures  from  the  people.  There  was  a 
translation  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  by  John 
Trevisa,  vicar  of  Berkley,  in  Cornwall,  which  was  pub- 
lished, according  to  Archbishop  Usher,  in  1360,  and 
according  to  Mr.  Wharton,  in  1387.  In  1347  Richard 
Fitzralph,  commonly  called  Armachanus,  as  being  Arch- 
bishop of  Armagh,  translated  the  Bible  into  Irish.  These 
facts  are  worthy  of  note,  for  they  seem  to  contradict  the 
popular  notion,  that  by  our  Church  before  the  Reforma- 
tion, all  versions  of  Scripture  were  prohibited.  That  about 
the  time  of  our  Reformation  the  ignorant  but  more  popular 
party  in  the  church  had  much  fear  of  a  translation  of  the 
Bible,  and  that  the  majority  of  the  bishops  sided  with  the 
popular  preachers  upon  this  point,  is  most  true.  They 
were  afraid  lest  the  traditions  by  which  they  made  the 
word  of  God  of  none  effect,  should  be  by  fresh  light  ex- 
p'v)sed,  not  only  to  others,  but  to  themselves.      But  the  law 


as  it  existed,  while  it  acknowledged  all  the  translations 
which  had  been  made  before  the  time  of  .Wickliff  to  be 
lawful,  prohibited  any  fresh  translation  without  authority. 
Tyndal  therefore  could  not  print  his  New  Testament  in 

Coverdale  met  Tyndal  at  Hamburgh,  and  assisted  him 
in  the  translation  of  part  of  the  Old  Testament,  that  is,  of 
the  whole  of  the  Pentateuch. 

What  became  of  Coverdale  till  the  year  1535  is  not 
known,  but  in  that  year  he  published  his  translation  of 
the  whole  Bible.     It  was  printed  at  Zurich. 

The  reforming  party  in  England  had  by  this  time  pro- 
ceeded to  very  great  excesses,  especially  in  their  calum- 
nies against  the  bishops.  The  bishops,  as  the  controlling 
authorities,  though  influenced  in  the  long  run  by  a  move- 
ment, are  called  upon  by  every  motive  to  pause  before 
they  act.  The  bishops  of  our  church  at  this  time  seem 
to  have  acted  with  wisdom  and  caution.  They  saw  that 
something  must  be  done  to  meet  the  general  demand  for 
a  version  of  Scripture,  and  Archbishop  Wacham  in  letters 
testimonial,  declared  it  to  be  the  intention  of  the  King  to 
have  the  New  Testament  translated  under  the  direction  of 
the  bishops.  He  met  the  popular  cry  at  the  same  time  of 
the  clergy,  and  prohibited  the  various  tracts  of  the  new 
school,  which  they  pronounced  to  be  heretical. 

The  progress  of  the  new  opinions  may  be  traced  in  the 
fact,  that  it  was  decreed  by  the  convocation  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Canterbury,  in  1533,  that  the  Holy  Scriptures 
should  be  translated  into  the  vulgar  tongue ;  a  decree 
which  was  repeated  in  the  convocation  of  1534  ;  at  the 
same  time  all  persons  having  books  of  suspected  doctrine 
in  the  vulgar  tongue  were  required  to  bring  them  in. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Coverdale  w^as 
emboldened,  in  1535,  to  publish  his  translation  of  the 
Bible  in  small  folio.  It  is  disgraced  by  a  dedication  tilled 
with  the  most  disgusting  flattery  of  the  royal  sensualist, 
King  Henry  the  Eighth,  and  by  a  violent  attack  upon 
the  Romish  party  in  the  church,  which  could  only  have 


made  the  minds  of  the  more  bigoted  Romanists  revolt 
against  the  new  doctrines  of  which  such  was  the  fruit. 
One  is  surprised  that  a  man,  fresh  from  the  translation 
of  the  Bible,  should  have  evinced  in  his  flattery  and  in 
his  anathema  such  a  spirit. 

It  is  a  matter  of  dispute  whether  this  Bible  was  cir- 
culated with  the  King's  sanction.  It  is  supposed  that  for 
a  time  the  object  of  Coverdale's  flattery  approved  of  it,  but 
that  when  Ann  BuUeyn  fell  into  disgrace,  and  the  royal 
reformer  had  transferred  his  affections  to  another,  all  her 
adherents,  and  all  that  she  supported,  became  no  longer 
tolerable  to  the  King. 

In  1537  was  published  what  is  called  Matthew's  Bible, 
though  this  was  a  fictitious  name.  It  was  set  forth  by 
"  the  King's  most  gracious  leave;"  and  was  taken,  as  far 
as  it  would  go,  as  Mr.  I^ewis  says,  from  Tyndal's  transla- 
tion and  Coverdale's. 

The  prologue  and  prefatory  pieces  attached  to  this 
Bible  gave  offence  ;  and  we  find  Coverdale  superintend- 
ing a  new  edition  undertaken  by  Grafton  at  Paris. 

The  presses  being  seized  by  the  Inquisition,  this 
edition  was  finished  and  published  in  London,  in  April, 
1539.  It  is  often  called  Cranmer's  Bible,  because  some 
copies  have  Cranmer's  prologue  in  them  ;  but  it  seems 
doubtful  whether,  in  such  cases,  the  prologue  is  not  that 
of  the  real  Cranmer's  Bible  of  1540,  bound  up  in  the 
edition  of  1539. 

On  the  accession  of  Edward  VI.,  Coverdale,  who  seems 
never  to  have  been  ambitious  of  martyrdom,  and  who  had 
lived  in  Germany,  returned  to  England,  when  he  was 
made  almoner  to  the  Queen  Dowager.  In  1548  he 
preached  at  St.  Paul's  Cross,  when  an  anabaptist  did 
penance.  He  sat  on  the  commission  in  1551,  under 
which  Van  Paris  was  burnt  for  Arianism :  and  in  the 
same  year  he  was  appointed  coadjutor  to  Veysey,  Bishop 
of  Exeter,  or  in  fact  superseded  him ;  Veysey,  who  had  so 
far  entered  into  the  spirit  of  the  courtly  reformers,  as  to 
have  squandered  the  temporalities  of  his  see,  while  he  did 


not  embrace  the  purer  doctrines  of  the  more  religious 
reformers,  was  induced,  for  fear  of  exposure  probably,  to 
resign.  As  bishop,  Coverdale  seems  to  have  conducted 
himself  with  great  propriety  of  conduct,  to  have  preached 
often,  and  to  have  neglected  none  of  the  duties  of  his 

When  Queen  Mary  came  to  the  throne  he  was  deprived 
of  his  bishopric,  because  he  was  a  married  man,  and  un- 
willing to  part  from  his  wife.  As  a  monk  he  must  have 
taken  the  vow  of  celibacy,  and  therefore  his  marriage  was 
a  scandal.  In  the  new  reign  the  Romish  party  in  our 
church  regained  the  ascendency,  and  the  marriage  of 
the  clergy  was,  in  their  opinion,  under  any  circumstances 
censurable,  though  the  New  Testament  is  so  very  clear 
in  asserting  that  estate  to  be  honourable  among  them,  as 
well  as  among  other  men.  Whether  Coverdale  was  placed 
under  constraint  does  not  appear,  but  he  certainly  signed 
the  protestation  of  certain  imprisoned  divines.  By  the 
interference  of  the  King  of  Denmark,  he  was  permitted  to 
retire  to  that  country.  After  staying  some  time  in  Den- 
mark he  proceeded  to  Wezel,  where  he  officiated  to  the 
English  refugees.  The  interest  of  the  King  of  Denmark 
was  exerted  in  his  favour  through  his  chaplain.  Dr.  John 
Machaboeus.  Machaboeus  and  Coverdale  had  married 
sisters.  From  Wezel  he  went  to  Bergzabern,  a  benefice 
conferred  upon  him  by  Wcelfgang,  Duke  of  Deux  Fonts. 
Thence  he  went  to  Geneva,  when  the  Geneva  Bible  was 
in  the  course  of  printing. 

On  the  death  of  Mary  he  returned  to  England,  entirely 
won  over  to  the  ultra-pro testant  views  of  the  Genevan 
reformers,  a  complete  calvinist.  But  he  appears  to  have 
been  a  man  of  gentle  spirit  notwithstanding  the  violence 
of  temper  he  displayed  in  the  dedication  of  his  Bible, 
and  perhaps  was  easily  influenced  to  a  certain  point  by 
those  with  whom  he  associated.  We  thus  find  him 
officiating  at  the  consecration  of  Dr.  Parker,  who  was  the 
successor  of  cardinal  Pole  in  the  see  of  Canterbury,  but 
refusing  to  wear  the  episcopal  dress. 


The  ceremonial  on  this  occasion  was  of  a  grand  descrip- 
tion, and  is  thus  described  by  Strype  :  "  First  of  all,  the 
chapel  on  the  east  part  was  adorned  with  tapestry,  and 
the  floor  was  spread  with  red  cloth,  and  the  table  used  for 
the  celebration  of  the  holy  Sacrament,  being  adorned 
with  a  carpet  and  cushion,  was  placed  at  the  east.  More- 
over, four  chairs  were  set  to  the  south  of  the  east  part  of 
the  chapel  for  the  bishops,  to  whom  the  office  of  conse- 
crating the  Archbishop  was  committed.  There  was  also 
a  bench  placed  before  the  chairs,  spread  with  a  carpet  and 
cushions,  on  which  the  bishops  kneeled.  And  in  like 
manner  a  chair,  and  a  bench  furnished  with  a  carpet  and 
a  cushion,  was  set  for  the  Archbishop  on  the  north  side  of 
the  east  part  of  the  same  chapel. 

"  These  things  being  thus  in  their  order  prepared, 
about  five  or  six  in  the  morning,  the  Archbishop  entereth 
the  chapel  by  the  west  door,  having  on  a  long  scarlet 
gown  and  a  hood,  with  four  torches  carried  before  him, 
and  accompanied  with  four  bishops,  who  were  to  conse- 
crate him  ;  to  wit,  William  Barlow,  John  Scory,  Miles 
Coverdale,  and  John  Hodgkin,  suffragan  of  Bedford. 
After  each  of  them  in  their  order  had  taken  their  seats 
prepared  for  them,  morning  prayer  was  said  with  a  loud 
voice  by  Andrew  Pierson,  the  Archbishop's  chaplain. 
Which  being  finished,  Scory  went  up  into  the  pulpit,  and 
taking  for  his  text.  The  elders  which-  are  among  you  I 
beseech,  being  also  a  fellow  elder,  dc,  made  an  elegant 
sermoD,  admonishing  the  pastor  of  his  office,  care,  and 
faithfulness  towards  his  flock ;  and  the  flock,  of  the  love, 
duty,  and  reverence  they  owed  to  their  pastor. 

"  Sermon  being  done,  the  Archbishop,  together  with  the 
other  four  bishops,  go  out  of  the  chapel  to  prepare  them- 
selves for  the  holy  communion  :  and,  without  any  stay, 
they  come  in  again  at  the  north  door  thus  clad  :  the 
Archbishop  had  on  a  linen  surplice,  the  elect  of  Chi- 
chester used  a  silk  cope,  being  to  administer  the  Sacra- 
ment. On  whom  attended  and  yielded  their  service  the 
Archbishop's    two   chaplains,    Nicolas    Bullingham    and 


Edmund  Gest,  the  one  Archdeacon  of  Lincoln,  and  the 
other  of  Canterbury,  having  on  hkewise  silk  copes.  The 
elect  of  Hereford  and  the  suffragan  of  Bedford  wore 
linen  surplices  :  but  Miles  Coverdale  had  nothing  but  a 
long  clotli  gown.  Being  in  this  manner  appareled  and 
prepared,  they  proceed  to  celebrate  the  communion,  the 
Archbishop  beiug  on  his  bended  knees  at  the  lowest  step 
of  the  chapel.  The  Gospel  being  ended,  the  elect  of 
Hereford,  the  suffragan  of  Bedford,  and  Miles  Coverdale, 
brought  the  Archbishop  before  the  elect  of  Chichester, 
sitting  in  a  chair  at  the  table,  with  these  words ;  Eeverend 
Father  in  God,  we  ojfer  and  present  to  you  this  godly  and 
learned  man  to  he  consecrated  Archbishop.  This  being 
spoken,  forthwith  was  produced  the  royal  instrument  or 
mandate  for  the  Archbishop's  consecration :  which  being 
read  through  by  Thomas  Yale,  doctor  of  laws,  the  oath 
of  the  Queen's  primacy,  or  of  defending  her  supreme 
authority,  set  forth  and  promulgated  according  to  the 
statute  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
was  required  of  the  said  Archbishop.^  Which  when  he 
solemnly  had  performed  verbis  concejjtis,  the  elect  of 
Chichester  having  exhorted  the  people  to  prayer,  betook 
himself  to  sing  the  litany,  the  choir  answering.  Which 
being  ended,  after  some  questions  propounded  to  the 
Archbishop  by  the  elect  of  Chichester,  and  the  makiog 
some  prayers  and  suffrages  to  God,  according  to  the  form 
of  the  book  put  forth  by  authority  of  Parliament,  the 
elects  of  Chichester  and  Hereford,  the  suffragan  of  Bed- 
ford, and  Coverdale,  laying  their  hand  upon  the  Arch- 
bishop, said  in  English,  'Take  the  Holy  Ghost;  and 
remember  that  thou  stir  up  the  grace  of  God  which  is  in 
thee  by  imposition  of  hands.  For  God  hath  not  given  us 
the  spirit  of  fear,  but  of  power,  and  love,  and  soberness.' 
These  words  being  said,  they  delivered  the  holy  Bible  into 
his  hands,  using  these  words  to  him  ;  '  Give  heed  unto 
thy  reading,  exhortation,  and  doctrine.  Think  upon 
these  things  contained  in  this  book;  be  diligent  in  them, 
that  the  increase  coming  thereby  may  be  manifest  unto  all 


men.  Take  heed  unto  thyself,  and  unto  thy  teaching, 
and  be  dihgent  in  doing  them.  For  in  doing  this,  thou 
Bhalt  save  thyself,  and  them  that  hear  thee,  through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord.'  After  they  had  said  these  things,  the 
elect  of  Chichester  (delivering  no  pastoral  staff  to  the 
Archbishop)  proceeded  to  the  other  solemnities  of  the 
communion ;  with  whom  the  Archbishop,  and  the  other 
bishops  before  named,  did  communicate,  together  with 
some  others  :  when  the  Archbishop  desired  the  prayers 
of  them  all,  that  the  office  now  laid  upon  him  by  the 
hands  of  the  presbytery  might  above  all  tend  to  the  glory 
of  God,  and  salvation  of  the  Christian  flock,  and  the  joyful 
testimony  of  his  own  conscience  from  his  office  faithfully 
performed,  when  it  should  happen  that  he  should  go  to 
the  Lord,  to  whom  he  had  devoted  himself. 

"  These  things  being  finished  and  performed,  the  Arch- 
bishop goeth  out  through  the  north  door  of  the  east  part 
of  the  chapel,  accompanied  with  those  four  that  had  con- 
secrated him:  and  presently,  being  attended  with  the 
same  bishops,  returned  by  the  same  door,  wearing  an 
episcopal  white  garment,  and  a  chime  re  of  black  silk  : 
and  about  his  neck  he  had  a  rich  tippet  of  sable.  In  like 
manner  the  elects  of  Chichester  and  Hereford  had  on 
their  episcopal  garments,  surplice,  and  chimere :  but 
Coverdale  and  the  suffragan  of  Bedford  wore  only  their 
long  gowns.  The  Archbishop  then  going  forward  toward 
the  west  door,  gave  to  Thomas  Doyle,  his  steward,  John 
Baker,  his  treasurer,  and  John  March,  his  comptroller, 
to  each  of  them  white  staves  ;  admitting  them  after  this 
manner  into  their  places  and  offices.  These  things  there- 
fore thus  performed  in  their  order,  as  is  already  said,  the 
Archbishop  goeth  out  of  the  chapel  by  the  west  door,  the 
gentlemen  of  his  family  of  the  better  sort  in  blood  going 
before  him,  and  the  rest  following  behind.  All  and  sin- 
gular these  things  w^ere  acted  and  done  in  the  presence  of 
the  reverend  fathers  in  Christ,  Edmund  Grindal,  elect 
Bishop  of  London ;  Richard  Cocks,  elect  of  Ely  ;  Edwin 
Sandes,  elect  of  Wigorn ;  Anthony  Huse,  Esq.,  principal 


and  primary  Register  of  the  said  Archbishop ;  Thomas 
Argal,  Esq.,  Register  of  the  Prerogative  of  the  court  of 
Canterbury ;  Thomas  Willet  and  John  Incent,  Public 
Notaries,  and  some  others." 

As  Coverdale  would  not  himself  conform  to  the  rules  of 
the  Church,  he  could  not  be  restored  to  his  bishopric. 
He  could  not  be  expected  to  enforce  the  orders  which  he 
neglected  himself.  The  non-conformists  were  in  general 
so  intolerant  and  violent  in  their  proceedings,  that  he 
would  naturally  be  regarded  with  suspicion  for  a  time, 
and  he  had  no  right  to  expect  preferment  in  the  church. 
Nevertheless  the  chief  ecclesiastics  regarded  him  with 
sympathy  and  affection.  Archbishop  Grindal,  himself  a 
puritan  at  heart,  though  he  conformed,  endeavoured  to 
obtain  for  him  a  Welsh  bishopric,  probably  because  his 
irregularities  would  not  be  observed  in  that  distant 
diocese ;  and  when  he  failed  he  presented  him  with  the 
rectory  of  St.  Magnus,  London  Bridge.  His  poverty  was 
such  as  to  induce  the  Queen  to  remit  the  payment  of  the 
first  fruits,  amounting  to  £60.  Here  he  preached  for 
about  two  years,  but  he  resigned  the  living  in  1566,  pro- 
bably because  a  stricter  conformity  was  at  that  time 
required  than  he  was  willing  to  concede.  He  died  in 
February,  1569,  at  the  age  of  eighty-one,  and  on  the  19th 
of  that  month  was  buried  in  St.  Bartholomew's  church, 
behind  the  Exchange. 

The  following  is  given  by  the  Parker  Society  as  the  list 
of  his  works  : — 

1.  The  Old  Faith  ;  an  evident  probation  that  the 
Christian  Faith  hath  endured  since  the  beginning  of  the 
world.     (Translation  from  H.  Bullinger.)     1547. 

2.  A  Spiritual  and  most  Precious  Pearl.  A  translation 
from  Otho  Wermullerus.     1550. 

3.  Treatise  on  Justification.     From  the  same. 

4.  The  Book  of  Death.     From  the  same. 

5.  The  Hope  of  the  Faithful.     From  the  same. 

6.  Fruitful  Lessons  upon  the  Passion,  Death,  Resur- 

VOL.  IV.  Y 


rection,  and  Ascension  of  our  Saviour,   and  the  giving  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.     1540—47. 

7.  Abridgment  of  Erasmus's  Enchiridion. 

8.  A  Confutation  of  that  Treatise  which  one  John 
Standish  made  against  the  Protestation  of  Dr.  Barnes  in 
the  year  1540. 

9.  Christian  State  of  Matrimony. 

10.  Faithful  and  true  Prognostication  on  the  years 

1 1 .  Translation  of  Luther's  Exposition  of  the  Twenty- 
third  Psalm.     1537. 

12.  How  and  whither  a  Christian  ought  to  flee  the 
horrible  plague  of  the  Pestilence.  Translated  from  Osian- 
der.     1537. 

13.  Acts  of  the  Disputation  in  the  Council  of  the 
Empire  holden  at  Ptavenspurg,  set  forth  by  Bucer  and 
Melancthon.     Translated  by  M.  C. 

14.  (1)  The  Christian  Ptule  and  state  of  all  the  world. 

(2)  A  Christian  Exhortation  unto  customable   Swearers. 

(3)  The  Manner   of  saying   Grace  or   giving  Thanks  to 

15.  Defence  of  a  certain  poor  Christian  man,  who  else 
should  have  been  condemned  by  the  Pope's  law.  Trans- 
lated from  the  German. 

16.  Ghostly  Psalms  and  Spiritual  Songs  drawn  out  of 
the  Holy  Scripture. 

17.  (1)  Exposition  of  the  Magnificat.  (2)  The  Original 
and  Spring  of  all  Sects. 

18.  (1)  A  Christian  Catechism.  (2)  Cantus  usuales 
Witeburgensium.  (3)  The  Apology  of  the  Germans  against 
the  Council  of  Mantua. 

19.  A  faithful  and  most  godly  Treatise  concerning 
the  most  sacred  Sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  translated  from  Calvin  ;  where- 
unto  the  order  that  the  Church  and  Congregation  of 
Christ  in  Denmark  doth  use  at  the  receiving  of  Baptism, 
the  Supper  of  the  Lord,  and  Wedlock,  is  added. 


20.  The  Supplication  that  the  Nobles  and  Commons 
of  Osterick  made  unto  King  Ferdinand.  Translated 
by  M.  C. 

21.  The  Testimony  and  Report,  which  Eccius  gave  and 
sent  in  to  the  Council  of  those  Princes,  which  name  them- 
selves Catholic.     15-12. 

x\uthorities, — Strijpe.  Johnson  on  English  Translations 
oj  tlie  Bible.    Memorials  of  Coverdale,  published  by  Bagster. 


William  Courtney  was  the  fourth  son  of  Hugh 
Courtney,  Earl  of  Devonshire,  by  Margaret,  daughter  of 
Humphrey  Bohun,  Earl  of  Hereford  and  Essex,  by  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Edward  I.  He  was  born  in 
the  year  1341,  and  was  educated  at  Oxford,  where  he 
applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the  civil  and  the  canon 
law,  at  that  time  studied  by  the  clergy,  as  we  learn  from 
Dante,  more  than  the  gospels.  A  man  of  talent,  and  of 
his  high  birth,  was  sure  to  be  speedily  preferred,  and  in 
that  age,  when  the  reformation  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, indeed  of  the  universal  church,  was  so  much  needed, 
we  are  not  surprised  at  finding  him  possessing  prebends 
at  Bath,  and  at  Exeter,  and  at  York.  In  1369,  during 
the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  he  was  consecrated  to  the  see  of 
Hereford,  and  from  thence,  in  his  34th  year,  was  trans- 
lated to  the  see  of  London.  In  1376  the  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don opposed  the  grant  of  a  subsidy  to  the  King  on  the 
ground  of  his  having  received  some  injuries  from  the  great 
William  of  Wykeham,  for  which  he  desired  to  have 
redress  before  the  subsidy  was  made.  The  King  could 
only  obtain  a  subsidy  by  holding  out  hopes,  never  realiz- 
ed, of  acceding  to  the  Bishop  of  London's  proposal.  He 
was  a  decided  papist,  and  as  such  took  low  views  of  the 
episcopate.  In  his  zeal  for  the  papacy  he  violated  the 
laws  of  the  land  by  publishing  a  bull  of  Pope  Gregory  II. 
without  the  King's  consent. 


His  conduct  appears  to  have  been  very  bad  ;  the  affair 
was  this  :  Pope  Gregory  II.  had  lately  excommunicated 
the  Florentines,  and  had  dispatched  his  bulls  every 
where,  ordering  their  effects  to  be  seized.  The  Bishop 
of  London,  without  consulting  the  King,  published  the 
pope's  bull  at  Paul's  Cross,  and  gave  the  populace  license 
to  plunder  the  houses  of  such  Florentines  as  were  in  the 
city.  The  lord-mayor  hereupon,  restraining  the  violence 
of  the  people,  placed  a  seal  on  the  doors  of  the  Floren- 
tines, and  conducted  them  to  the  King,  who  took  them 
into  his  protection.  Afterwards,  by  order  of  the  King, 
the  Bishop  of  Exeter,  lord  high  chancellor,  summoned 
the  Bishop  of  London  into  the  Court  of  Chancery,  to 
answer  for  having  dared  to  publish  the  pope's  bull,  with- 
out consent  of  the  King  and  council,  and  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  the  land.  Courtney  pleaded  the  pope's  authority 
and  command.  But  the  chancellor  gave  sentence,  that 
he  should  either  forfeit  his  temporalities,  or  revoke  his 
words  with  his  own  mouth.  With  some  difficulty  the 
Bishop  of  London  obtained  that  he  might  re-call  them  by 
one  of  his  officers ;  and  accordingly  an  official  mounted 
Paul's  Cross,  and  addressed  the  people  in  these  words  : 
My  lord  said  nothing  about  the  interdict ;  it  is  strange 
that  you  should  misunderstand,  who  hear  so  many 
sermons  from  this  place. 

Such  was  our  Church  in  the  middle  ages,  and  as  such 
the  moral  sense  of  mankind  demanded  its  reformation. 
A  reforming  party  appeared  at  Oxford,  under  the  leading 
of  the  celebrated  Dr.  Wicklitf.  Although  Romanism 
formed  no  part  of  the  religion  of  the  Church  of  England 
at  that  time,  most  of  her  divines  were  Romanists,  and 
though  contrary  to  law,  the  popes  exercised  great  authority 
and  influence  in  our  church;  just  as  at  a  later  period, 
our  divines  became  calvinistic,  more  or  less,  though  Cal- 
vinism is  no  part  of  our  church :  the  vehemence  of  the 
great  body  of  the  clergy  against  Wickliff  was  great. 

Wickliff  was  cited  to  appear  before  the  Bishop  of 
London's  tribunal,  in  St  Paul's  Church,  in  1377.     He 

COURTNEY.      V  221 

attended,  accompanied  by  John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancas- 
ter,  and  by  the  Lord   Marshal   Percy,   who  told  him  to 
keep  up  his  spirits,  for  the  bishops  were  but  ignoramuses 
compared  to  him ;   the  Duke  and  Lord  Marshal  being  of 
course  fit  judges  on  such  a  point.     The  crowd  around  the 
court  was  great,   anxious  to  obtain  a  view  of  the   Oxford 
heretic.      Even    the   proud   Percy   could    with    difficulty 
obtain  an  entrance.     The  Bishop  of  London  was  justly 
annoyed   at   the   disturbance   occasioned   by  the  sudden 
appearance  of  these  nobles,  and  at  seeing  Dr.  WicklifF  so 
attended.    Upon  this  a  dispute  happened  between  his  lord- 
ship and  these  two  peers.     Lord  Percy,  said  the  bishop,  if 
I  had  known  before  hand  what  masteries  you  would  have 
kept,  I  would  have  stopt  you  from  coming  hither  :  upon 
which  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  John  of  Gaunt,  replied,  he 
shall  keep  such  masteries,   though  you  say   nay.     Soon 
after   Lord    Percy   rudely   and    impertinently    addressed 
AVickliff  desiring  him  to  sit  down,  saying,  you  have  many 
things  to  answer  for,   and  therefore  need  a  soft  seat ; — the 
bishop  upon  this  very  justly  remarked,   that  it  was  not 
reasonable  that  a  person  cited  before  his  ordinary  should 
sit  down  during  his  answers,  when  the  Duke  of  Lancaster 
insolently  said  in  open  court,  "  The  Lord  Percy's  motion 
for  Wickliff  is  but  reasonable.     And  as  for  you,  my  lord 
bishop,  who  are  grown  so  proud  and  arrogant,  1  will  bring 
down  the  pride  not  of  you  only,   but  of  all  the  prelacy  of 
England.    Thou  bearest  thyself  so;  brag  upon  thy  parents 
which  shall  not  be  able  to  protect  thee ;  they  shall  have 
enough  to  do  to  help  themselves."     The  bishop  with  great 
dignity  and  composure  replied  :   "My  confidence  is  not  in 
my  parents,   nor  in  any  other  man,    but  in  God   only 
in  whom  I   trust,   by  whose  assistance  I  will  be  bold  to 
speak  the  truth."     The  insolent  duke  was   abashed,  but 
enraged,   he  said,   not  openly  in  court,  but  so  as  to  be 
heard   by  those   around   him,  "  Piather  than  take  these 
words  at  a  bishop's  hands,  I'll  pluck  him  by  the  hair  of 
his  head   out  of  the   church."     Though   the  words  were 

2^2-2  COURTNEY. 

uttered  so  as  not  to  be  heard  by  the  bishop,  they  did  not 
escape  some  of  the  Londoners  who  were  near  him,  who 
declared  aloud,  that  leather  than  see  their  bishop  thus 
insulted  they  would  die.  Amid  this  scandalous  inter- 
ference with  an  episcopal  court  little  business  was  done. 
Wickliff  was  silenced,  and  for  a  time  it  appears  that, 
grateful  for  the  mild  measures  adopted  towards  him,  lie 
gave  no  fui'ther  annoyance. 

Meantime  the  Duke  and  the  Lord  Marshal  Percy, 
enraged  against  the  Londoners,  went  to  the  house  of  par- 
liament, and  brought  in  a  bill  to  put  down  the  office  of 
lord-mayor,  and  to  place  the  city  under  military  control. 
The  Londoners,  enraged,  assaulted  and  plundered  the 
houses  of  the  Duke  and  Lord  Percy,  and  would  have  pro- 
ceeded to  extremities  against  them  had  it  not  been  for  the 
generous  interference  of  the  bishop.  We  are  told  that  the 
Bishop  of  London,  hearing  of  the  tumult,  left  his  dinner, 
and  going  hastily  to  the  Savoy,  desired  the  people  to 
desist,  and  to  consider  that  it  was  the  holy  time  of  Lent, 
assuring  them  that  care  should  be  taken  of  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  city.  He  succeeded ;  the  Duke's  palace 
was  spared,  and  the  mob  was  contented  with  hanging 
up  the  Duke's  arms  reversed  in  the  principal  streets  of 
the  city. 

Godwin  tells  us  that,  in  1378,  Courtney  was  made  a 
cardinal;  but  he  speaks  without  authority.  He  certainly 
was  chancellor  in  the  year  1381,  and  was  in  the  same  year 
translated  to  the  see  of  Canterbury,  vacant  by  the  murder 
of  Dr.  Sudbury.  He  was  elected  by  the  chapter  of  Can- 
terbury, and  by  a  curious  coincidence  Pope  Urban  had 
fixed  upon  the  same  person.  But  before  the  arrival  of 
the  pope's  bull,  he  had  done  homage  for  the  temporalities, 
he  had  repaired  to  Lambeth,  where  one  of  their  chapter 
was  sent  to  him  by  the  prior  and  convent  of  Canterbury 
with  the  archiepiscopal  cross  or  crosier.  As  bishop  he 
had  a  right  to  the  pastoral  staff, — the  crosier  being  pecu- 
liar to  an  archbishop.     The  monk  addressed  the  arch- 


bishop  seated  in  his  chapel  thus  :  "  Reverend  Father,  I 
am  the  messenger  of  the  supreme  King,  who  entreats, 
commands,  and  enjoins  that  you  take  upon  you  the 
government  of  his  church,  and  that  you  love  and  pro- 
tect it,  in  token  of  which  message,  I  deliver  into  your 
hand  the  banner  of  the  supreme  King."  It  would  seem 
that  the  prior  and  convent  were  anxious  to  exercise  their 
right  of  election  without  reference  to  the  see  of  Rome ; 
but  Courtney  was  unwilling  to  act  thus  independently,  so 
completely  was  he  under  the  Rouiish  influence.  Not 
having  received  the  pall,  he  was  doubtful  whether  the 
cross  should  be  carried  bef  re  him,  that  is,  whether  he 
might  assume  the  archiepiscopal  dignity,  and  in  that 
capacity  crown  the  young  Queen,  who  had  lately  arrived 
in  England,  as  consort  of  King  Richard  II.  The  monks 
of  Canterbury  could  easily  prove  that  this  deference  to  a 
foreign  bishop  had  not  been  always  paid  by  his  predeces- 
sors ;  but  before  the  archbishop  would  act  he  published  a 
protest  that  he  did  not  do  so  in  any  contempt  of  the  court 
of  Rome.  We  are  naturally  sorry  to  find  one  of  the  arch- 
bishops of  the  Church  of  England,  thus  forgetful  of  the 
independent  authority  of  every  member  of  the  episcopate  ; 
but  perhaps  at  the  present  time  persons  in  a  situation 
similar  to  that  of  Courtney,  would  bow  down  before  a  worse 
authority,  that  is,  the  authority  of  };arliament. 

He  received  the  pall  on  the  0th  of  May,  1382;  and  in 
this  year  held  a  synod  in  London,  assisted  by  seven 
bishops  and  several  doctors  and  bachelors  in  theology,  and 
in  canon  and  civil  law.  Ten  propositions  of  Wickliff  were 
ileclared  heretical ;  viz :  First,  that  in  the  sacrament  of 
the  altar,  the  substances  of  the  bread  and  wine  remain 
after  consecration.  Second,  that  the  accidents  cannot 
remain  after  the  consecration  without  the  substance. 
Third,  that  Jesus  Christ  is  not  actually  and  really  in  his 
proper  corporeal  presence  in  the  Eucharist.  Fourth,  that 
no  priest  or  bishop  in  mortal  sin  may  ordain,  or  conse- 
crate, or  baptize.  Fifth,  that  outward  confession  is  not 
necessary  to  those  who  duly  repent.     Sixth,   that  no  pas- 

'2-24:  COURTNEY, 

sage  can  be  adduced  from  the  gospels  showing  that  our 
Lord  instituted  the  mass.  Seventh,  that  God  must  obey 
the  devil.  Eighth,  that  if  the  pope  be  an  impostor,  or  a 
wicked  man,  and  consequently  a  member  of  the  devil,  he 
hath  no  power  over  the  faithful,  except  such  as  he  may 
have  received  from  the  Emperor.  Ninth,  that  after  the 
death  of  the  preseut  pope,  Urban  VI.,  no  pope  ought  to 
be  recoginzecl,  but  people  should  live,  like  the  Greeks, 
according  to  their  own  laws.  Tenth,  that  it  is  contrary  to 
Holy  Scripture  for  ecclesiastical  persons  to  hold  temporal 

The  council  declared  fourteen  other  propositions  erro- 
neous, and  the  Archbishop  obtained  of  the  King  authority 
to  arrest  and  imprison  all  persons  teaching  and  maintain- 
ing their  opinions.     The  King's  letter  is  dated  July  12. 

The  Archbishop  issued  his  mandate  in  1383  for  the 
observance  of  the  festival  of  St.  Ann,  the  supposed  mother 
of  the  Virgin  Mary.  Although,  as  we  have  seeo,  he  yielded 
his  rights  to  the  pope,  he  was  careful  in  other  respects  to 
maiutain  the  authority  of  the  clergy.  In  1387  he  sum- 
moned his  suffragans  and  lower  clergy  to  London,  and  at 
the  opening  of  the  convocation  preached  on  the  following 
text,  Supra  muros  Jerusalem  constitui  custodes.  A  sub- 
sidy was  granted  to  the  King,  or  rather  to  the  government 
which  had  been  consigned  by  the  King  to  eleven  commis- 
sioners, the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  being  one.  And 
perceiving  that  several  noblemen  would  be  tried  for  their 
lives,  and  that  causes  of  blood  would  be  brought  into  the 
parliament,  and  that  the  canons  barred  those  of  his  order 
from  being  present  at  them,  the  Archbishop  entered  his 
protest  for  the  saving  the  privilege  of  the  lords  spiritual, 
and   left  the  house. 

The  purport  of  the  protest  is  to  set  forth  that  the  lords 
spiritual,  by  virtue  of  their  baronies,  and  as  peers  of  the 
realm,  had  a  right  to  sit,  debate,  vote  and  give  judgment 
with  the  rest  of  the  peers,  in  all  cases  and  matters  trans- 
acted in  parliament.  But  since  impeachments  of  high 
treason,  and  trials  fur  life  were  coming  on,  tliey  v/ere  for- 


bidden  by  the  canons  of  the  church  to  concern  themselves 
in  matters  of  that  nature  ;  making  a  protest  that  for  this 
only  reason,  they  were  obliged  to  withdraw.  And  thus, 
having  guarded  the  entireness  of  their  peerage,  they  con- 
cluded with  declaring,  that  nothing  done  in  their  absence 
upon  this  occasion  should  be  hereafter  questioned  or 
opposed  by  any  of  their  body. 

This  instrument,  at  the  instance  and  petition  of  the 
Archbishop  and  his  suffragans,  was  read  in  full  par- 
liament, and  entered  upon  the  parliament  rolls  by  the 
King's  command,  with  the  assent  of  the  temporal  lords 
and  commons. 

The  Bishops  of  Durham  and  Carlisle,  in  the  province  of 
York,  entered  the  same  protest. 

In  the  year  loOl  he  published  his  constitutions 
against  CJwpjje- Chapels.  The  following  is  the  certificatory 
of  Dr.  Braybrook,  Bishop  of  London,  in  answer  to  the 
Archbishop,  containing  a  copy  of  his  mandate. 

To  the  most  Reverend  Father  and  Lord  in  Christ,  the 
Lord  William,  by  the  grace  of  God  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, primate  of  A.  E.,  legate  of  the  apostolical  see,  Robert 
by  divine  permission  Bishop  of  London,  obedience  and 
reverence,  with  the  honour  due  to  so  great  a  father.  We 
received  your  most  reverend  mandate  according  to  the 
tenour  underwritten. 

"  William  by  divine  permission  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, primate  of  A.  E.,  legate  of  the  apostolical  see,  to  our 
venerable  brother  Robert,  by  the  grace  of  God  Bishop  of 
London,  health  and  brotherly  charity  in  the  Lord.  We 
are  bitterly  grieved,  when  any  of  the  flock  under  our  trust 
provokes  the  Most  High  by  his  villanies,  and  strikes 
himself  with  a  damuabk  sentence,  and  rashly  throws  him- 
self into  destruction.  But  humane  laws  and  canonical 
statutes,  do  among  other  things  abhor  covetousness,  which 
is  idolatry,  and  damned  simoniacal  ambition.  But  (alas  !) 
some  men's  minds  now  a  days,  are  so  darkened  and 
smitten  with  outward  things,  as  never  to  look  inward  to 
themselves,   or  to  Him  that  is  invisible,  while  they  are 


puft  up  with  temporal  honours,  still  desiriDg  more,  slight- 
ing the  ways  of  God.  Some  traffic  for  the  gifts  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  while  they  pay  or  make  simoniacal  contracts 
for  churches  and  ecclesiastical  benefices,  forgetting  the 
words  of  Peter  to  Simon,  Thy  money  perish  tvith  thee,  because, 
dc.  Others  of  these  tare-sowers,  perverters  of  right,  inven- 
tors of  mischief,  commonly  called  Choppe- Churches,  defraud 
some  by  an  unequal  change  of  benefices  through  their 
wicked  intriguing  and  execrable  thirst  of  gain ;  and 
sometimes  wholly  deprive  others  of  the  benefices  they  have 
through  false  colours  ;  insomuch,  that  being  reduced  from 
an  opulent  to  a  poor  condition,  and  not  being  able  to  dig, 
they  die  of  grief,  or  else  are  compelled  to  beg  through 
extreme  poverty,  to  the  scandal  of  the  Church  and  clergy. 
Others,  though  they  who  serve  at  the  altar  should  live  by 
the  altar,  &c.,  according  to  the  Apostle,  procure  persons  to 
be  presented  to  churches  with  cure  and  ecclesiastical 
benefices,  by  importunity  and  money  ;  and  to  be  instituted 
therein,  after  having  first  wickedly  sworn,  that  so  long  as 
they  have  those  benefices  they  will  claim  no  profits  from 
them,  nor  any  way  dispose  of  them,  but  leave  them  to 
their  direction  and  profit,  [who  procured  them]  under  pre- 
tence of  an  exchange,  or  purely  at  their  request.  By 
which  means  (whereas  one  church  ought  to  belong  to  one 
priest,  and  no  one  ought  to  have  several  dignities  or 
parish  churches)  one  man,  insufficient  for  one  cure  though 
a  small  one,  sweeps  to  himself  by  a  trick  the  profits  of 
many  benefices,  which  if  equally  distributed,  would  abun- 
dantly sufiice  for  many  learned  and  very  reputable  men 
who  very  much  want  it ;  divine  worship  and  hospitality  is 
neglected;  the  indevotion  of  the  people  toward  the  Church 
and  them  who  belong  to  it  is  increased,  and  the  cure  of 
souls  is  not  minded.  Such  carnal  men  despise  spiritual 
precepts,  and  affect  temporal  riches  in  contempt  of  eternal 
rewards.  But  it  were  to  be  wished,  that  for  their  own 
amendment,  they  would  be  afraid  of  punishment,  by  con- 
sidering how  the  Redeemer  of  Mankind  cast  the  chapmen 
out  of  the  temple,  saying.   Make  not  my  Father  s  house  a 


house  of  merchandize.  Our  Lord  never  dealt  so  severely 
with  any  offenders,  to  demonstrate  that  other  sinners 
ought  to  be  reprehended,  but  these  to  be  driven  far  from 
the  church.  Farther,  some  raptors  rather  than  rectors  of 
churches,  shepherds,  who  know  not  and  take  no  care  of 
their  flocks,  provoke  the  divine  indignation,  neglecting 
hospitality  without  cause,  shamefully  spending  their  time 
at  London,  devouring  Christ's  patrimony,  living  daintily 
on  the  bread  of  the  hungry,  clothing  themselves  with  the 
garments  of  the  naked,  and  with  the  ransom  of  captives  : 
they  dare  not  say  with  the  prophet,  The  Lord  is  the 
portion  of  my  inheritance  ;  but  rather,  We  desire  not  the 
knowledge  of  Thy  ways.  Whereas,  therefore,  the  cure 
of  souls  is  our  chief  concern,  of  which  we  are  to  give  a 
strict  account ;  and  resolving  not  any  longer  to  connive  at 
so  great  a  scandal  of  the  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  so  perilous  and  pernicious  an  example,  at  the  impor- 
tunate request  of  many  we  give  it  in  charge,  and  command 
you  my  brother  in  virtue  of  obedience,  and  do  will  and 
command  that  the  rest  of  my  suffragans  and  fellow-bishops 
of  our  province  of  Canterbury,  be  enjoined  by  you  to  take 
corporal  oaths  of  all  whatsoever,  that  are  to  be  presented 
to  ecclesiastical  benefices,  now  or  hereafter  to  be  void 
within  your  dioceses,  that  they  have  not  given  or  promised 
directly  or  indirectly,  by  themselves,  or  by  any  employed 
by  them  for  the  presentation,  to  the  presenter  or  any  other 
persons  whatsoever ;  and  that  neither  they  nor  their  friends 
are  obliged  by  oath  or  any  pecuniary  security,  to  resign  or 
make  exchange  of  the  benefices  ;  and  that  no  unlawful 
compact  hath  been  made  in  this  respect,  nor  promise  with 
their  will  or  knowledge  :  and  that  in  case  of  exchauge  no 
proxies,  though  signed  by  notaries,  be  allowed,  without 
the  presence  of  the  principals,  and  a  provident  examination 
of  the  equality  as  to  the  value  of  the  benefices,  and  an 
oath  given  by  each  party  that  no  fraud  private  or  public  is 
used  in  the  exchange  :  and  that  the  noo-residents  in  your 
dioceses  be  effectually  called  home  to  do  their  duty;  and 
the  simoniacal  possessors,   or  rather  usurpers  of  churches 


be  severely  censured ;  and  that  the  accursed  partakers 
with  Gehazi  and  Simon,  the  Chop2Je- Churches,  who  chiefly 
are  at  London,  be  in  general  admonished  to  desist  from 
such  procurings,  changings  and  trickings  made  in  their 
conventicles  and  simoniacal  assemblies  for  the  future : 
and  let  them  cassate  and  cancel  all  contracts  and  bargains 
fraudulently  made,  though  confirmed  with  oaths,  which  in 
this  case  are  null ;  and  let  all  such  frauds  and  simoniacal 
contracts,  which  are  not  in  their  power  to  break,  be  dis- 
covered to  the  bishop  of  the  dioceses  in  which  such  bene- 
fices as  are  concerned  in  the  transaction  do  lie,  that  they 
by  whose  procurement  or  consent  these  contracts  were 
made,  may  be  enjoined  penance  according  to  their  merits, 
under  pain  of  the  greater  excommunication  after  fifteen 
days' notice,  (five  days  being  allowed  after  each  of  the  three 
usual  admonitions)  which  we  pass  upon  them  by  this 
writing  from  this  time  foi'ward,  as  well  as  from  that  time 
forward.  And  do  ye  strictly  enjoin  and  cause  other 
bishops  to  be  so  enjoined,  that  these  wicked  merchants  of 
the  Lord's  inheritance,  and  such  as  have  several  dignities, 
churches,  and  Chojipe- Churches,  be  struck  with  the  sword 
of  ecclesiastical  censuie,  especially  such  of  them  as  are  in 
orders,  as  being  universally  abhorred  by  all,  lest  by  the 
neglect  of  you  and  other  bishops  this  clamour  be  again 
repeated  in  our  ears.  And  do  ye  cause  us  to  be  certified 
of  what  you  have  done  in  the  premises  before  the  feast  of 
St.  Michael  the  Archangel  next  ensuing,  by  your  letters 
patents  containing  a  copy  of  these  presents.  Dated  in 
our  Manor  of  Slyndon,  on  the  fifth  day  of  March,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1391,  and  of  our  translation  the 

"  By  authority  of  which  reverend  mandate  we  have  en- 
joined it  by  our  letters,  as  the  custom  is,  to  be  fully  exe- 
cuted as  to  all  and  singular  its  contents,  by  all  and  singular 
your  sufifragans  of  your  province  of  Canterbury  in  their 
cities  and  dioceses,  according  to  the  full  power,  form,  and 
effect  of  the  said  mandate,  and  have  caused  the  said 
mandate,  and  all  and  singular  the  premises,   so  far  as  we 


are  concerned  to  be  put  in  due  execution,  and  will  cause 
it  so  to  be  done  to  the  best  of  our  power,  God  permitting. 
And  thus  we  have  duly  executed  your  most  reverend  man- 
date, according  to  the  demand  and  effect  thereof  in  and 
through  all  particulars.  Dated  in  our  Manor  of  Hadham 
on  the  seventh  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our^I.oi'd 
above- written,  and  of  our  consecration  the  eleventh." 

In  1392,  the  Archbishop  held  a  synod  in  St.  Marys 
Church,  Cambridge,  in  which  a  tenth  was  granted  to  the 
King  under  circumstances  rather  pecuhar,  as  related  by 

"  The  laity,  at  the  parliament  now  holden  at  London, 
had  yielded  to  aid  the  King  with  a  fifteenth,  upon  condi- 
tion that  the  clergy  should  succour  him  with  a  tenth  and 
a  half,  against  which  unjust  proportion  William  de  Court- 
ney, Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  most  stiffly  opposed, 
alleging,  that  the  Church  ought  to  be  free,  nor  in  anywise 
to  be  taxed  by  the  laity,  and  that  himself  would  rather  die 
than  endure  that  the  Church  of  England  (the  liberties 
whereof  had  by  so  many  free  parliaments,  in  all  times, 
and  not  only  in  the  reign  of  this  King,  been  confirmed) 
should  be  made  a  bond  maid.  This  answer  so  offended 
the  commons,  that  the  knights  of  the  shires,  and  some 
peers  of  the  land,  with  extreme  fury,  besought,  that  tem- 
poralities might  be  taken  away  from  ecclesiastical  persons, 
saying,  that  it  was  an  alms-deed,  and  an  act  of  charity,  so 
to  do,  thereby  to  humble  them.  Neither  did  they  doubt, 
but  that  their  petition,  which  they  had  exhibited  to  the 
King,  would  take  effect.  Hereupon  they  designed  among 
themselves,  out  of  which  abbey,  which  should  receive  such 
a  certain  sum,  and  out  of  which,  another  I  myself  (saith 
a  monk  of  St.  Alban's)  heard  one  of  those  knights  confi- 
dently swear,  that  he  would  have  a  yearly  pension  of  a 
thousand  marks  out  of  the  temporalities  belonging  to  that 
abbey.  But  the  King,  having  heard  both  parts,  com- 
manded the  petitioners  to  silence,  and  the  petition  to  be 
razed  out,  saying,  he  would  maintain  the  English  Church 

VOL.  IV.  z 


in  the  quality  of  the  same  state  or  better,  in  which  himself 
had  known  it  to  be  when  he  came  to  the  crown.  The 
Archbishop  hereupon,  having  consulted  with  the  clergy, 
came  to  the  King,  and  declared,  that  he  and  the  clergy 
had  with  one  consent  willingly  provided  to  supply  his 
majesty's  occasions  with  a  tenth.  This  grant  the  King 
took  so  contentedly,  as  he  openly  affirmed  he  was  better 
pleased  with  this  free  contribution  of  one  tenth  for  the 
present,  than  if  he  had  gotten  four  by  compulsion." 

This  year  he  commenced  his  metropolitical  visitation, 
but  was  opposed  at  first  by  the  Bishops  of  Exeter  and 
Salisbui7.  The  Bishop  of  Exeter  issued  his  mandate, 
forbidding  all  persons  in  his  diocese,  under  pain  of  excom- 
munication, to  acknowledge  the  Archbishop's  jurisdiction. 
Courtney  issued  a  mandate  in  opposition  thereto,  requiring 
their  submission  to  his  authority.  The  Bishop  appealed 
to  the  pope,  and  fixed  up  his  appeal  upon  the  gates  of  his 
cathedral.  The  Archbishop  notwithstanding  proceeded  in 
his  visitation,  and  cited  the  Bishop  to  appear  before  him, 
and  answer  to  certain  articles  exhibited  against  him.  The 
citation  was  despatched  by  one  of  the  Archbishop's  officers, 
named  Peter  Hill ;  who  being  met  by  some  of  the  Bishop 
of  Exeter's  servants  in  the  town  of  Topsham,  they,  disco- 
vering his  business,  not  only  beat  him  most  unmercifully, 
but  obliged  the  poor  fellow  to  chew,  and  swallow  the 
instrument,  which  was  of  parchment,  wax  and  all.  The 
King,  being  informed  of  this  violence,  sent  an  order  to  the 
Earl  of  Devonshire,  and  others,  to  apprehend  the  bishop's 
servants,  and  bring  them  before  the  Archbishop.  Which 
being  done,  Courtney  enjoined  them  the  following  penance. 
They  were  to  walk  in  procession  before  the  cross,  in  their 
shirts  only,  and  carrying  lighted  tapers  in  their  hands  ; 
to  pay  a  certain  stipend  to  a  priest  for  saying  daily  mass 
at  the  tomb  of  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  ;  and  lastly  to  pay 
twenty  shillings  each  towards  repairing  the  walls  of  the 
city  of  Exeter.  The  Bishop  in  the  meantime  prosecuted 
his  appeal  in  the  court  of  Rome ;  but  finding  the  Arch- 


bishop's  credit  prevail  there,  and  that  the  King  likewise 
espoused  his  cause,  he  thought  it  the  most  prudent  course 
to  withdraw  his  appeal,  and  to  acknowledge  both  his  own 
offence  and  the  Archbishop  s  jurisdiction.  The  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  when  it  came  to  his  turn  to  be  visited,  made 
no  less  resistance,  but  proceeded,  as  he  thought,  with  more 
prudence  and  caution  than  the  Bishop  of  Exeter  had 
done.  For  being  of  opinion,  that  the  Archbishop's  visito- 
rial  power  was  founded  solely  upon  the  authority  of  Pope 
Urban,  who  was  now  dead,  he  found  means  to  procure 
from  Pope  Boniface,  his  successor,  an  exemption  of  himself 
and  his  diocese  from  metropolitical  visitation  in  virtue  of 
Pope  Urbans  authority.  With  this  privilege  he  waited  on 
the  Archbishop  at  Croydon,  but  met  with  an  unexpected 
reception  from  that  prelate,  who  declared  he  would  visit 
the  diocese  of  Salisbury,  notwithstanding  any  papal  ex- 
emption, and  commanded  the  bishop  to  be  ready  to  receive 
him  on  a  certain  day  in  his  cathedral  church.  The  bishop, 
depending  on  his  privilege,  took  no  notice  of  this  order ; 
and,  the  Archbishop  beginning  his  visitation,  appealed  to 
the  Pope.  The  Archbishop  immediately  excommunicated 
him,  and  commenced  a  prosecution  at  law  against  him, 
for  endeavouring  to  withdraw  himself  from  the  subjection 
he  owed  to  the  see  of  Canterbury.  The  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury, terrified  by  this  severity,  and  the  recent  example  of 
his  brother  of  Exeter,  renounced  his  appeal,  acknowledged 
the  Archbishop's  jurisdiction,  and,  through  the  interces- 
sion of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  and  others,  obtained  absolu- 
tion and  reconciliation. 

In  this  year  the  King  directed  his  royal  mandate  to  the 
Archbishop,  not  to  countenance  or  contribute  any  thing 
towards  a  subsidy  for  the  Pope.  The  writ  sets  forth, 
"  That  the  Archbishop  could  not  be  ignorant,  that  the 
King  was  bound  by  oath  to  maintain  the  rights  and  cus- 
toms of  the  kingdom,  to  govern  impartially  by  the  laws,  to 
secure  the  property  of  the  subject,  and  to  prevent  imposi- 
tions being  charged  or  levied  upon  the  people  without  the 
common  consent  of  the  kingdom,"     The  King  suggests 


farther,   "  That  the  commons,  lately  assembled  in  parlia- 
ment at  Westminster,   had  addressed  him  for  a  remedy 
against  the  impositions  upon  the  clergy,    at   that  time 
exhausted  by  the  court  of  Rome  ;  and  had  petitioned  him, 
that  if  any  person  should  bring  in  any  papal  bulls  for 
levying  such  impositions,  or  should  actually  collect  or  levy 
such  impositions,   he  should  be  adjudged,  and  suffer  as  a 
traitor  to  him  and  his  kingdom."     His  highness  adds, 
*'  That  he  had  granted,   with  the  consent  of  the  same 
parliament,   that  nothing  should  be  levied  or  paid,  that 
might  tend  to  the  burthen  or  damage  of  the  subject  and 
kingdom  ;  that  notwithstanding  this  legal  provision,   he 
was  informed  of  a  new  papal  imposition  upon  the  clergy, 
which  by  his  (the  Archbishop  s)  authority,  or  that  of  his 
suffragans   by   his   order,  >vas  to  be  levied  without  the 
common  advice  and  assent  of  the   kingdom  ;  which  he 
(the  King)  could  not  suffer  consistently  with  his  oath.'* 
And  therefore  in  the  close  he  commands  the  Archbishop, 
"  upon  his  allegiance,  and  under  the  highest  forfeitures, 
to  revoke  his  orders  for  the  levying  this  tax,  and  to  return 
what  had  been  already  paid,"  enjoining  him  "  not  to  pay, 
or  contribute  any  thing  to  this  subsidy,  under  the  penalties 
aforesaid."     Witness  the  King  at  Westminster,   the   10th 
day  of  October.     Writs  of  the  same  purport  and  date  were 
directed  to  the  Archbishop  of  York,   to  all  the  bishops  of 
both  provinces,   to  the  guai*dians  of  the  spiritualities,  and 
to  the  several  collectors  of  this  tax.     A  like  writ  was  di- 
rected to  the  Pope's  nuncio,  commanding  him  to  desist 
from  exacting  this  subsidy,  sub  forisfactura  vitse  et  mem- 
brorum,  under  forfeiture  of  life  and  limb.   This  imposition 
was  the  payment  of  a  tenth  laid  upon  the  clergy   by  the 
Pope,  as  appears  by  the  title  of  the  record,  Becimis  Papae 
non  solvendis. 

On  the  ocfave  of  Hilary  a  parliament  was  held  at  Win- 
chester ;  and  here,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  being 
probably  suspected  of  abetting  the  pope's  encroachments 
upon  the  Church  and  State,  delivered  in  his  answer  to 
certain  articles  in  the  tenor  following : — 


"  To  our  dread  sovereign  Lord  the  King  in  this  present 
parliament,  his  humble  chaplain  William,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  gives  in  his  answer  to  the  petition  brought 
into  the  parliament  by  the  commons  of  the  realm,  in 
which  petition  are  contained  certain  articles. 

"  That  is  to  say,  first.     Whereas  our  sovereign  Lord 
the  King,   and  all  his  liege  subjects  ought  of  right,   and 
had  been  always  accustomed  to  sue  in  the  King's  court,  to 
recover  their  presentations  to  churches,   to  maintain  their 
titles  to  prebendaries  and  other  benefices  of  holy  Church, 
to  which  they  have  a  right  to  present.     The  cognizance  of 
which  plea  belongs  solely  to  the  court  of  our  sovereign 
lord  the  King,  by  virtue  of  his  ancient  prerogative,  main- 
tained and  practised  in  the  reigns  of  all  his  predecessors 
Kings  of  England.     And  when  judgment  is  given  in  his 
highnesses  said  court  upon  any  such  plea,  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  and  other  spiritual  persons,  who  have  the  right  of 
giving  institution  to  such  benefices  within  their  jurisdic- 
diction,   are  bound  to  execute  such  judgments,   and  used 
always  to  make  execution  of  them  at  the  King's  command, 
(since  no  lay  person  can  make  any  such  execution)  and  are 
also  bound  to  make  execution  of  many  other  commands  of 
our  lord  the  King  :  of  which  right,  the  crown  of  England 
has  been  all  along  peaceably  possessed ;  but  now  of  late, 
divers  processes  have  been  made  by  the  holy  father  the 
pope,    and   excommunications   published    against  several 
English  bishops  for  making  such  executions,  and  acting 
in  pursuance  to  the  King's  commands  in  the  cases  above 
mentioned,  and  that  such  censures  of  his  holiness  are 
inflicted  in  open  disherison  of  the  crown  and  subversive  of 
the  prerogative  royal,  of  the  King's  laws,  and  his  whole 
realm,  unless  prevented  by  proper  remedies." 

To  this  article,  the  Archbishop  premising  his  protesta- 
tion, "  that  it  was  none  of  his  intention  to  affirm  our  holy 
father  the  pope  has  no  authority  to  excommunicate  a 
bishop,  pursuant  to  the  laws  of  holy  Church,  declares,  and 
answers,  that  if  any  executions  of  processes  are  made,  or 


shall  be  made  by  any  person  :  if  any  censures  of  excom- 
munication shall  be  published,  and  served  upon  any 
English  bishops,  or  any  other  of  the  King  s  subjects,  for 
their  having  made  execution  of  any  such  commands,  he 
maintains  such  censures  to  be  prejudicial  to  the  King's 
prerogative,  as  it  is  set  forth  in  the  commons'  petition  : 
and  that  so  far  forth  he  is  resolved  to  stand  with  our  lord 
the  King,  and  support  his  crown  in  the  matters  above 
menti(med,  to  his  power, 

"  And  likewise  whereas  it  is  said  in  the  petition,  that 
complaint  has  been  made,  that  the  said  holy  father  the 
pope  had  designed  to  translate  some  English  prelates  to 
sees  out  of  the  realm,  and  some  from  one  bishopric  to 
another,  without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  our  lord 
the  King,  and  without  the  assent  of  the  prelates  so  trans- 
lated, (which  prelates  are  very  serviceable  and  necessary 
to  our  lord  the  King,  and  his  whole  realm)  which  transla- 
tions, if  they  should  be  suffered,  the  statutes  of  the  realm 
would  be  defeated,  and  made  in  a  great  measure  insignifi- 
cant, and  the  said  lieges  of  his  highnesses  council  would 
be  removed  out  of  his  kingdom,  without  their  assent,  and 
against  their  inclination,  and  the  ti'easure  of  the  said 
realm  would  be  exported :  by  which  means,  the  country 
would  become  destitute  both  of  wealth  and  council,  to  the 
utter  destruction  of  the  said  realm :  and  thus,  the  crown 
of  England,  which  has  always  been  so  free  and  indepen- 
dent, as  not  to  have  any  earthly  sovereign,  but  to  be 
immediately  subject  to  God  in  all  things  touching  the  pre- 
rogatives and  royalty  of  the  said  crown,  should  be  made 
subject  to  the  pope,  and  the  laws  and  statutes  of  the 
realm  defeated  and  set  aside  by  him  at  pleasure,  to  the 
utter  destruction  of  the  sovereignty  of  our  lord  the  King, 
his  crown  and  royalty,  and  his  whole  kingdon,  which  God 

"  The  said  Archbishop,  first  protesting  that  it  is  not  his 
intention  to  affirm,  that  our  holy  father  aforesaid  cannot 
make  translations  of  prelates  according  to  the  laws  of  holy 


Church,  answers  and  declares  that  if  any  English  prelates, 
who  by  their  capacity  and  qualification,  were  very  service- 
able and  necessary  to  our  lord  the  King,  and  his  realm,  if 
any  such  prelates  were  translated  to  any  sees  in  foreign 
dominions,  or  the  sage  lieges  of  his  council  were  forced  out 
of  the  kingdom  agaiust  their  will,  and  that  by  this  means, 
the  wealth  and  treasure  of  the  kingdom  should  be  exported; 
in  this  case,  the  Archbishop  declares  that  such  transla- 
tions would  be  prejudicial  to  the  King  and  his  crown  :  for 
w^hich  reason,  if  any  thing  of  this  should  happen,  he 
resolves  to  adhere  loyally  to  the  King,  and  endeavour  as 
he  is  bound  by  his  allegiance,  to  support  his  highness  in 
this,  and  all  other  instances,  in  which  the  rights  of  his 
crown  are  concerned.  And  lastly,  he  prayed  the  King 
this  schedule  might  be  made  a  record,  and  entered  upon 
the  parliament  roll,  which  the  King  granted." 

From  this  declaration  of  the  Archbishop,  it  is  evident 
he  was  no  vassal  to  the  court  of  Rome  :  he  did  not  assert 
the  pope's  supremacy  so  far  as  to  weaken  his  allegiance, 
or  to  make  him  an  ill  subject. 

We  may  observe  farther,  that  this  schedule  of  the  Arch- 
bishop seems  to  have  led  the  way  to  the  statute  of  prae- 
munire passed  in  this  parliament.  For  the  preamble  and 
introductive  part  of  the  act  is  but  a  copy  as  it  were  of  this 
declaration.  The  bill,  it  is  true,  was  brought  in  by  the 
commons  by  way  of  petition,  who  prayed  the  King  to 
examine  the  opinions  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal 
upon  the  contents.  The  question  being  put,  the  lords 
temporal  promise  to  stand  by  the  King,  against  the  pope's 
encroachments ;  neither  were  the  engagements  of  the 
lords  spiritual  less  loyal  and  satisfactory :  For  they  con- 
curred in  all  points  with  the  commons'  petitions,  and 
renounced  the  pope  in  all  his  attempts  upon  the  crown. 

After  this  preambulatory  remonstrance,  together  with 
the  engagement  of  the  three  estates  to  stand  by  the  crown 
in  the  cases  above  mentioned,  the  enacting  part  of  the 
statute  follows,  viz. 


"  Whereupon  our  said  lord  the  King  by  the  assent 
aforesaid,  and  at  the  request  of  his  said  commons,  hath* 
ordained,  and  established,  that  if  any  purchase,  or  pursue, 
or  cause  to  be  purchased  or  pursued,  in  the  court  of 
Rome  or  elsewhere,  any  such  translations,  processes  and 
sentences  of  excommunications,  bulls,  instruments,  or  any 
other  things  whatsoever,  which  touch  the  Kiug,  against 
him,  his  crown  and  his  royalty,  or  his  realm,  as  is  afore- 
said, and  they  which  bring  within  the  realm,  or  them 
receive,  or  make  thereof  notification,  or  any  other  execu- 
tion whatsoever  within  the  same  realm,  or  without,  that 
they,  their  notaries,  procurators,  maintainors,  abettors, 
fautors,  and  counsellors,  shall  be  put  out  of  the  King's 
protection,  and  their  lands,  and  tenements,  goods  and 
chattels,  forfeit  to  our  lord  the  King :  and  that  they  be 
attached  by  their  bodies,  if  they  may  be  found,  and 
brought  before  the  King  and  his  council,  there  to  answer 
to  the  cases  aforesaid,  or  that  process  be  made  against 
them  by  praemunire  facias  in  manner  as  it  is  ordained  in 
other  statutes  of  provisors  :  and  other  which  do  sue  in  any 
other  court  in  derogation  of  the  royalty  of  our  lord  the 

In  1395  he  visited  the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  where  he 
gave  a  considerable  check  to  the  growth  of  the  Oxford 
heresy.  He  obtained  most  unjustly  from  the  pope,  who 
had  no  right  to  grant  it,  a  grant  of  four-pence  in  the 
pound  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  visitation,  on  all 
ecclesiastical  benefices  :  he  was  opposed  by  the  Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  who  most  unwisely  appealed  to  the  pope.  Thus 
was  it,  that  by  disputes  between  our  own  bishops,  the 
Church  of  England  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  a 
foreign  prince  and  prelate.  In  the  midst  of  this  unhappy 
controversy.  Archbishop  Courtney  died.  His  death  occur- 
red on  the  31st  of  July,  1396. 

He  founded  a  college  of  secular  priests  at  Maidstone, 
and  left  a  thousand  marks  for  the  repairs  of  Canterbury 
cathedral. — Godwin.  Collier.  Parker.  Johnsons  Eccles. 
Laws.     Wilkin  s  Cone.     Wharton. 

cox.  m 


William  Cowpek,  prelate,  was  born  at  Edinburgh,  in 
1566.  From  the  school  of  Dunbar  he  was  removed  to 
St.  Andrew's;  after  which,  in  158-2,  he  visited  England, 
and  was  assisted,  for  nearly  two  years,  in  his  theological 
studies  by  the  famous  Hugh  Broughton.  On  entering 
into  orders  he  became  minister  of  Bothkenner,  in  the 
county  of  Stirling,  and  next*  at  Perth,  where  his  conduct 
was  so  exemplary  that  James  VI.  appointed  him  Bishop 
of  Galloway,  and  dean  of  the  Chapel  Royal.  He  died  in 
1619,  and  in  1629  his  works  were  published  in  London, 
in  one  volume,  folio. 

cox,  EICHARD. 

Richard  Cox  was  born  at  Whaddon,  in  Buckingham- 
shire, in  1499,  and  was  educated  at  Eton  and  at  Kings 
College,  Cambridge.  In  1525  he  was  appointed  by 
Wolsey  a  junior  canon  of  Cardinal  College,  Oxford.  He 
was  accounted  one  of  the  first  scholars  of  his  age.  He 
was  attached  to  the  small  party  of  pious  and  learned  men 
who  were  at  this  time  anxious  to  promote  a  reformation 
in  our  Church,  but  in  that  Church  at  this  time  the 
Romanists  formed  the  dominant  party,  and  young  Cox 
becoming  obnoxious  to  the  heads  of  houses  in  the  univer- 
sity, was  deprived  of  his  preferment  and  cast  into  prison 
on  a  suspicion  of  heresy.  When  at  length  he  was  released 
from  prison,  he  became  master  of  Eton  College.  He 
rapidly  obtained  other  preferments,  and  when  it  was 
proposed  to -convert  the  collegiate  church  of  Southwell  into 
a  bishopric,  Cox  was  designed  for  that  see.  But  though 
the  King  promised  to  expend  a  portion  of  the  money  taken 
from  the  monasteries  in  founding  this  and  other  sees,  the 
money  was  not  forthcoming,  and  the  King  and  his  courtiers 
spent  the  revenues  of  the  Church  on  their  selfish  luxuries. 
The  sees  projected  were  Dunstable,   Colchester,  Shrewrf- 

VOL.  IV.  2  A 

238  COX. 

bury,  Bodmin,  and  Southwell.  But  Cox  was  not  neglected, 
for  he  became  dean  of  Christ  Church,  and  was  soon  after 
appointed,  through  the  interest  of  Archbishop  Cranmer, 
tutor  to  Priuce  Edward.  On  that  prince's  accession  to 
the  throne,  he  became  a  great  favourite  at  court,  and  was 
made  a  privy-counsellor,  and  the  King's  almoner.  The 
21st  of  May,  1547,  he  was  elected  chancellor  of  the  univer- 
sity of  Oxford  ;  installed  July  16,  1541,  canon  of  Windsor; 
and,  the  next  year,  made  dean  of  Westminster.  About 
the  same  time  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  commissioners 
to  visit  the  university  of  Oxford,  in  which  he  is  accused  of 
having  much  abused  his  commission.  In  1550,  he  was 
ordered  to  go  down  into  Sussex,  and  endeavour,  by  his 
learned  and  atfecting  sermons,  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the 
people,  who  had  been  disturbed  by  the  factious  preaching 
of  Day,  Bishop  of  Chichester,  a  violent  papist.  And  when 
the  noble  design  of  reforming  the  canon  law  was  in  agita- 
tion, he  was  appointed  one  of  the  commissioners.  Both 
in  this  and  the  former  reign,  when  an  act  passed  for  giving 
all  chantries,  colleges,  &c.,  to  the  King,  through  Dr.  Cox's 
powerful  intercession,  the  colleges  in  both  universities 
were  excepted  out  of  that  act. 

When  the  Romish  party  came  into  power  under  Queen 
Mary,  Cox  was  committed  to  prison,  but  being  soon  after 
released,  he  left  the  country  and  proceeded  to  Strasburg. 
Here  he  learned  with  grief  that  the  exiles  at  Frankfort 
had  laid  aside  the  liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England,  and 
adopted  one  on  the  Geneva  model.  It  was  concluded  among 
them,  that  the  answering  aloud  after  the  minister  should 
not  be  used  ;  the  litany,  surplice,  and  many  other  things 
also  omitted,  because  in  the  reformed  Churches  abroad 
such  things  would  seem  more  than  strange.  It  was  far- 
ther agreed  upon,  "that  the  minister,  in  the  room  of  the 
English  confession,  should  use  another,  both  of  more 
effect,  and  also  framed  according  to  the  state  and  time ; 
and  the  same  ended,  the  people  to  sing  a  psalm  in  metre 
in  a  plain  tune,  as  was  and  is  accustomed  in  the  French, 

cox.  239 

Dutch,  Italian,  Spanish,  and  Scottish  Churches :  that 
done,  the  minister  to  pray  for  the  assistance  of  God's 
Holy  Spirit,  and  so  to  proceed  to  the  sermon.  After  the 
sermon,  a  general  prayer  for  all  estates,  and  for  England, 
was  also  devised:  at  the  end  of  which  prayer  was  joined 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  a  rehearsal  of  the  articles  of  the 
belief ;  which  ended,  the  people  to  sing  another  psalm  as 
before.  Then  the  minister  pronouncing  this  blessing, 
The  peace  of  God,  &c.,  or  some  other  of  like  effect,  the 
people  to  depart.  And  as  touching  the  ministration  of 
the  Sacraments,  sundry  things  were  also  by  common  con- 
sent omitted,  as  superstitious  and  superfluous."  They  had 
indeed  submitted  the  liturgy  of  the  Church  to  the  celebrated 
John  Calvin,  who  presumptuously  spoke  of  our  book  of 
Common  Prayer  as  retaining  much  of  the  dregs  of  popery, 
and  containing  some  tolerable  fooleries,  not  considering 
that  no  foolery  is  tolerable  in  the  worship  of  Almighty 

Dr.  Cox,  with  several  other  learned  men,  came  to  P' rank- 
fort  in  March  1555,  to  settle  the  differences  existing  there 
among  the  members  of  the  English  Church,  who  were 
pushing  their  reforming  principles  to  a  vicious  extreme. 
They  were  determined  to  restore  the  English  service. 
Their  first  attempt  was  to  introduce  the  repetition  of  the 
responses,  and  undaunted  by  the  opposition  of  these  fa- 
thers of  puritanism,  Dr.  Cox  directeclone  of  the  clergy  who 
attended  him  to  say  the  litany,  while  he  and  those  who 
came  with  him  from  Strasburg  responded  in  a  devout  and 
regular  manner.  This  excited  the  indignation  of  the 
notorious  John  Knox,  who  in  the  afternoon,  when  it  was 
his  turn  to  preach,  railed  against  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  calling  it  superstitious,  impure,  imperfect,  and 
popish,  and  aflBrming  the  present  persecution  to  be  a 
judgment  upon  the  Church  of  England  for  not  having 
reformed  enough.  For  this  he  was  justly  rebuked  by 
Dr.  Cox. 

These  differences  being  now  come  to  a  great  height,  it 
was  thought  proper  to  fix  a  day,   when  both  sides  might 

240  COX. 

have  an  impartial  hearing,  and  those  matters  be  debated 
at  large.  The  Tuesday  following  was  the  day  appointed  ; 
and  when  they  were  assembled,  a  motion  was  made,  that 
Dr.  Cox,  and  his  companions,  might  be  allowed  the  privi- 
lege of  voting  in  the  congregation.  The  puritans  opposed 
this  with  great  vehemence ;  and  insisted,  that  the  present 
controversy  should  be  first  decided,  and  that  they  should 
be  obliged  to  subscribe  the  discipline,  before  they  were 
allowed  that  privilege.  They  also  pretended,  that  some  of 
Dr.  Cox's  company,  lay  under  the  suspicion  of  having 
been  at  mass  in  England,  and  that  others  had  subscribed 
the  doctrines  of  the  Church  of  Rome  :  by  which  malicious 
slander,  they  thought,  so  to  incense  the  congregation 
against  them,  that  they  should  not  be  allowed  a  farther 
hearing.  But  this  calumny  was  soon  confuted  ;  the  first 
part  of  the  charge  being  wholly  false  and  groundless,  and 
the  latter  affecting  none  but  Mr.  Jewell,  whose  repentance 
was  as  public  as  his  offence  :  and  therefore,  though  this 
idle  and  wicked  aspersion  had  at  first  made  such  impres- 
sion on  the  congregation,  that  they  withstood  the  admis- 
sion of  Dr.  Cox  and  his  friends  ;  yet  when  they  had  been 
allowed  to  speak  in  their  own  vindication  they  cleared 
themselves,  so  fully  and  satisfactory,  from  that  imputa- 
tion, that  Knox  himself  entreated  to  have  them  admitted. 
And  now  the  majority  being  on  their  side,  they  declared 
for  the  immediate  restitution  of  the  English  liturgy ;  and 
forbad  Knox,  if  he  continued  obstinate  in  his  opposition 
to  it,  to  officiate  any  longer  in  the  congregation. 

Upon  this  Whittingham,  a  leading  man  among  the 
puritans,  made  his  complaint  to  the  senator  Glauberge, 
by  whose  means  they  had  obtained  the  license  for  a 
church ;  and  he  interposing  in  the  dispute,  commanded 
two  of  the  most  eminent  of  each  side  to  be  selected  to 
consult  and  agree  upon  a  decent  order  for  the  public 
service ;  and  when  they  had  settled  it  to  make  a  report  of 
their  proceedings  to  him.  On  the  Church  side  were  ap- 
pointed Dr.  Cox  and  Mr.  Lever ;  and  for  the  puritans 
Knox   and   Whittingham.     But   when   they   came   to    a 

cox.  241 

conference,  before  they  had  gone  through  the  morning 
service,  their  differences  grew  so  high  (Dr.  Cox  strenu- 
ously insisting  on  the  restitution  of  the  Uturgy,  and 
Knox  and  Whittingham  obstinately  rejecting  it)  that 
the  committee  was  forced  to  break  up  without  effect. 
The  puritans  immediately  addressed  the  senate,  making 
grievous  complaints  against  the  Church  party,  and  reflect- 
ing severely  on  the  obstinacy  and  incompliance  of 
Dr.  Cox.  By  this  address  they  so  far  prevailed  as  to 
obtain  an  order  from  the  magistrates  that  the  congrega- 
tion should  conform,  in  doctrine  and  ceremonies,  to  the 
French ;  and  that  those  who  refused  to  submit  should 
quit  the  town. 

Dr.  Cox,  who  saw  it  was  but  lost  labour  at  present  to 
strive  against  the  stream,  consented  to  comply  with  this 
injunction  of  the  magistrates,  till  he  could  have  an  oppor- 
tunity of  laying  before  them  a  clear  and  impartial  account 
of  things,  and  convince  them  of  the  justice  of  his  cause. 
It  was  not  long  before  he  had  the  happiness  to  effect  this : 
and  because  Knox,  by  his  fawning  and  dissembling,  had 
worked  himself  into  their  good  esteem,  and  pretended  to 
be  more  zealously  and  heartily  affected  towards  them  than 
any  on  the  church  side,  he  thought  it  expedient  to  detect 
his  hypocrisy,  and  give  them  a  true  idea  of  the  spirit  of 
the  man.  This  he  did  by  shewing  them  a  book  written 
by  Knox,  entituled  "An  Admonition  to  Christians;"  in 
which  he  had  most  bitterly  reviled  and  abused  the  Em- 
peror, calling  him  a  worse  enemy  of  Christ  than  Nero ; 
and  speaking  many  obnoxious  things  bordering  on  trea- 
son. The  magistrates,  being  willing  to  act  impartially  in 
this  affair,  sent  for  Whittingham,  Knoxs  intimate  friend, 
and  giving  him  the  book  with  the  passages  which  were 
complained  of  marked  out,  they  commanded  him  to  bring 
them  an  exact  version  of  those  passages  into  Latin  by  one 
in  the  afternoon.  When  they  had  received  his  version, 
and  considered  it,  after  a  short  deliberation  they  sent 
Knox  a  command  to  depart  the  city ;  otherwise  they  let 
VOL.  IV.  3b 

2i3  COX. 

him  know  thej  should  be  obliged  to  deliver  him  tip  to  the 
Emperor,  if  upon  information  concerning  this  pestilent 
book  he  should  send  to  demand  him. 

The  banishment  of  Knox  was  a  fatal  blow  to  the 
puritan  faction,  and  they  lost  ground  considerabl}' ;  for  a 
petition  being  presented  to  the  magistrates,  subscribed  by 
three  doctors,  and  thirteen  bachelors  of  divinity,  besides 
diverse  others  of  inferior  degree,  for  the  establishment  of 
the  English  liturgy,  it  was  received  in  a  most  gracious 
manner ;  and  the  liturgy  was  commanded  to  be  used  by 
all  the  English  exiles  ;  and  particular  orders  were  given 
to  Whittingham,  and  bis  party,  not  to  presume  to  oppose, 
or  dispute  against  it.  Whittingham,  upon  this,  replied, 
that  he  was  willing  to  let  them,  who  had  such  a  fond 
esteem  for  the  book,  enjoy  the  full  and  free  use  of  it ;  but 
that  he  hoped,  that  himself,  and  his  friends,  might  have 
the  liberty  to  join  themselves  to  some  other  Church. 
This  indulgence.  Dr.  Cox  foresaw,  would  be  of  most  per- 
nicious consequence;  and  therefore  requested,  that  it 
might  not  be  allowed.  At  this  Whittingham  took  tire, 
and  challenged  him  to  a  public  disputation;  but  the 
magistrates,  who  knew  Whittingham's  obstinate  temper 
and  ungovernable  passion,  and  had  seen  by  his  conduct  at 
the  late  conference  how  unlikely  it  was  to  bring  him  to 
any  reasonable  accommodation,  refused  to  suffer  it.  The 
puritans,  extremely  mortified  at  these  proceedings,  applied 
again  to  old  Glauberge  to  interpose  in  their  behalf ;  but 
he  knew  them  too  well  now  ever  to  be  misled  by  their 
artifices  again,  and  gave  them  a  flat  denial. 

On  the  ^8th  of  March,  Dr.  Cox,  who  had  now  gained 
an  entire  victory,  sent  for  all  the  English  clergy  to  his 
lodgings,  and  acquainting  them  with  his  success,  proposed 
to  them  to  settle  the  church  after  the  English  order, 
and  to  appoint  and  fix  church  officers.  The  puritans 
exclaimed  against  the  reception  of  the  liturgy,  and  mur- 
mured at  tlie  persons  appointed  to  be  officers  in  the 
church ;  but  they  were  told  that  the  common  prayer  was 

cox.  243 

established  by  the  magistrates,  under  whose  protection  as 
long  as  they  continued  it  was  their  duty  to  obey  them  in 
all  things  lawful ;  and  that  the  church  was  not  to  be  left 
unsettled  and  in  disorder,  to  gratify  their  peevish  and 
perverse  humours.  When  the  affairs  of  the  church  were 
regulated,  Dr.  Cox  proceeded  to  form  a  kind  of  an  univer- 
sity ;  and  appointed  a  Greek  and  a  Hebrew  lecturer,  a 
divinity  professor,  and  a  treasurer  for  the  contributions 
remitted  from  England. 

As  soon  as  things  were  thus  settled  and  composed,  he 
wrote  to  Calvin  to  give  him  an  account  of  his  proceedings, 
and  to  excuse  his  not  consulting  with  him  in  these  affairs. 
The  letter  was  subscribed  by  fourteen  of  the  chief  of  the 
congregation.  Calvin  in  his  answer  railed  at  the  church 
ceremonies,  condemned  their  strict  adherence  to  the 
liturgy,  and  pressed  them  to  comply  with  the  scruples  of 
the  dissenting  party.  And,  indeed,  what  other  answer 
could  be  expected  from  a  man  who  always  was  severe  in 
his  censures  upon  whatever  himself  had  not  a  principal 
hand  in  ?  But  this  answer  of  his  taking  no  effect,  the 
puritan  faction  began  to  think  of  removing  and  setting  up 
separate  congregations  in  another  place  ;  and  to  vindicate 
themselves  from  the  guilt  of  schism,  with  which  they  were 
charged,  they  wrote  to  the  congregation,  desiiing  to  have 
the  cause  referred  to  four  arbitrators,  to  whose  decision 
they  would  stand.  This  they  were  told  was  a  most  un- 
reasonable request ;  and  that  it  would  be  great  folly,  when 
every  thing  was  settled  in  a  regular  and  decent  order, 
to  undo  all  again,  and  refer  the  decision  to  arbiters. 
Dr.  Cox  farther  told  them  that  there  was  more  of  wilful- 
ness and  obstinacy  in  these  pretended  scruples  of  theirs 
than  real  conscience  ;  and  handsomely  exposed  their 
ridiculous  proposal  of  referring  controversies  in  religion  to 
arbiters.  He  asked  what  they  would  think  of  them  who, 
in  the  disputes  concerning  the  sacraments,  predestination, 
and  free-will,  should  agree  to  choose  four  arbiters,  and  to 
believe  in  those  points  whatever  they  should  determine  ? 
and  whether  it  was  not  as  foolish  and  absurd  to  refer  the 

244  COX. 

public  worship  of  God,  and  the  discipline  of  the  Church, 
to  the  same  method  of  decision  ?  After  this,  some  warm 
words  passed  on  both  sides ;  and  the  puritans  departed  in 
a  rage,  and  retired  to  Basil  and  Geneva. 

Dr.  Cox,  hoping  that  all  things  were  now  well  settled  at 
Frankfort,  and  that  by  their  departure  all  future  occasion 
of  religious  disputes  would  be  removed,  withdrew  to  Stras- 
burgh,  for  the  satisfaction  of  conversing  with  Peter  Martyr, 
with  whom  he  had  contracted  an  intimate  friendship  at 
Oxford,  and  whom  he  loved  and  honoured  for  his  great 
learning  and  moderation. 

After  the  death  of  Queen  Mary  he  returned  to  Eng- 
land ;  and  was  one  of  those  divines  who  were  appointed 
to  review  the  liturgy  :  and  when  a  disputation  was  to 
be  held  at  Westminster,  between  the  papists  and  the 
reformed  clergy,  he  was  the  chief  champion  against  the 
Romish  bishops.  He  preached  often  before  Queen  Eliza- 
beth in  Lent ;  and  in  his  sermon  at  the  opening  of  her 
first  parliament,  in  most  affecting  terms  exhorted  them  to 
restore  religion  to  its  primitive  purity,  and  discharge  all 
the  popish  innovations  and  corruptions.  These  excellent 
discourses,  and  the  great  zeal  he  had  shewn  in  defence  of 
the  English  liturgy  at  Frankfort,  so  effectually  recom- 
mended him  to  the  Queen,  that  she  rewarded  his  great 
services  by  noDiinating  him  to  the  see  of  Ely,  vacant 
by  the  deprivation  of  Thirlby.  Before  his  consecration 
he  joined  with  Dr.  Parker,  the  elect  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, and  the  elect  Bishops  of  London,  Chichester,  and 
Hereford,  in  a  petition  to  the  Queen  against  an  act  lately 
passed,  for  the  alienating  and  exchanging  the  lands  and 
revenues  of  the  bishops  ;  and  sent  her  diverse  arguments, 
from  Scripture  and  reason,  against  the  lawfulness  of  it, 
observing  withal  the  many  evils  and  inconveniences  both 
to  Church  and  State,  which  would  be  the  fatal  conse- 
quences thereof.  He  was  consecrated  at  Lambeth,  on  the 
'21st  of  December,  1559. 

This  see  he  filled  more  than  one  and  twenty  years ;  and 
was  all  that  time  one  of  the  chief  pillars  and  ornamenta 

cox.  '245 

of  our  Church.  He  was  very  serviceable  both  to  Arch- 
bishop Parker  and  his  successor  Grindal;  and  by  his 
prudence  and  industry  contributed  to  the  regular  resti- 
tution of  our  reformed  Church  to  that  beauty  and  good 
order  which  it  had  before  enjoyed  in  the  reign  of  King 
Edward.  He  was  indeed  no  great  favourite  of  the  Queen; 
but  that  is  to  be  imputed  to  his  zealous  opposition  to  her 
retaining  the  crucifix  on  the  altar  of  the  Royal  Chapel, 
and  his  strenuous  defence  of  the  lawfulness  of  the  mar- 
riage of  the  clergy,  against  which  the  Queen  had  con- 
tracted a  most  inveterate  and  unaccountable  prejudice. 
He  was  a  great  patron  to  all  learned  men  whom  he  found 
well  affected  to  the  Church ;  and  shewed  a  singular  esteem 
for  Dr.  Whitgift,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
whom  he  made  his  chaplain,  and  gave  him  the  rectory  of 
Teversham  in  Cambridgeshire,  and  a  prebend  of  Ely.  He 
did  his  utmost  to  obtain  a  reformation  of  the  ecclesiastical 
laws  (which  was  drawn  up  by  Archbishop  Cranmer,  Bishop 
Ptidley,  and  other  learned  divines,  of  whom  himself  was 
one,  in  the  latter  end  of  King  Edward's  reign)  established 
by  the  authority  of  parliament ;  but  through  the  unreason- 
able opposition  of  some  of  the  chief  courtiers  this  noble 
design  miscarried  a  third  time. 

As  he  had,  in  his  exile  at  Frankfort,  been  the  chief 
champion  against  the  factious  innovations  of  the  puritans, 
so  he  now  continued,  with  the  same  vigour  and  resolution, 
to  oppose  their  turbulent  and  seditious  attempts  against 
the  discipline  and  ceremonies  of  the  Church  He  laboured 
by  gentle  usage  and  learned  arguments  to  bring  back  the 
seduced ;  and  by  timely  and  wholesome  severities  to  quell 
and  suppress  the  obstinate  and  incorrigible. 

When  the  schism  at  Frankfort  was  settled  Dr.  Cox 
retired  to  Strasburgh,  till  the  death  of  Mary,  when  he 
returned  to  his  native  land. 

He  reviewed  and  corrected  the  writings  of  Whitgift 
against  Cartwright — (See  Life  of  Carticrir/ht  and  Whit- 
gift) — and   when   Gaulter,    the  calvinist,    wrote    against 

2b  2 

246  COX. 

pressing  the  catholic  ceremonies  still  retained  in  our 
church,  he  addressed  to  him  a  letter  from  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  an  extract : 

"  I  wish  indeed  you  had  not  lent  so  ready  an  ear  to  a 
few  of  our  somewhat  factious  brethren.  And  it  were  to  be 
desired  that  a  man  of  your  piety  had  not  so  freely  given 
an  opinion,  before  you  had  fully  understood  the  rise  and 
progress  of  our  restoration  of  religion  in  England.  There 
was  formerly  published  by  command  of  King  Edward  of 
pious  memory,  and  with  the  advice  and  opinion  of  those 
excellent  men.  Master  Bucer,  and  Master  Peter  Martyr, 
then  residing  in  England,  a  book  of  common  prayer  and 
sacraments  for  the  use  of  the  Church  of  England.  But 
now,  as  soon  as  our  illustrious  Queen  Elizabeth  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  kingdom,  she  restored  this  holy  little  book 
to  the  Church  of  England,  with  the  highest  sanction  of 
the  whole  kingdom.  At  that  time  no  office  or  function  of 
religion  was  committed  to  us  who  now  preside  over  the 
churches ;  but  when  we  were  called  to  the  ministry  of  the 
churches,  we  embraced  that  book  with  open  arms,  and  not 
without  thanks  to  God  who  had  preserved  for  us  such  a 
treasure,  and  restored  it  to  us  in  safety.  For  we  know 
that  this  book  ordains  nothing  contrary  to  the  word  of 

"  It  will  not  be  foreign  to  the  subject  to  state  what 
Master  Peter  Martyr  of  pious  memory  wrote  to  us  when 
exiles  at  Frankfort.  '  I  find  nothing,'  he  says,  speaking  of 
this  book,  '  in  that  book  contrary  to  godliness.  We  know 
that  some  contentious  men  have  cavilled  at  and  calum- 
niated it.  Such  persons  ought  rather  to  have  remem- 
bered that  our  Lord  is  not  a  God  of  contention,  but  of 
peace.'  Had  you  been  aware  of  these  circumstances, 
Master  Gaulter,  you  would  not  have  been  so  alarmed,  as 
you  say  you  are,  lest  after  the  imposition  of  the  habits 
some  greater  evil  might  ensue.  The  statements  indeed, 
which  are  whispered  in  your  ears  by  the  contentious,  are 
inoit  absurd  :  for  instance,  that  besides  the  habits  many 

cox.  247 

other  things  are  to  be  obtruded  on  the  Church;  and  that 
there  are  some  who  make  an  hriproper  use  of  the  name  of 
the  Queen  ;  and  moreover,  that  the  ministers  who  refuse 
to  subscribe  to  the  injunctions  of  certain  individuals,  are 
to  be  turned  out  of  the  churches  :  just  as  if  there  were  any 
persons  in  England  who  would  dare  to  frame  laws  by  their 
private  authority,  and  propound  them  for  the  obedience 
of  their  bretliren.  But  this  is  not  only  false,  but  injuri- 
ous both  to  the  Queen  and. the  ministei's  of  the  word,  to 
wit,  that  we  may  humour  her  royal  highness,  and  make 
her  more  decided  in  ordering  every  thing  according  to  her 
own  pleasure.  But  far  be  any  one  from  suspecting  any 
thmg  of  the  kind  in  so  godly  and  religious  a  personage, 
who  has  always  been  so  exceedingly  scrupulous  in  deviat- 
ing even  in  the  slightest  degree  from  the  laws  prescribed. 
Moreover,  she  is  in  the  habit  of  listening  with  the  greatest 
patience  to  bitter  and  sufficiently  cutting  discourses. 
Again,  far  be  it  that  the  ministers  of  the  word  should  be 
said  to  have  foully  degenerated  into  base  flattery.  We 
indeed  do  not  as  yet  know  of  any  one  who  has  abused 
either  your  authority,  Gaulter,  or  that  of  any  godly 
fathers,  in  approval  of  the  popish  dress,  which  we  seri- 
ously reject  and  condemn  equally  with  themselves.  Nor 
is  it  true  that  we  have  obtruded  any  thing  upon  our  bre- 
thren out  of  the  pope's  kitchen.  The  surplice  was  used 
in  the  Church  of  Christ  long  before  the  introduction  of 
popery.  But  these  things  are  proposed  by  us  as  having 
been  sanctioned  by  the  laws,  not  as  the  papists  abused 
them  to  superstition,  but  only  for  distinction,  that  order 
and  decency  may  be  preserved  in  the  ministry  of  the  word 
and  sacraments.  And  neither  good  pastors  nor  pious  lay- 
men are  offended  at  these  things. 

"  You  seem  to  take  it  ill  that  the  bishops  w^ere  ap- 
pointed to  the  management  of  these  matters.  Nay,  you 
seem  to  insinuate,  from  the  parable  of  Christ,  (Matt.  xxiv. 
49,)  that  we  are  perfidious,  drunken,  and  smiters  of  our 
fellow-servants;  as  if  we  approved  the  figments  of  the 
superstitious  courtiers,  and  treated  the  godly   ministers 

248  COX. 

with  severity,  and  exhibited  ourselves  as  the  ministers  of 
intemperate  rashness.  You  thought  that  we  should  defend 
the  cause  of  such  ministers. 

"  These  imputations   are  very  hard,  and  very  far  from 
the  truth.     Has  not  the  management  and  conservation  of 
ecclesiastical  rites,  from  the  very  origin  of  a  well-consti- 
tuted church,  been  at  all  times  under  the  especial  control 
of  bishops  ?     Have  not  the  despisers  and  violators  of  such 
rites  been  rebuked  and  brought  into  order  by  the  bishops  ? 
Let  the  practice  of  the  holy  Church  be  referred  to,  and  it 
will  be  evident  that  this  is  the  truth.     And  it  would  cer- 
tainly be  most  unjust  to  number  those  who  now  discharge 
the  episcopal  office,  among  the  perfidious  or  the  drunken. 
You   candidly   and    truly  confess,    Master  Gaulter,    that 
there  are   some  among  those  brethren  who  are  a  little 
morose;  and  you   might  add  too,   obstreperous,    conten- 
tious, rending  asunder  the   unity   of  a   well-constituted 
Church,  and  everywhere  handing  up  and  down  among  the 
people  a  form  of  divine  worship  concocted  out  of  their  own 
heads ;  that  book,  in  the  mean  time,  composed  by  godly 
fathers,  and  set  forth  by  lawful  authority,  being  altogether 
despised  and  trodden  under  foot.     In    addition  to  this, 
they  inveigh  in  their  sermons,  which  are  of  too  popular  a 
character,  against  the   popish   filth  and    the   monstrous 
habits,  which,   they  exclaim,  are  the  ministers  of  impiety 
and  eternal  damnation.     Nothing  moves  them,   neither 
the  authority  of  the  state,  nor  of  our  Church,  nor  of  her 
most  serene  majesty,   nor  of  brotherly  warning,    nor  of 
pious  exhortation.     Neither  have  they  any  regard  to  our 
weaker  brethren,  who  are  hitherto  smoking  like  flax,  but 
endeavour  dangerously  to  inflame  their   minds.     These 
our  brethren  will  not  allow  us  to  imitate  the  prudence  of 
Paul,  w4io  became  all  things  to  all  men,  that  he  might 
gain   some.      Your   advice,    and   that   especially   of    the 
reverend  fathers  Martin  Bucer,  Peter  Martyr,  and  Henry 
Bullinger,  can  have  no  weight  with  these  men.     We  are 
undeservedly  branded  with  the  accusation  of  not  having 
performed  our  duty,  because  we  do  not  defend  the  cause 

cox.  24g 

of  those  whom  we  regard  as  disturbers  of  peace  and  reli- 
gion ;  and  who  by  the  vehemence  of  their  harangues  have 
so  maddened  the  wretched  multitude,  and  driven  some  of 
them  to  that  pitch  of  frenzy,  that  they  now  obstinately 
refuse  to  enter  our  churches,  either  to  baptize  their  child- 
ren, or  to  partake  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  or  to  hear  sermons. 
They  are  entirely  separated  both  from  us  and  from  those 
good  brethren  of  ours  ;  they  seek  bye  paths  ;  they  establish 
a  private  religion,  and  assemble  in  private  houses,  and 
there  perform  their  sacred  rites,  as  the  Donatists  of  old, 
and  the  Anabaptists  now ;  and  as  also  our  papists,  who 
run  up  and  down  the  cities,  that  they  may  somewhere  or 
other  hear  mass  in  private.  This  indeed  is  too  disgusting, 
to  connect  our  Queen  with  the  pope." 

This  zealous  Anglican  Prelate  was  the  chief  supporter 
of  Archbishop  Parker,  whom  he  exhorted  to  go  on  vigor- 
ously in  reclaiming  and  restraining  the  puritans,  and  not 
to  sink  or  be  disheartened  at  the  frowns  of  those  court- 
favourites  who  protected  them  ;  assuring  him  that  he 
might  expect  the  blessing  of  God  on  his  pious  labours  to 
free  the  Church  from  their  dangerous  attempts,  and  to 
restore  its  unity,  and  establish  uniformity.  And  when 
the  privy  council  interposed  in  favour  of  the  puritans,  and 
endeavoured  to  screen  them  from  punishment,  he  wrote  a 
bold  letter  to  the  Lord  Treasurer  Burleigh ;  in  which  he 
warmly  expostulated  with  the  council  for  meddling  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Church,  which  ought  to  be  left  to  the  deter- 
mination of  the  bishops ;  admonished  them  to  keep  them- 
selves within  their  own  sphere ;  and  acquainted  them  with 
his  design  of  appealing  to  the  Queen,  if  they  continued  to 
interpose  in  matters  not  belonging  to  them. 

This  zeal  of  the  good  bishop  in  defence  of  the  Church 
was,  in  all  probability,  the  occasion  why  the  Lord  North, 
and  some  other  of  the  courtiers,  endeavoured  to  rob  him 
of  his  best  manors ;  and  on  his  absolute  refusal  to  alien- 
ate, or  give  them  aw^ay,  did  their  utmost  to  incense  the 
Queen  against  him,  and  get  him  deprived.  They  examined 
his  whole  conduct  from  his  first  accession  to  that  see ;  and 

S50  COX. 

drew  up  a  large  body  of  articles  against  him :  but  the  bishop, 
in  his  reply,  so  fully  vindicated  himself  from  all  asper- 
sions, and  so  clearly  confuted  their  groundless  and  mali- 
cious calumnies,  that  the  Queen  was  forced  to  confess  him 
innocent.  Notwithstanding  which,  perceiving  the  malice 
of  his  enemies  to  be  implacable,  and  that  there  was  no 
possibility  of  reclaiming  them  from  their  sacrilegious  de- 
signs, he  wrote  of  his  own  accord  to  the  Queen,  begging  of 
her  to  give  him  leave  to  resign.  His  great  age  and  infirm 
state  of  health  made  him  the  more  earnest  in  his  petition  : 
and  his  resignation  would  have  been  certainly  accepted  if 
they  could  have  found  any  other  divine  of  note  who  would 
have  taken  the  see  on  their  terms.  The  first  offer  of  it  was 
made  to  Parkhurst,  Bishop  of  Norwich ;  and  on  his  re- 
fusal it  was  proffered  to  several  others  :  but  the  conditions 
were  so  ignominious  and  base  that  they  all  rejected  it : 
by  which  means  Bishop  Cox  continued  in  it  till  his  death, 
which  happened  on  the  22nd  of  July,  1581,  in  the  eighty- 
second  year  of  his  age.  The  see  continued  vacant  near 
twenty  years  after  his  death  ;  during  which  time  there  is 
no  doubt  but  those  sacrilegious  designs,  which  he  so  reso- 
lutely opposed,  were  executed  with  a  high  hand. 
His  works,  chiefly  published  after  his  decease,  are, 

1.  "An  Oration  at  the  beginning  of  the  Disputation  of 
Dr.  Tresham  and  others  with  Peter  Martyr." 

2.  "An  Oration  at  the  conclusion  of  the  same ;"  both 
in  Latin,  and  printed  in  1549,  4to,  and  afterwards  among 
Peter  Martyr's  works.  The  second  is  also  printed  in  the 
Appendix  to  Strype's  Life  of  Cranmer. 

'6.  He  had  a  great  hand  in  compiling  the  first  Liturgy 
of  the  Church  of  England  :  and  was  one  of  the  chief 
persons  employed  in  the  review  of  it  in  1559. 

4.  He  turned  into  verse  the  Lord's  Prayer,  commonly 
printed  at  the  end  of  Sternhold  and  Hopkins's  Psalms,  a 
composition  which  will  not  bear  modern  criticism. 

5.  When  a  new  Translation  of  the  Bible  was  made  in 
the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  now  commonly  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Bishop's   Bible,  the  Four  Gospels,  the 

CRADOCK.  251 

Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  were 
allotted  to  him,  for  his  portion. 

6.  He  wrote,  "  Resolutions  of  some  Questions  concern- 
ing the  Sacraments ;"  in  the  collection  of  records  at  the 
end  of  Dr.  Burnet's  History  of  the  Reformation. 

7.  He  had  a  hand  in  the  "  Declaration  concerning  the 
functions  and  divine  institution  of  Bishops  and  Priests," 
and  in  the  "  Answers  to  the  '  Queries  concerning  some 
abuses  of  the  Mass.'  " 

8.  Several  letters  and  small  pieces  of  his  have  been 
published  by  Strype,  in  his  Annals  of  the  Reformation, 
and  Lives  of  the  four  Archbishops  ;  and  he  is  said  to  have 
assisted  in  Lilly's  Grammar.  A  letter  written  by  him  in 
1569,  directed  to  the  parson  of  Downham,  and  found  in 
the  parish  chest  of  that  place,  was  some  years  ago  pub- 
lished in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine.  It  relates  chiefly  to 
the  state  and  condition  of  the  poor,  before  the  statutes  of 
the  14th  and  43rd  of  Queen  Elizabeth  were  enacted  ;  and 
shews  that  the  bishop  was  animated  with  a  very  laudable 
zeal  for  engaging  persons  of  wealth  and  substance  to 
contribute  liberally,  cheerfully,  and  charitably,  to  their 
indigent  neighbours. — Downes.  Brief  Discourse  of  the 
Troubles  at  Frankfort.     Zurich  Letters. 


Samuel  Cradock  was  born  in  1620,  and  educated  at 
Emanuel  College,  Cambridge,  of  which  he  became  fellow, 
and  was  presented  to  the  rectory  of  North  Cadbury,  in 
Somersetshire,  from  whence  he  was  ejected  for  non-con- 
formity in  1662.  After  this  he  settled  at  Bishop  Stortford, 
in  Hertfordshire,  where  he  died  in  1706.     His  works  are, 

1.  Knowledge  and  Practice,  a  System  of  Divinity,  folio. 

2.  The  Harmony  of  the  Evangelists,  folio.  3.  The  Apos- 
tolical History,  folio.  4.  The  Old  Testament  Methodized, 
8  vols,  folio.  5.  An  Exposition  of  the  Revelations.— 

252  CRANMER. 


Zachart  Cradock,  brother  of  the  preceding,  was  born 
in  1633.  He  was  educated  at  Queen's  College,  Cambridge, 
and  in  1672  was  appointed  provost  of  Eton,  in  opposi- 
tion to  Waller,  the  poet.  He  died  in  1695.  Dr.  Cradock 
published  two  sermons,  one  on  Providence,  and  the  other 
on  the  Design  of  Christianity. — Gen.  Biog.  Diet, 


Thomas  Cranmer  was  born  July  2nd,  1489,  at  Aslacton, 
in  the  county  of  Nottingham,  and  at  fourteen  years  of  age 
was  sent  to  Jesus  College,  Cambridge,  by  his  mother,  his 
father  being  dead.  At  the  age  of  twenty-two  he  married 
and  forfeited  the  fellowship  he  had  obtained  in  his  college, 
to  which,  however,  on  his  wife's  death,  the  year  after,  he 
was  restored.  He  was  offered  promotion  in  Cardinal 
Wolsey's  College  at  Oxford,  which  he,  for  some  unknown 
reason,  declined,  but  the  offer  proves  the  estimation  in 
which  he  was  held  in  his  own  university.  Proceeding  to 
the  degree  of  D.D.  he  was,  in  1526,  appointed  one  of  the 
public  examiners  of  theology  in  the  university.  At  this 
time  there  were  several  pious  men  in  the  university  who, 
from  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  early  fathers,  as 
well  as  from  the  instructions  of  Erasmus,  were  anxious  to 
see  the  Church  of  England  reformed,  but  the  spirit  of 
Romanism  had  so  thoroughly  pervaded  the  Church,  that 
to  this  new  school,  which  was  prepared  to  oppose  Romish 
peculiarities,  whenever  discovered  to  be  such,  a  great 
opposition  was  raised.  Dr.  Cranmer,  though  naturally 
timid  and  cautious,  was  on  the  reforming  side,  and  was 
ready  to  adopt  any  lawful  measures  for  ridding  the  coun- 
try of  papal  usurpation. 

About  this  period  Henry  the  Vlllth  felt,  or  affected  to 
feel,  compunction  of  conscience,  for  having  married  his 
brother's    widow,    the    amiable,    the   pious,    the    devoted 

CRANMER.  253 

€atherine.  If  his  passion  for  Anne  Boleyn  did  not  give 
rise  to  his  feelings,  with  respect  to  the  divorce,  and  the 
facts  of  history  seem  to  shew  that  he  had  entertained 
them  before  he  was  acquainted  with  her,  there  can  le 
no  doubt  that  this  circumstance  decided  his  iniquitous 

It  was  not  hkely  that  Dr.  Cranmer  -would  at  this  time 
be  acquainted  with  the  virtues  of  the  exemplary  Catherine, 
or  with  the  heartless  intrigues  of  the  giddy  girl,  who 
thought  to  rise  upon  her  ruin.  The  question  of  the 
King's  divorce  assumed  both  a  political  and  a  religious 
aspect,  for  it  involved  a  question  of  papal  authority.  It  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  those  who  thought  that  the 
whole  of  that  authority,  as  exercised  over  the  Church  of 
England,  was  a  usurpation,  should  enter  eagerly  upon 
the  subject  when  the  King  was  beginning  to  dispute  that 
authority  on  a  particular  point.  Let  the  authority  be 
shaken  on  one  point,  it  would  soon  be  shaken  on  others 
also.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  feeling  in  Dr.  Cran- 
mer's  mind,  when  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Cressy,  Waltham 
Abbey,  Essex,  he  met  Edward  Fox,  the  King's  almoner, 
and  Stephen  Gardiner,  the  King's  secretary.  In  the 
course  of  conversation  he  delivered  it  as  his  opinion  that 
it  would  be  better  "  to  have  the  question  whether  a  man 
may  marry  his  brother's  wife  or  no,  decided  and  discussed 
by  the  divines,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  Word  of  Gcd, 
than  thus  from  year  to  year  to  prolong  the  time  by  having 
recourse  to  the  pope ;  that  there  was  but  one  truth  in  it, 
which  the  Scriptures  would  soon  declare  and  manifest, 
being  handled  by  learned  men,  and  that  it  might  as  well 
be  done  in  England,  in  the  universities  here,  as  at  Rome, 
or  elsewhere."  This  opinion  being  reported  by  these 
official  personages  to  the  King,  Dr.  Cranmer  was  sum- 
moned to  the  royal  presence,  and  taken  into  favour.  He 
was  directed  to  write  a  book  on  the  divorce,  which  he  did, 
residing  at  the  time  with  Thomas  Boleyn,  Earl  of  Wilt- 
shire.    When  he  had  finished  the   book,   in  which    he 

VOL.  IV.  2  c 


asserted  that  the  pope  could  not  dispense  with  the  Word 
of  God  ;  he  went  to  Cambridge,  where  he  brought  many 
persons  over  to  his  view  of  the  subject.  He  was  made 
Kings  chaplain,  and  Archdeacon  of  Taunton.  From  that 
time  there  seems  to  have  existed  a  personal  attachment 
between  Henrj  and  Cranmer.  It  is  difficult  to  account 
for  the  fact,  that  Cranmer  escaped  the  destruction  or 
disgrace  which  was  destined  for  most  of  those  who 
had  been  at  any  time  favourites  with  Henry,  except 
on  the  supposition  that  Henry  perceived  that,  while 
others  were  serving  him  to  promote  their  selfish  ends, 
Cranmer  was  really  attached  to  his  person.  Nor  may 
we  wonder  that  such  a  person  as  the  gentle-spirited  and 
pure-minded  Cranmer  should  become  attached  to  the 
King  ;  for  the  viler  traits  of  Henry's  character  were 
only  gradually  brought  to  hght ;  and  much  may  have 
been  concealed  from  Cranmer  when  primate.  There 
was  much  in  Henry's  personal  address  to  conciliate 
esteem,  for  he  was,  in  spite  of  his  vices,  during  great  part 
of  his  reign,  a  popular  sovereign.  And  we  all  know  how 
apt  the  mind  is  to  make  allowances  for  the  worst  charac- 
ters, when  by  frequent  intercourse  we  find  something 
good  in  them,  which  is  unknown  to  those  who  only  see 
the  coarser  features  ;  and  this  kind  of  weakness,  which 
renders  it  so  dangerous  to  associate  with  a  wicked  per- 
son, is  only  increased  when  that  person  is  a  king,  and 
that  king  a  benefactor.  The  more  vigorous  mind  of  the 
bluff  Henry  may  have  overawed  the  yielding  spirit  of 

Cranmer  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  Rome,  where  he  pre- 
sented to  the  pope  the  book  before  alluded  to,  in  which 
he  had  proved  that  the  pope  had  no  authority  to  dis- 
pense with  the  Word  of  God.  He  offered  to  dispute 
against  the  validity  of  Henry's  marriage,  but  he  found 
no  opponent.  He  was,  however,  civilly  treated,  and  the 
pope  made  him  grand  penitentiary  throughout  England, 
Ireland,   and  Wales.     He  was   sent  also  to   Germanj  on 


the  same  affair ;  and  in  1532  concluded  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce between  England  and  the  Low  Countries.  During 
his  residence  in  Germany  he  married  a  second  time,  and 
had  for  his  wife  Anne,  niece  of  Osiander. 

In  1532,  on  the  death  of  Archbishop  Warham, 
Dr.  Cranmer  was  fixed  upon  by  Henry  for  his  successor 
in  the  metropolitan  see  of  Canterbury.  Much  has  been 
written  about  his  unwillingness  to  accept  the  appoint- 
ment, some  asserting,  and  some  doubting  his  sincerity. 
No  one  can  suppose  that  Cranmer  was  not  an  expectant 
of  preferment;  high  in  favour  with  the  King,  and  em- 
ployed in  affairs  of  the  first  importance,  he  must  have  felt 
secure  on  that  point ;  and  this  very  circumstance  would 
render  him  the  less  willing  to  undertake  so  dangerous 
and  difficult  a  post  as  that  of  the  primacy.  He  must  have 
seen  that  things  could  not  remain  as  they  were ;  and 
while  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  support  the  movement  party, 
he  was  himself  a  quiet,  unambitious,  rather  self-indulgent 
person ;  not  by  nature  qualified  to  be  either  a  leader  or  a 
martyr.  Nothing  could  be  more  probable  than  that  such 
a  person  should  linger  and  delay  as  much  as  possible, — 
in  the  hope  that  in  the  meantime  something  else  might 
fall  vacant  better  suited  to  his  desire  of  domestic  comfort. 
Henry,  however,  was  not  a  person  to  be  disobeyed  ;  it  was 
indeed  equally  dangerous  to  accept  or  to  refuse  a  favour  at 
his  hands.  And  by  the  command  of  Henry,  Cranmer 
became  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Much  has  been  written 
on  the  subject  of  the  protest  he  uttered  previously  to  his 
taking  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  pontiff.  It  is  not  a  plea- 
sant passage  in  his  life,  but  it  is  only  one  out  of  the 
many  instances  which  are  on  record  of  his  weakness.  He 
stated  to  the  King  his  opinion  that  since  of  the  Church  of 
England,  he  regarded  the  King,  not  the  pope,  as  the 
supreme  head, — (an  error  quite  as  bad  as  that  which 
allots  the  headship  to  the  pope) — the  oath  of  fidelity 
should  be  taken  only  to  his  majesty.  And  it  was  a  kind 
of  compromise  between  Cranmer  and  the  King,  suggested 

256  CRANMER. 

by  the  lawyers,  that  he  should  take  the  papal  oath,  but 
under  protest.  There  is  no  doubt  now  that,  contrary  to 
the  statements  of  papal  writers,  the  protest  was  made 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  primate  was  to  pro- 
nounce sentence  of  divoree  upon  the  pious  and  exem- 
plary Catherine.  However  much  we  may  pity  the  injured 
Queen,  the  subject  of  the  divorce  had  been  fully  can- 
vassed, and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Cranmer  acted 
conscientiously.  His  next  act  was  to  crown  her  thought- 
less, heartless  successor,  Anne  Boleyn;  though  he  expressly 
declares  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  her  hasty,  secret, 
and  indecent  marriage  with  Henry. 

In  this  year,  1533,  he  sat  in  judgment  upon  one  Frith, 
who  was  condemned  to  the  stake  for  refusing  to  speak  of 
the  corporeal  presence  of  Christ  within  the  host  and  sacra- 
ment of  the  altar  as  necessary  to  be  believed.  Although 
the  penalties  of  the  law  were  enforced,  Cranmer,  with  his 
usual  benevolence,  endeavoured  most  earnestly  to  persuade 
the  poor  man  to  recant. 

After  this  he  held  a  visitation  of  his  diocese,  where  he 
found  the  clergy  to  be  a  divided  body  ;  some  maintaining 
with  more  zeal  than  discretion,  the  new  doctrines,  as  they 
were  called,  of  the  universities ;  others  wishing  to  keep 
the  Church  as  it  then  was,  and  as  strongly  attached  to  the 
Romish  interpretation  of  our  formularies  as  some  persons 
now  are  to  the  calvinistic  interpretation  of  them.  When 
there  is  a  disagreement  as  to  principles,  the  disagreement 
is  manifested  generally  by  their  application  to  some  one 
subject  of  general  interest ;  and  the  subject  of  discussion 
among  the  clergy  now  related  to  the  royal  divorce  and 
marriage.  If  the  reforming  party  in  bur  church  had  the 
best  of  the  argument  when  contending  against  the  papal 
supremacy,  they  must  at  the  same  time  have  found  it. 
difficult  to  defend  the  King's  indecent  marriage,  which 
would  seem  to  be  the  result,  not  of  principle,  but  of  appe- 
tite.    Such  difficulties  are  frequently    experienced,    and 


men  defend  what  is  wrong  lest  they  should  injure  a  good 
cause,  hoping  and  believing  that  there  is  some  palliation 
for  the  wrong  conduct  of  those  who  advocate  right  prin- 
ciples, though  at  the  time  unknown.  Cranmer's  mode  of 
putting  an  end  to  the  controversy  would  not  be  approved 
in  the  present  day.  He  restrained  both  parties  from 

The  Archbishop  this  year  had  the  honour  to  be  god- 
father to  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  afterwards  the  celebrated 
Queen ;  and  the  pope  threatening  him  with  excommuni- 
cation on  account  of  his  sentence  against  Queen  Catherine, 
he  appealed  to  a  general  council.  In  1534  he  acted  on 
the  same  principle,  and  through  his  influence  acts  of  par- 
liament were  passed,  abolishing  the  papal  supremacy. 
In  convocation  this  year  it  was  declared  by  both  houses, 
that  the  pope  had  no  greater  authority  in  this  country 
than  any  other  foreign  prelate,  and  Cranmer,  in  conse- 
quence, altered  his  title,  removing  the  words  apostolicae 
sedis  legatus,  and  inserting  metropolitanus.  Thus  did 
the  clergy  declare,  that  the  power  exercised  over  our 
Church  by  the  pope  was  a  usurpation.  It  was  ordered 
that  the  pope's  name  should  be  struck  out  of  the  offices  of 
the  Church,  and  in  the  bidding  prayer  they  were  directed 
to  teach  the  people  to  pray  for  "  our  Sovereign  Lord 
Henry  VIIL,  being  immediate,  next  to  God,  the  only  and 
supreme  head  of  this  our  Catholic  Church  of  England." 
The  complete  and  easy  manner  in  which  this  great  change 
was  eifected  is,  as  Mr.  Soames  observes,  worthy  of  remark. 
On  the  last  day  of  March,  Archbishop  Cranmer  proposed 
to  the  convocation  of  his  province  the  following  question  : 
Has  the  Roman  bishop  conferred  upon  him  by  God  any 
greater  jurisdiction  in  this  kingdom  than  any  other  foreign 
bishop  ?  In  the  upper  house  this  question  was  unani- 
mously decided  in  the  negative  :  in  the  lower  house  four 
members  only  voted  in  the  affirmative,  and  one  doubted. 
Even  this  inconsiderable  degree  of  dissent  was  not  mani- 
fested by  the  clergy  of  the  northern  province.     The  con- 

2c  2 

258  CRANMER. 

vocation  assembled  at  York  unanimously,  after  diligent 
inquiry  and  mature  deliberation,  determined  the  question 
in  the  negative.  The  same  question  was  submitted  to  the 
two  universities,  and  they  also  came,  without  a  single  dis- 
sentient voice,  to  the  same  determination.  These  learned 
bodies  did  not,  however,  deny  the  principles  which  they 
had  been  used  to  inculcate,  with  undue  haste,  or  without 
sufficient  investigation.  They  examined  the  matter  re- 
ferred to  them  in  public  disputations,  and  the  conclusion 
to  which  they  came  was  such  as  they  found  themselves 
unable  to  elude.  In  their  judgment  the  less  distin- 
guished ecclesiastical  corporations  also  concurred,  and 
thus  the  whole  clergy  of  England  renounced,  almost 
without  a  struggle,  the  foreign  authority  to  which  the 
Church  had  been  long  used  to  bow :  a  convincing  proof 
that  the  arguments  upon  which  this  alien  interference  is- 
founded  will  not  bear  the  test  of  diligent  and  impartial 

In  1535,  the  Archbishop  submitted  to  the  disgrace  of 
having  a  layman  placed  over  him  in  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
Thomas  Cromwell,  a  worldly  minded,  jobbing  advocate 
of  the  reforming  party,  who  seems  to  have  exercised  con- 
siderable influence  over  the  undecided  and  unsuspect- 
ing mind  of  the  Archbishop,  was  made  vicar-general, 
or  vice-gereot,  and  took  precedence  of  both  Archbishops. 
We  must  not  blame  Archbishop  Cranmer  very  severely 
for  this, — his  notion  was,  however  mistaken,  yet  sincere ; 
that  the  King  had  succeeded  to  all  the  authority  which 
the  pope  had  heretofore  exercised,  excepting  only  the 
power  of  officiatiug  in  church,  and  he  received  Cromwell 
as  the  Sovereign's  representative.  Although  we,  at  a  dis 
tant  period,  perceive  this  to  have  been  a  mistake,  yet  the 
position  was  anomalous,  and  we  must  make  due  allow- 
ance. We  may  regret  that  one  of  firmer  principles 
was  not  archbishop  at  the  time  to  establish  his  rights ; 
but  we  cannot  censure  Cranmer,  because,  when  placed 
in  ver}'  difficult  circumstances,  he  was  too  meek  and 

CRANMER.  259 

In  the  convocation  of  this  year  certain  articles  of  reli- 
gion were  set  forth,  in  which  the  clergy  were  required  to 
teach  all  things  contained  in  the  Scriptures,  and  the  three 
creeds,  and  to  condemn  all  things  contrary  thereto,  as 
they  had  been  condemned  in  the  first  four  general 
councils.  As  the  pope  was  about  to  hold  a  council 
at  MaDtua,  in  which  it  was  probable  the  proceedings 
in  Eugland  would  be  censured,  a  remonstrance  was 
signed  by  the  convocation,  in  which  it  was  declared 
that  neither  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  nor  any  one  prince, 
without  the  consent  of  others,  could  assemble  a  general 

Cromwell,  well  knowing  that  nothing  would  so  tend  to 
preserve  his  authority  as  devising  means  for  replenishing 
the  funds  of  his  master,  proposed  this  year  to  dissolve  the 
lesser  monasteries,  on  the  plea  of  their  attachment  to 
Rome.  With  the  exception  of  Cromwell,  Henry,  and  the 
dissolute  courtiers,  the  other  reformers  endeavoured  to 
prevent  the  suppression  from  being  general,  or  at  least  to 
convert  the  revenues  to  ecclesiastical  purposes.  Cranmer 
wished  them  to  be  devoted  to  the  formation  of  new 
bishoprics.  A  visitation  of  the  monasteries,  in  the  King  s 
name,  was  appointed ;  the  Archbishop  being  inhibited 
from  interfering.  The  visitation  was  conducted  in 
the  most  unjust  and  tyrannical  manner,  although,  with- 
out doubt,  into  many  of  the  religious  houses  great  abuses 
had  crept ;  only  the  lesser  monasteries  were  dissolved  at 
this  time. 

In  1536  the  tyrant  King,  who  is  the  disgrace  of  the 
Reformation,  having  fallen  in  love  with  Jane  Seymour, 
determined  to  rid  himself  of  Anne  Boleyn.  There  is  a 
characteristic  letter  extant  of  Cranmer's  to  the  King  upon 
the  proceedings  against  the  Queen.  It  is  cautious, 
courtier-like,  and  so  worded  as  not  to  give  offence ;  but 
there  is  an  attempt  to  say  something  in  favour  of  the 
Queen,  though  not  enough  to  bring  the  writer  into  dis- 
grace,    Cranmer,  who  had  not  the  spirit  of  St.  Ambrose 


to  resist  a  tyrant,  pronounced  a  sentence  of  divorce  against 
the  Queen,  but  on  what  grounds  it  does  not  appear. 

In  1537  was  published  the  Institution  of  a  Christian 
Man.  It  was  called  the  Bishop's  Book,  because  drawn 
up  chiefly  by  their  authority.  Cranmer  was  at  this  time 
much  annoyed  by  slanders  and  various  calumnies,  which 
were  heaped  upon  him  by  those  who  were  opposed  to  the 
movement ;  and  they  are  merely  mentioned  here  to  notice 
the  meekness  and  gentleness  with  which  the  Archbishop 
remonstrated  with  the  offenders,  at  a  time  when  he  had 
the  power  to  commit  them  to  prison.  To  his  great  joy, 
what  may  be  called  the  first  version  of  Scripture  author- 
ized by  our  Church,  was  published  this  year.  What  is 
called  Cranmer  s,  or  the  great  Bible,  was  published  in 
1539,  of  which  the  King  granted,  at  Cranmer  s  interces- 
sion, a  free  and  liberal  use. 

In  the  year  1538  the  shrine  of  Thomas  a  Becket  in 
our  Archbishop's  own  cathedral  w^as  destroyed,  and  it  was 
followed  by  the  destruction  of  other  shrines ; — the  im- 
postures practised  by  a  low  and  degraded  class  of  the 
clergy  were  many  and  great,  and  on  being  exposed  must 
have  strengthened  the  hands  of  the  new^  school,  which  was 
certainly  gaining  ground  in  our  church.  Some  envoys  from 
the  protestant  princes  of  Germany,  expecting  from  these 
circumstances  to  win  Henry  over  to  their  side,  were  now 
in  England  on  Cranmer's  invitation ;  they  had  discussions 
with  the  Archbishop  and  some  of  our  other  divines,  both 
with  respect  to  the  Romish  impositions  and  with  respect 
also  to  the  articles  of  the  Confession  of  Augsburg.  But 
they  do  not  seem  to  have  made  any  great  impression 
upon  the  chief  persons  in  our  church,  and  they  left  the 
country  evidently  disappointed.  Even  Cranmer  took  parti 
in  the  trial  of  Lambert  soon  after,  who  was  consigned  to 
the  flames,  for  lefusing  to  admit  the  doctrine  of  transub- 

Towards  the  close  of  Henry's  reign  the  Romish  party 
in  our  church  came  into  power,    and  nothing  but   the 

CRANMER.  261 

King's  personal  attachment  to  Cranmer  saved  him. 
Bishop  Gardiner  was  in  the  royal  favour,  and  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk  was  prime  minister.  As  is  too  often  the  case 
wdth  political  parties,  they  purchased  peace  by  the  sacri- 
fice of  principle,  and  by  purchasing  the  King's  favour  at  a 
disgraceful  price.  If  Cromwell  and  the  reforming  party 
are  to  blame  for  destroying  the  lesser  monasteries,  they 
have  at  least  the  excuse  to  urge  in  their  favour,  that  if 
they  sometimes  exaggerated  defects,  they  certainly  found  in 
many  instances  very  scandalous  abuses.  It  was  by  the 
Romish  party  that  the  measure  for  the  destruction  of  the 
greater  monasteries  was  carried  ;  the  reformers  now  in 
opposition,  only  contending  against  the  appropriation  of 
the  revenues  to  the  sole  use  of  the  King.  They  wished 
them  to  be  bestowed  upon  hospitals,  grammar  schools, 
and  cathedrals,  under  new  regulations.  They  did  in  part 
succeed ;  but  the  revenues  intended  for  the  promotion  of 
piety  were  for  the  most  part  squandered  by  Henry  and 
his  profligate  courtiers.  The  loss  to  the  poor  was  great; 
not  only  because  the  monks  were  more  charitable  than  the 
courtiers,  maintaining  all  the  poor  in  their  district,  but 
because  the  property  was  public  property,  i.  e.  property  in 
which  many  persons  had  a  share,  and  to  the  possession  of 
which  the  poorest  man  might  rise.  If  it  were  an  evil  that 
the  property  became  so  large  ;  it  is  admitted.  It  is  an 
evil,  and  causes  discontent,  that  one  man,  whether  peer 
or  commoner,  should  have  a  fortune  of  a  hundred  thou- 
sand a  year.  But  it  is  a  greater  evil, — an  evil  which 
would  be  attended  with  worse  results,  to  take  his  fortune 
from  him :  therefore  he  is  j)ermitted  to  retain  it.  But 
the  poor  have  no  defenders :  their  property  was  seized, 
and  for  years  the  country  suffered  from  the  act  of  in- 
justice. That  the  system  of  monasteries  had  done  its 
work,  that  the  corruptions  were  great,  that  a  radical 
reform  was  necessary,  no  one  acquainted  with  ecclesi- 
astical history  can  doubt.  We  only  regret  that  what  had 
been  given  to  the  poor  had  not  been  reserved  in  soma 

262  CRANMER. 

way  to  be  a  blessing  to  the  million,  instead  of  being 
devoted  to  the  support  of  Henry's  courtiers  and  their 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that,  by  the  spoliation  of  the 
Church,  Cranmer,  among  other  courtiers,  sought  to  enrich 
his  family.  King  Edward  the  Vlth,  in  the  tirst  year  of 
his  reign,  granted  among  other  estates  all  the  demesne 
lands  in  Horsforth,  belonging  to  the  monastery  of  Kirk- 
stall,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  the  ornament  of  the 
parish  of  Leeds,  to  Archbishop  Cranmer.  And  in  the 
fourth  year  of  the  same  reign,  the  same  archbishop 
obtained  a  license  to  alienate  these  lands  to  one  Peter 
Hammond,  and  others,  to  the  use  of  Thomas  Cranmer  his 
eldest  son,  and  his  heirs.  This  alienation  of  church 
property  during  the  royal  ministry,  and  when  the  arch- 
bishop's influence,  as  one  of  the  regency,  must  have  been 
great,  will  ever  be  a  reflection  upon  his  grace's  character, 
while  it  betrays  a  worldliness  of  mind  which  his  piety  was 
unable  to  overcome. 

In  1539,  both  in  convocation  and  in  parliament,  the 
Romish  party  of  the  Church  of  England  had  so  far  gained 
the  ascendancy,  as  to  obtain  the  enactment  of  the  memor- 
able six  articles,  the  first  of  which  asserted  the  popish 
view  of  transubstantiation ;  the  second  defended  half 
communion,  the  third  enforced  clerical  celibacy,  the 
fourth  related  to  vows  of  chastity,  the  sixth  insisted  on 
auricular  confession. 

The  most  honorable  and  the  boldest  step  ever  taken  by 
Cranmer,  was  his  arguing  in  the  negative  against  most  of 
these  propositions,  in  spite  of  the  King's  support  of  them. 
His  opposition  was  energetic,  and  it  was  made  under  a 
sovereign  who  could  ill  brook  opposition,  and  therefore  at 
the  peril  of  his  life. 

But  this  was  succeeded  by  conduct  the  most  cowardly 
and  disgraceful.  Both  parties  in  the  Church  of  England, 
the  Romish  under  Gardiner,  and  the  reforming  under 
Cranmer,  assented  to  the  divorce  of  Ann  of  Cleves,  on  th^ 

CRANMER.  265 

ground  that  the  King  had  not  inivardly  consented  to  the 
marriage.  It  was  sanctioned  by  convocation,  and  thus 
the  whole  Church  was  involved  in  the  disgrace.  The  dis- 
grace and  execution  of  Cromwell  soon  followed.  The 
tenderness  of  Crauraer's  nature  induced  him  to  plead  for 
the  man  who,  however  unworthy,  had  been  so  long  his 
friend ;  but  his  was  the  cautious  pleading  of  a  courtier. 
He  did  not  speak  for  the  man  whom  he  believed  to  be 
innocent  with  the  boldness  of  the  ancient  fathers,  but, 
courtier-like,  he  said ;  "  I  loved  him  as  my  friend,  for  so 
I  took  him  to  be  ;  but  I  chiefly  loved  him  for  the  love 
which  I  thought  I  saw  him  bear  ever  towards  your  grace 
singularly  above  all  other.  But  now  if  he  be  traitor  I  am 
sorry  I  ever  loved  him  or  trusted  him,  and  am  very  glad 
his  treason  is  discovered  in  time."  However  cleverly 
turned  this  may  be,  it  is  nevertheless  far  from  the  style 
in  which  we  should  have  wished  an  archbishop  to  write. 
And  we  must  add,  that  on  the  second  and  third  readings 
of  the  bill  of  attainder  against  Cromwell,  Cranmer  offered 
no  dissent. 

He  was  at  this  time  employed  in  discussing  the  seve- 
ral articles  of  the  Book,  which  was  published  in  1543, 
"A  necessary  Doctrine  and  Erudition  of  Christian  Men,"  it 
was  a  revision,  but  not  an  improvement  of  the  Institution. 
The  Institution  had  been  sanctioned  by  convocation,  the 
Erudition  had  only  the  authority  of  the  King.  Cranmer 
took  the  lowest  possible  view  of  ecclesiastical  offices  at  this 
time,  and  instead  of  acting  with  the  freedom  of  a  Christian 
Bishop,  he  wrote  at  the  end  of  the  first  of  the  answers 
forwarded  to  the  King,  "  This  is  my  opinion  and  sentence 
at  this  present ;  which  I  do  not  temerariously  define,  but 
remit  the  judgment  thereof  wholly  unto  your  Ma-jesty." 
We  can  scarcely  conceive  any  thing  more  dastardly  than 
such  a  sentence  addressed  by  an  Archbishop  to  a  profligate 

In  the  convocation  of  15*2,  the  Romish  party  made 
another  attempt  to  stay  the  progress  of  Scrijitural  know- 

2^4  CRANMER. 

ledge.  Existing  English  versions  of  the  Bible  were 
again  loudly  decried  as  incorrect,  and  it  was  repre- 
sented that,  in  justice  to  the  people,  a  new  revision 
of  the  sacred  volume  was  imperiously  required.  The 
propriety  of  such  a  measure  not  being  denied  by  the 
reforming  party.  Bishop  Gardiner  proposed  that  in 
the  new  translation  about  one  hundred  terms,  which 
he  said  the  English  tongue  could  not  adequately  ex- 
press, should  be  rendered  into  Latin.  The  convocation, 
however,  refrained  from  compromising  its  character  by 
mocking  the  nation  with  the  offer  of  a  translation  of 
the  Bible  rather  tending  to  embarrass  than  to  inform 
the  popular  mind.  It  was  at  first  proposed  that  the 
Bishops  should  severally  undertake  to  revise  portions  of 
the  sacred  volume  ;  but,  as  from  their  obvious  leaning 
towards  the  Romish  policy,  there  was  reason  to  doubt 
their  zeal  in  such  an  employment,  Cranmer  moved,  that 
the  desired  revision  should  be  confided  to  the  two  univer- 
sities. This  proposal  elicited  fresh  opposition  from  tlie 
Romanizers.  All  the  Bishops,  except  Goodrich  of  Ely, 
and  Barlow  of  St.  David's,  protested  against  it.  The 
reputation  for  learning  formerly  enjoyed  by  the  universities, 
it  was  asserted,  had  been  much  impaired  of  late  ;  and  the 
men  who  then  took  the  lead  at  those  celebrated  seminaries 
were  described  as  very  unequal,  both  from  unripeness  of 
age  and  from  want  of  judgment,  to  prepare  such  an  edition 
of  the  sacred  writers  as  might  justly  claim  the  confidence 
of  Englishmen.  By  these  representations,  however,  the 
primate  was  wholly  unmoved.  He  had  obtained  the 
King's  concurrence  in  his  plan,  and  the  convocation  did 
not  eventually  presume  to  dispute  such  high  authority. 
But  the  triumph  gained  led  to  no  result.  Whatever  were 
the  cause,  nothing  is  known  to  have  been  done  by  the 
universities  at  this  time  towards  perfecting  the  English 
Bible  ;  and  the  whole  debate  is  only  deserving  of  notice, 
inasmuch  as  it  furnishes,  not  one  of  the  least  remarkable 
of  the  many  instances,  which  shew  the  unwillingness  of 

CRANMER.  265 

Romanists  to  allow  a  free  comparison  of  their  tenets  with 
the  declarations  of  that  volume  which  alone  forms  the 
universally  recognized,  and  unquestionably  safe  standard 
of  a  Christians  faith. 

Cranmer  had  also  the  merit  of  drawing  the  attention  of 
this  convocation  to  the  absurd  honours  which  images  still 
continued  to  receive.     The  clumsy  attempts  to  decorate 
these  objects,   in  which  vulgar  superstition  yet  found  a 
vent,   were  now  formally  condemned  ;  and   the  saints  of 
stone,  or  wood,  were  for  the  future  to  be  deprived  of  their 
silken  vests,   and  glimmering  tapers.     Besides  obliging 
the  clergy  to  clear  their  churches  of  these   unsightly  fop- 
peries,  the  Archbishop  proposed  a  revision  of  the  ritual. 
He  urged  the  propriety  of  expunging  from  the  public  ser- 
vice all  mention  of  the  pope,  and  of  saints  not  recorded  in 
Scripture,   or  in  authentic  authors ;   all  legendary  tales, 
and  every  other  matter  which  would  not  bear  to  be  con 
fronted  with  the  undoubted  Word  of  God.     This  proposal, 
however,    appears    to   have   been   rather   coldly  received 
With  omitting  all  mention  of  the  pope,  of  Becket,  and  ot 
some  other  Romish  saints,   the  clergy  generally  were  dis- 
posed  to   rest  satisfied.      Another   year,    therefore,    was 
allowed  to  pass  away,  and  still  the  service-book  was  found 
to  vary  but  very  inconsiderably  from  its  old  state.     At  the 
expiration  of  that  period,  Cranmer  acquainted  the  convo- 
cation that  he  was  the  bearer  of  his  majesty's  commands, 
enjoining  an  immediate  revision  of  the  liturgy.     In  conse- 
quence of  this  message  it  was  voted,  that  the   Bishops  of 
Ely  and  Sarum,   together  with   six  assistants,  three  for 
each  prelate,  to  be  selected  from  the  lower  house,  should 
be  charged   to   fulfil    the    royal    pleasure.     The    inferior 
clergy,  however,   declined  the  nomination  of  any  members 
from  their  own  body  for  this  purpose  ;  and  the  projected 
revisal  was  either  not  attempted   at   all,   or  very  slightly 
performed.     Indeed,    to    the  end  of  Henry's   reign,   the 
liturgical  books  in  use  before  his  rupture  with  Rome,  were 
allowed,  with  a  few  omissions  or  erasures,  to  direct  the 

VOL.  lY.  2d 

•266  CRANMER. 

public  devotions.  Another  motion  of  the  protestant  party, 
offered  to  the  convocation  of  this  year,  also  failed  of 
success.  The  Lord  Chancellor  Audley  submitted  to  the 
consideration  of  the  upper  house  a  bill,  which  he  proposed 
to  lay  before  parliament,  intended  to  enable  married  men 
to  act  as  chancellors  in  the  diocesan  courts,  and  to  exer- 
cise in  an  effective  manner  the  functions  of  that  ofiQce. 
This  bill,  however,  was  highly  disapproved  by  the 
prelates ;  and,  by  their  instances,  the  chancellor  was  in- 
(Juced  to  abandon  the  design  of  introducing  it  to  the 
house  of  lords. 

Amidst  this  stiffness  in  maintaining  established  usages, 
the  upper  house  of  convocation  was  not  wholly  unmindful 
of  a  more  liberal  policy.  It  was  ordered  there,  that  on 
every  Sunday  and  holiday  throughout  the  year,  the  offi- 
ciating minister  of  every  parish  should  read  to  his  con- 
gregation a  chapter,  in  English,  out  of  the  Bible,  after 
the  Te  Veum  and  Magnificat.  He  was  not,  however,  to 
accompany  his  reading  by  any  comment ;  and  he  wa» 
to  read  in  succession  all  the  chapters  in  the  Sacred 

In  his  visitation,  in  1543,  the  Archbishop  found  the 
clergy  much  divided  :  some  had  neglected  to  proclaim  the 
royal  supremacy,  while  others  of  the  new  school,  and 
among  them  Ridley  and  the  Archbishop's  brother,  seem  to 
have  fallen  into  some  indiscretion  in  their  attempts  to 
reform.  The  Romish  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England 
still  warned  the  people  against  the  preachers  of  the  new 
learning.  Several  conspiracies  were  formed  against  the 
Archbishop,  from  which  he  only  escaped  through  the 
friendship  of  the  King.  The  account  given  of  his  trials  is 
not  quite  the  same  in  Strype  and  Burnet  as  in  Arch- 
bishop Parker  ;  and  it  is  not  worth  while,  in  such  a  con- 
cise biography  as  this,  to  enter  into  the  discussion  of 
details.  We  proceed  therefore  to  remark  that,  in  1544, 
when  the  King  was  preparing  for  an  expedition  against 
France^  and  had  ordered  a  litany  to  be  said  for  a  blessing 

CRANMER.  267 

on  bis  arms,  the  Archbishop  prevailed  with  him,  to  let  it 
be  set  forth  in  English ;  the  service  in  an  unknown 
tongue  making  the  people  neghgent  in  coming  to  Church. 
This,  with  the  prohibition  of  some  superstitious  and  un- 
warrantable customs,  touching  vigils  and  the  W'Orship  of 
the  cross,  was  all  the  progress  the  Reformation  made 
during  the  reign  of  King  Henry  :  for  the  intended  refor- 
mation of  the  Canon  Law,  was,  by  the  craft  of  Bishop 
Gardiner,  suppressed  for  reasons  of  state ;  and  the  King, 
toward  the  latter  end  of  his  life,  seemed  to  have  a  strong 
bias  toward  the  popish  supei^titions,  and  to  frown  on  all 
attempts  at  a  Reformation. 

On  the  28th  of  January,  1546,  King  Henry  departed 
this  life ;  and  was  succeeded  by  his  only  son,  Edward, 
who  was  godson  to  the  Archbishop,  and  had  been  instruct- 
ed by  men  who  favoured  the  Reformation.  Archbishop 
Cranmer  was  one  of  those,  whom  the  late  King  had 
nominated  for  his  executors,  and  who  were  to  take 
the  administration  of  the  government  into  their  hands, 
till  King  Edward  was  eighteen  years  old:  and  when 
the  Earl  of  Hertford  was  afterwards  chosen  protector, 
his  power  was  limited,  so  as  not  to  be  able  to  do  any 
thing,  without  the  advice  and  consent  of  all  the  other 

We  have  hitherto  seen  Dr.  Cranmer,  the  advocate  of 
the  Reformation,  but  yielding  in  his  w^eakness  too  fre- 
quently to  King  Henry.  We  now  must  look  upon  him  as 
exposed  to  other  influences,  and  through  weakness  yield- 
ing to  the  ultra-protestants. 

On  the  20th  of  February,  the  coronation  of  King 
Edward  was  solemnized  at  Westminster  Abbey.  The 
ceremony  was  performed  by  Archbishop  Cranmer,  who 
made  a  speech  to  the  King;  in  which,  after  a  just 
censure  of  the  papal  encroachments  on  princes,  and 
a  declaration,  that  the  solemn  ceremonies  of  a  corona- 
tion add  nothing  to  the  authority  of  a  prince,  whose 
power  is  derived  immediately  from  God ;  he  goes  on  to 

268  CRANMER. 

inform  the  King  of  his  duty,  exhorts  him  to  follow  the 
precedent  of  good  Josias,  to  regulate  the  Avorship  of  God, 
to  suppress  idolatry,  reward  virtue,  execute  justice,  relieve 
the  poor,  repress  violence,  and  punish  the  evil-doer.  It 
may  not  be  improper  to  transcribe  what  he  says  concern- 
ing the  divine  original  of  kingly  power,  in  his  own  words, 
to  rectify  some  prevailing  notions  amongst  us. 

*'  The  solemn  rites  of  coronation,"  says  he,  '•'  have  their 
ends  and  utility,  yet  neither  direct  force  or  necessity  ; 
they  be  good  admonitions  to  put  kings  in  mind  of  their 
duty  to  God,  but  no  increasement  of  their  dignity  :  for 
they  be  God's  anointed,  not  in  respect  of  the  oil,  which 
the  bishop  useth,  but  in  consideration  of  their  power 
which  is  ordained,  of  the  sword  which  is  authorized,  of 
their  persons  which  are  elected  of  God;  and  endued 
with  the  gifts  of  His  Spirit,  for  the  better  ruling  and 
guiding  of  His  people.  The  oil,  if  added,  is  but  a 
ceremony  ;  if  it  be  wanting,  the  King  is  yet  a  perfect 
monarch  notwithstanding,  and  Gods  anointed,  as  well 
as  if  he  was  inoiled."  Then  follows  his  account  of  the 
King's  duty ;  after  which  he  goes  on,  "  Being  bound 
by  my  function  to  lay  these  things  before  your  royal 
highoess,  yet  I  openly  declare,  before  the  living  God, 
and  before  these  nobles  of  the  land,  that  I  have  no 
commission  to  denounce  your  majesty  deprived,  if  your 
highness  miss  in  part,  or  in  whole,  of  these  per- 

This  speech  had  such  an  effect  on  the  young  King,  that 
a  royal  visitation  was  resolved  on,  to  rectify  the  disorders 
of  the  Church,  and  reform  religion.  The  visitors  had  six 
circuits  assigned  them ;  and  every  division  had  a  preacher, 
whose  business  it  was  to  bring  off  the  people  from  super- 
stition, and  dispose  them  for  the  intended  alterations. 
And  to  make  the  impressions  of  their  doctrine  more  last- 
ing, the  Archbishop  thought  it  highly  expedient  to  have 
some  homilies  composed,  which  should,  in  a  plain  me- 
thod, teach  the  grounds  and  foundation  of  true  religion* 


and  correct  the  prevailing  errors  and  superstitions.  On 
this  head  he  consulted  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and 
desired  his  concurrence,  but  to  no  purpose  ;  for  Gardiner, 
forgetting  his  professions  of  all  future  obedience  to  the 
Archbishop,  wrote  to  the  protector  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
Reformation  in  its  birth.  When  Cranmer  perceived  that 
Gardiner  was  obstinate,  he  went  on  without  him,  and  set 
forth  the  first  Book  of  Homilies,  in  which  himself  had  the 
chief  hand.  Soon  afterwards  Erasmus'  Paraphrase  on  the 
New  Testament  was  translated,  and  placed  in  every 
church,  for  the  instruction  of  the  people. 

Although  the  Romish  party  had  been  in  power  during 
the  latter  part  of  King  Henry's  reign,  yet  Cranmer  had 
prepared  the  w^ay  for  a  further  reformation  of  our  Church 
with  skill  and  judgment.  This  became  apparent  in  the 
convocation,  which  was  holden  on  the  5th  of  November, 
1547.  The  Dean  of  Lincoln  was  chosen  prolocutor  of  the 
lower  house,  in  the  province  of  Canterbury,  and  presented 
to  the  Archbishop  and  Bishops.  In  his  opening  address, 
Cranmer  recommended  that  the  reformation  should  be 
carried  forward,  and  that  the  clergy  should  keep  close  by 
the  Holy  Scriptures.  Petitions  were  presented  by  the 
prolocutor  to  the  Archbishop,  of  which  one  was  that  provi- 
sion should  be  made  for  the  examination  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical law,  according  to  the  act  of  the  late  King  to  that 
effect.  Another  was  somewhat  singular,  for  it  was  a 
prayer  that  the  lower  clergy  might  be  united  to  the  house 
of  commons.  There  was  also  another,  praying  that  the 
works  of  the  Bishops  and  others,  who,  by  order  of  convo- 
cation, had  laboured  in  examining,  reforming,  and  pub- 
lishing, the  Divine  Service,  might  be  produced  and  laid 
before  the  lower  house.  It  is  evident  that  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  liturgy  had  already  been  commenced  by  the 
Bishops.  In  their  fifth  session,  an  ordinance  was  read 
in  the  lower  house,  which  had  been  communicated  by  the 
Archbishop,  relative  to  the  communion  in  both  kinds. 
The  prolocutor  and  other  members  signed  the  document : 

2d  2 

270  CRANMER. 

and  in  the  next  session  the  proposal  was  adopted.  In  the 
eighth  session  the  question  of  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy 
was  introduced,  and  proceeding  to  a  vote,  fifty- three  voted 
for  the  repeal  of  all  the  prohibitory  enactments,  while 
twenty-two  were  opposed  to  anj'  change  whatever. 

The  convocation  having  declared  in  favour  of  the  com- 
munion in  both  kinds,  an  act  of  parliament  was  soon 
passed  authorizing  the  changing  of  the  mass  into  a  com- 
munion, and  ordering  that  the  cup  should  be  administered 
to  the  laity.  An  Order  of  Communion  was  accordingly 
drawn  up  by  a  committee  of  Bishops  and  divines.  Pre- 
vious, however,  to  the  publication  of  the  book,  a  series  of 
questions  was  proposed  relative  to  this  sacrament.  Both 
questions  and  answers  maybe  seen  in  Burnet  and  Collier. 
The  book  was  published  a.  d.  1548.  This  was  the  first 
step  taken  in  this  reign  in  the  reformation  of  the  public 

It  was  a  little  before  this,  about  the  year  1546,  that 
Dr.  Ridley,  by  reading  the  work  of  Bertram — (see  his 
Life) — concerning  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  had 
been  led  to  examine  closely  the  prevailing  opinion  of  the 
Corporeal  Presence ;  where,  having  found  it  much  opposed 
in  the  ninth  century,  especially  by  this  learned  writer, 
he  communicated  the  result  of  it  to  Dr.  Cranmer,  and 
henceforward  they  both  pursued  the  subject  with  more 
than  ordinary  care.  How  diligently  Cranmer  studied  the 
subject  is  apparent  from  the  works  he  published  in  con- 
troversy with  Gardiner  in  the  year  1550.  The  chief  work, 
indeed,  of  the  Archbishop,  designed  for  publication,  is  the 
one  then  published  under  the  title  of  "A  Defence  of  the 
true  and  Catholic  Doctrine  of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  our  Saviour  Christ,  with  a  confutation  of 
sundry  errors  concerning  the  same." 

The  Archbishop's  work  had  no  sooner  appeared  than  it 
was  attacked  both  by  Bishop  Gardiner  and  Dr.  Smyth, 
then  residing  at  Louvain.  The  treatise  first  mentioned 
attracted  a  considerable  degree  of  notice,   and  Cranmer 

CKANMER.  271 

lost  no  time  in  preparing  an  answer  to  it ;  noticing  in  his 
way  such  of  Smyth's  arguments  as  appeared  of  any  im- 
portance. This  rejoinder  was  pubhshed  in  the  autumn 
of  1551,  under  the  title  of  "  An  Answer,  by  the  Reverend 
Father  in  God,  Thomas,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  unto 
a  crafty  and  sophistical  Cavillation,  devised  by  Stephen 
Gardiner,  Doctor  of  Law,  late  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
against  the  true  and  godly  doctrine  of  the  most  holy 
Sacrament,  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Saviour,  Jesu 
Christ.  Wherein  is  also,  as  Occasion  serveth,  answered 
such  Places  of  the  Book  of  Doctor  Richard  Smyth,  as  may 
seem  any  thing  worthy  of  the  answering."  Nothing  could 
be  more  fair  or  fearless  than  the  course  adopted  by 
Cranmer  in  this  controversy,  for  he  printed  in  his  own 
work  the  whole  of  Gardiner's  tract,  commenting  upon  it 
piece  by  piece.  At  the  end  of  the  volume,  he  placed  an 
answer  to  Smyth's  preface,  and  some  tables,  bringing  into 
a  single  point  of  view  the  inaccuracies,  inconsistencies, 
errors  and  absurdities  into  which  Gardiner  had  fallen. 
That  prelate  defended  his  production  in  a  piece  published 
in  Latin,  at  Paris,  in  1552,  under  the  name  of  Marcus 
Antonius  Constantius,  a  divine  of  Louvain.  To  this 
rejoinder  Cranmer  was  anxious  to  reply,  and  he  had,  pre- 
viously to  his  death,  composed  three  books  in  confutation 
of  it.  Of  these,  the  two  first  perished  in  Oxford  ;  of  the 
third  nothing  farther  is  known,  than  that  it  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Foxe. 

Of  this  work,  the  Archbishop  spoke  thus,  in  the  solemn 
appeal  he  made  from  the  pope  to  the  next  general 
council : 

"  Touching  my  doctrine  of  the  Sacrament,  and  other 
ray  doctrine,  of  what  kind  soever  it  be,  I  protest  that  it 
was  never  my  mind  to  write,  speak,  or  understand  any 
thing  contrary  to  the  most  holy  Word  of  God,  or  else 
against  the  holy  Catholic  Church  of  Christ,  but  purely  and 
simply  to  imitate  and  teach  those  things  only,  which  I  had 
learned  of  the  sacred  Scripture,  and  of  the  holy  Catholic 

272  CRANMER. 

Church  of  Christ  from  the  beginning,  and  also  according 
to  the  exposition  of  the  most  holy  and  learned  fathers  and 
martyrs  of  the  church. 

"  And  if  any  thing  hath  perad venture  chanced  other- 
wise than  I  thought,  I  may  err  :  but  heretic  I  cannot  be, 
forasmuch  as  I  am  ready  in  all  things  to  follow  the  judg- 
ment of  the  most  sacred  Word  of  God,  and  of  the  holy 
Catholic  Church,  desiring  none  other  thing,  than  meekly 
and  gently  to  be  taught,  if  anywhere  (which  God  forbid)  I 
have  swerved  from  the  truth. 

"And  I  profess  and  openly  confess,  that  in  all  my 
doctrine  and  preaching,  both  of  the  Sacrament,  and  of 
other  my  doctrine  whatsoever  it  be,  not  only  I  mean  and 
judge  those  things,  as  the  Catholic  Church  and  the  most 
holy  fathers  of  old  with  one  accord  have  meant  and 
judged,  but  also  I  would  gladly  use  the  same  words  that 
they  used,  and  not  use  any  other  words,  but  to  set  my 
hand  to  all  and  singular  their  speeches,  phrases,  ways, 
and  forms  of  speech,  which  they  do  use  in  their  treatises 
upon  the  Sacrament,  and  to  keep  still  their  interpretation. 
But  in  this  thing  I  only  am  accused  for  a  heretic,  because 
I  allow  not  the  doctrine  lately  brought  in,  of  the  Sacra- 
ment, and  because  I  consent  not  to  words  not  accustomed 
in  Scripture  and  unknown  to  the  ancient  fathers,  but 
newly  invented  and  brought  in  by  men,  and  belonging  to 
the  destruction  of  souls,  and  overthrow  of  the  old  and 
pure  religion." 

We  must  now  return  to  the  year  1547,  when  Cranmer, 
to  his  disgrace,  was  mainly  instrumental  in  introducing  a 
bill  which  withdrew  from  four  deans  and  chapters  the  elec- 
tion of  bishops,  and  admitted  the  prelates  to  their  sees  by 
the  letters  patent  of  the  crown,  and  which  declared  all 
jurisdiction,  both  spiritual  and  temporal,  to  be  derived  from 
the  King,  in  whose  name,  therefore,  all  episcopal  citations 
and  processes  should  now  run,  with  whose  arms,  instead 
of  their  own,  their  official  documents  should  be  sealed. 
This  iniquitous  act  was  repealed  in  the  reign  of  Mary, 

CRANMER.  273 

when  the  Bishops  of  our  Church  again  acted  under  their 
own  names  and  seals;  and  ever  since  the  reign  of  Queen 
Mary  our  bishops  have  continued  to  do  so. 

He  was  more  honourably  employed  soon  after  in  re- 
sisting the  further  spoliation  of  the  Church,  which  some 
of  his  brother  reformers  designed  and  attempted :  one 
great  object  of  Somerset's  administration  was  to  secularize 
that  portion  of  the  monastic  and  collegiate  property  which 
had  escaped  the  rapacity  of  Cromwell,  and  in  the  j&rst  ses- 
sion of  the  parliament  he  introduced  a  bill  for  giving  all 
chantries  to  the  King. 

The  bill  was  resisted  in  the  house  of  lords,  both  by  the 
reforming  and  the  Romish  prelates,  and  Cranmer  opposed 
it  in  a  speech  of  great  '.length.  After  having  depicted  the 
impoverished  state  of  the  clergy  by  the  sale  of  the  appro- 
priated tithes,  which,  instead  of  being  divided  among  the 
laity,  ought  injustice  to  have  been  restored  to  the  Church, 
he  insisted  that  the.  present  measure  at  least  ought  to  be 
delayed  until  the  King  arrived  at  full  age.  By  this  neces- 
sary delay  the  reason  assigned  for  the  dissolution  of  the 
chantries  was  more  likely  to  be  answered ;  their  estates 
would  then  be  applied  to  the  improvement  of  the  royal 
revenues ;  but,  during  the  King's  minority,  their  pro- 
perty would  be  alienated  and  wasted  ;  and  if  the  measure 
were  deferred,  he  was  convinced  that  the  piety  of  the 
young  prince  would  lead  him  to  bestow  their  revenues  on 
the  parochial  clergy. 

These  arguments  of  the  primate  were  seconded  by  the 
Romish  prelates ;  for  these  chantries  contributed  to  sup- 
port their  favourite  doctrines  of  purgatory  and  masses 
for  the  dead.  But  the  private  interests  of  the  protector 
and  his  dependants  carried  the  bill  through  the  house, 
notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the  Archbishop  and 
seven  other  bishops. 

In  the  house  of  commons,  the  opposition  was  equally 
strong,  and,  as  it  proceeded  not  from  religious  motives, 
was  in  part  successful.      Some  of  the  burgesses  repre- 

274  CRANMER. 

sented,  that  the  boroughs  for  which  they  served  could  not 
support  their  churches  and  other  public  institutions,  if 
the  revenues  of  the  chantries  were  given  to  the  King. 
The  burgesses  of  Lynn  and  Coventry  distinguished  them- 
selves on  this  occasion,  and  their  arguments  had  due 
weight  on  the  house.  The  assent  of  the  commons  could 
not  be  obtained  without  a  private  assurance  that  the  guild 
lands,  and  other  property  of  corporate  bodies,  should  be 
restored,  though  guild  lands  as  well  as  chantries  were 
included  in  the  statute.  There  was  also  a  provision  in 
the  statute,  that  the  revenues  of  the  dissolved  chantries 
should  be  converted  to  the  maintenance  of  grammar 
schools  and  the  increase  of  vicarages. 

It  is  much  to  be  lamented  that  other  burgesses  did  not 
contend  for  their  rights  as  the  men  of  Coventry  did. 
Trinity  Church,  Coventry,  still  possesses  the  property 
thus  secured  to  it ;  and,  under  the  able  management  of 
the  present  vestry,  it  is  used  not  only  to  supply  the  place 
of  church-rates,  but  to  render  that  noble  church  what  it 
ought  to  be.  The  author  may  be  permitted  thus  to  offer 
in  a  parenthesis  this  mark  of  respect  to  a  body  with  whom 
he  was  for  a  long  period  connected,  and  to  a  parish  which 
he  must  always  regard  with  affection. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  publication  of  an  Office 
for  the  Holy  Communion.  The  next  work  published  was 
a  Catechism,  by  Justus  Jonas,  translated  either  by  Cran- 
mer  himself,  or  by  some  one  acting  under  his  direction. 
In  this  catechism,  the  two  first  commandments  are  con- 
solidated, yet  with  an  acknowledgment  that  they  were 
anciently  divided  ;  but  the  use  of  images  is  strongly 
censured,  as  leading  to  the  imputation,  if  not  to  the 
practice,  of  idolatry.  Besides  the  two  sacraments  of 
baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper,  a  third  is  asserted,  the 
power  of  reconciling  sinners  to  God.  The  divine  insti- 
tution of  bishops  and  priests  is  fully  recognised,  and  the 
necessity  of  reviving  the  primitive  discipline  is  strongly 


And  now  came  on  the  great  and  blessed  work  of  the 
reformation  of  our  formularies ;  a  committee  of  bishops  and 
divines  was  appointed  to  revise  the  entire  services  of  our 
Church.  As  a  necessary  preparation  for  their  intended 
work,  they  diligently  collected  the  different  liturgies  used 
throughout  England,  of  which  there  was  no  small  variety. 
In  the  south  of  England,  the  use  of  Sarum  was  generally 
followed ;  in  the  north,  the  offices  were  modelled  according 
to  the  practice  of  the  metropolitan  church  of  the  province, 
York  ;  while  the  cathedral  of  Lincoln  prescribed  the  rule 
for  the  middle  diocesses.  In  South  Wales,  the  customs 
of  Saint  David's  were  followed,  and  in  North  Wales  those 
of  Hereford  or  Bangor.  There  were  few  dioceses  which 
had  not  peculiarities  in  their  ritual ;  since  any  prelate, 
famed  for  sanctity  of  life  or  for  miraculous  works,  was  not 
only  canonized,  but  imitated  in  his  forms  of  devotion :  the 
collects  and  hymns  which  he  had  composed  or  used  were 
retained  after  his  death  in  his  own  cathedral.  Every 
religious  order  had  also  its  peculiar  rites,  and  its  peculiar 
holydays.  The  administration  of  the  public  offices  was 
an  art  not  to  be  learned  without  long  study,  and  it  con- 
stituted the  chief  learning  of  the  priesthood.  The  super- 
stitious customs  prescribed  by  these  offices  were  of  an 
infinite  variety,  and  they  frequently  resembled  the  rites  of 

The  first  business  of  the  reformers  was  to  simplify  all 
these  things,  to  reduce  all  the  uses  to  one,  and  to  have  all 
the  offices  translated.  The  result  of  their  labours  was, 
the  Prayer  Book,  substantially  the  same  as  that  which  we 
now  possess,  as  finally  reformed  and  established  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  11.  The  differences  between  the  first 
reformed  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  and  ours,  are  these  : 
his  Prayer  Book  commenced  with  the  Lord's  Prayer. 
The  psalter  was  appointed  to  be  read  through  monthly  in 
portions,  and  the  lessons,  with  a  little  variation,  are  in  the 
same  order  as  is  still  in  use.  A  litany  was  also  compose4 
from  the  most  ancient  liturgies,  consisting  of  short  peti- 

276  CRANMER. 

tions,  interrupted  by  responses ;  but  the  invocations  of 
saints  and  martyrs,  used  by  the  church  of  Rome,  were 
omitted,  and  suppHcations  were  addressed  only  to  the 
three  persons  of  the  Blessed  Trinity,  first  severally,  and 
then  jointly. 

The  communion  service,  which,  in  the  preceding  year, 
had  been  set  forth  separately,  was  retained  with  a  few 
alterations.  After  the  consecration  all  elevation  was  for- 
bidden, but  the  people  were  commanded  to  kneel  when 
they  communicated.  The  doctrine  of  the  coi-poral  presence 
was  still  under  consideration,  and  therefore  the  scriptural 
expressions,  that  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  w^ere 
received  in  the  Lord's  Supper  by  the  faithful,  were  retain- 
ed. The  prayer  of  consecration  was  the  same  with  ^that 
now  in  use,  with  this  addition  :  "  With  Thy  Holy  Spirit 
vouchsafe  to  bless  and  sanctify  these  Thy  gifts  and 
creatures  of  bread  and  wine,  that  they  may  be  unto  us  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Thy  most  dearly  beloved  Son." 

In  the  occasional  offices  many  ceremonies  were  observed, 
which  have  been  since  abolished  as  being  of  a  supersti- 
tious tendency.  Besides  the  use  of  the  cross  in  baptism, 
there  was  at  the  same  time  an  adjuration  of  the  devil  to 
go  out  of  the  baptized  person,  and  to  come  into  him  no 
more.  A  chrysome,  or  white  vestment,  was  put  on  the 
newly  baptized  person,  as  a  token  of  innocence,  and  he 
was  anointed  on  the  head  by  the  priest,  who  accompanied 
the  ceremony  with  a  prayer  for  the  unction  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.  The  catechism  was  the  same  as  at  present,  except 
an  addition  on  the  two  sacraments,  and  it  was  repeated  by 
the  catechumens  when  they  were  confirmed.  The  sign  of 
the  cross  was  made  on  the  forehead  of  each  person  con- 
firmed, in  addition  to  the  imposition  of  hands ;  and,  in 
the  office  of  matrimony,  the  priest,  when  he  gave  the  bene- 
diction, made  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  the  forehead  of  the 
newly  married  persons. 

In  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  those  who  desired  to  be 
anointed    might  have  the  unction  on  their  forehead  or 

CRANMER.  277 

breast  only,  with  a  prayer  that,  as  tbeir  bodies  were  out- 
wardly anointed  with  oil,  so  they  might  receive  the  Holy 
Ghost  with  health,  and  victory  over  sin  and  death.  At 
funerals  the  departed  soul  was  recommended  to  the  mercy 
of  God,  with  a  prayer  that  its  sins  might  be  pardoned, 
and  that  the  body  might  be  raised  and  glorified  at  the 
last  day. 

When  the  liturgy  had  been  completed  by  the  com- 
mittee, it  was  revised  and  approved  by  the  two  convo- 
cations of  Canterbury  and  York,  or  rather  by  a  majority 
of  these  bodies,  and  was  then  submitted  to  the  consider- 
ation of  parliament.  It  was  first  brought  under  the 
examination  of  the  house  of  commons,  and  received 
immediate  assent ;  but  in  the  house  of  lords  it  continued 
long  under  deliberation.  The  concurrence  of  the  lords 
was  not  at  last  obtained  without  a  protest  from  the  Earl  of 
Derby,  the  Lords  Dacres  and  Windsor,  with  the  Bishops 
of  London,  Durham,  Norwich,  Carlisle,  Hereford,  Wor- 
cester, Westminster,  and  Chichester,  thre^  of  whom  had 
belonged  to  the  committee. 

A  statute  was  then  passed  for  the  use  of  the  new  liturgy 
book  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  was  entitled  "  An  act 
for  the  uniformity  of  divine  semce."  The  variety  in  the 
forms  of  public  worship,  and  the  consequent  irregularities, 
were  described,  but  the  King  had  refrained  from  punishing 
such  disorders,  believing  that  their  authors  were  actuated 
by  an  honest  zeal.  For  their  more  effectual  remedy,  he 
had  appointed  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  other 
bishops  and  divines,  to  draw  up  an  office  for  all  the  parts 
of  divine  service.  He  had  enjoined  those  whom  he  had 
selected  for  the  work  to  have  a  regard  "  to  the  direction  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  usages  of  the  primitive 
Church."  This  work  was  now  finished  by  the  persons 
appointed,  with  one  uniform  agreement,  "  by  the  aid  of 
the  Holy  Ghost." 

The  enactments  against  such  of  the  clergy  as  officiated 
*'  in  any  manner  different  from  the  rubric"  prescribed  by 

VOL.  IT.  3  B 


the  new  liturgy  were,  a  fine  for  the  first  offence,  and 
imprisonment  for  life,  with  forfeiture  of  goods,  for  a 
contumacious  refusal.  A  clause  provided  that,  "  for  the 
encouragement  of  learning,"  the  universities  might  use  a 
Latin,  Greek,  or  HeV)rew  translation,  of  any  part  of  the 
service-book,  the  communion  office  only  excepted. 

It  will  be  seen  that  what  the  Reformers  did  was  simply 
this. — 1.  To  translate  the  services.  2.  To  appoint  Scrip- 
ture to  be  read  instead  of  legends.  3.  To  dispose  the 
Creed  more  properly.  4.  To  have  the  Lord's  Prayer  re- 
peated aloud  instead  of  secretly.  5.  To  omit  the  Ave 
Maria  and  the  Commemoration  of  the  Virgin.  6.  To 
reject  unfortunately  the  metrical  Latin  hymns  without 
supplying  their  place.  7.  To  omit  prayers  for  the  dead, 
and  invocation  of  saints. 

Thus,  as  Bishop  Hall  remarks,  the  English  Prayer 
Book  was  not  taken  out  of  the  mass,  but  the  mass  was 
thrust  out  of  the  Prayer  Book. 

By  the  reforming  party  the  service  thus  translated  and 
re-arranged  was  received  with  much  joy;  but  the  Romish 
party  in  our  Church  received  it  of  course'  with  regret. 
Disturbances  took  place  in  Cornwall,  and  these  were  made 
a  pretext  for  proceeding  against  Bonner,  Bishop  of  Lou- 
don, (See  his  Life  J  who  was  the  leader  of  the  discontented 
party.  That  Bonner  could  not  with  safety  be  permitted 
to  remain  at  large,  is  clear.  Nevertheless  the  process  of 
his  deprivation,  and  his  subsequent  imprisonment,  were 
acts  of  injustice ;  only  one  must  always  remember  his 
own  conduct  when  in  power ;  he  not  only  deprived  and 
imprisoned  his  opponents,  but  also  burned  them,  and 
that  too  after  having  subjected  them  sometimes  to  pe]-- 
sonal  insults  heaped  on  them  by  himself,  in  a  manner 
which  betrayed  the  brutality  of  his  mind. 

The  Archbishop  is  justly  censured  for  uncanonicahy 
signing  the  death  warrant  of  the  Lord  Admiral  Seymour, 
tb»)ugh  perhaps  something  more  may  be  said  in  his  favour 
in  {]]('  ca^se   of  Jane   Bocher.     He  acted  aijainst  the  law 

CRANMER.  '^79 

which  prohibits  the  interference  of  bishops  in  a  cause  of 
blood  in  the  case  of  Seymour,  he  merely  pleaded  for  the 
execution  of  the  law,  though  a  bloody  and  cruel  one,  in  that 
of  Jane  Bocher.  In  the  first  instance  he  weakly  yielded 
to  courtly  influence  and  his  desire  to  please  the  protector  ; 
in  the  latter  he  yielded  as  weakly  to  public  opinion.  This 
unhappy  woman  was  condemned  for  holding  that  Christ 
was  not  incarnate  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  For  this  heresy, 
which  she  refused  to  renounce,  she  was  by  the  law  liable 
to  the  penalty  of  death.  We  know  how  strongly  men  argued 
not  many  j-ears  ago  for  inflicting  this  penalty  on  all  who 
committed  forgery, — the  general  interests  of  a  commercial 
country  would  be  injured,  it  was  contended,  if  this  law 
w^ere  relaxed.  So  now  we  may  imagine  Cranmer  arguing, 
that  the  general  interests  of  religion  would  be  relaxed 
unless  such  blasphemies  were  restrained  by  the  severest 
penalties.  And  what  was  the  argument  of  the  Romish 
party  ?  Just  as  in  these  days  men  tell  us  that  if  we  hold 
Church  principles  they  w^ill  end  in  popery,  and  triumph 
when  a  convert  to  popery  is  made  ;  so,  by  the  Romish 
party  in  our  Church,  at  the  period  under  consideration, 
the  Reformers  were  constantly  twitted  with  the  blasphe- 
mies to  which,  as  in  the  case  of  Anabaptists,  reforming 
doctrines  tended.  Cranmer,  though  a  pious,  merciful,  and 
kind-hearted  man,  was  a  very  weak  one,  and  might  feel 
that  to  vindicate  the  Reformation,  a  public  example  ought 
to  be  made,  and  therefore  he  used  all  his  influence  with 
the  young  King  to  sign  the  death  warrant.  The  unsophis- 
ticated mind  of  the  King  perceived  that  the  originators  of 
a  movement,  ought  to  view  with  every  merciful  allowance, 
those  who  have  fallen  into  error,  merely  by  pushing  to  an 
extreme,  a  principle  which  has  been  generally  encouraged. 
In  the  next  year  Van  Paies,  a  Dutchman,  suffered  for 
denying  the  divinity  of  Christ. 

At  this  time  the  Archbishop  unfortunately  surrounded 
himself  with  several  foreign  divines  who,  though  learned 
men,  were  prejudiced  against  all  church  principles,  and  by 


them  the  vaccilating  mind  of  his  grace  was  unduly  inflamed. 
He  had  become  discontented  with  his  former  labours 
as  regarded  the  service-book,  and  in  1550,  we  find  the 
question  of  a  review  of  the  service-book  entertained. 
Subsequently  to  the  publication  of  the  Book  of  1549,  the 
same  committee  drew  up  a  form  for  the  ordering  of 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  and  this  ordinal  was  added 
to  the  Prayer  Book,  published  in  1552,  in  a  revised  form. 
In  this  book  of  Edward  the  Vlth,  as  it  is  called,  the 
general  confession  and  absolution  were  added  at  the  begin- 
nings of  both  the  morning  and  the  evening  services.  At 
the  opening  of  the  Communion-office  were  placed  the  Ten 
Commandments  ;  a  judicious  addition  to  the  service  which 
appears  to  have  escaped  the  compilers  of  every  liturgy  but 
our  own.  In  confirmation,  the  use  of  oil,  and  the  sign  of 
the  cross  were  to  be  laid  aside.  In  visiting  the  sick,  an 
option  was  no  longer  allowed  as  to  the  employment  of 
extreme  unction.  Prayers  for  the  dead  were  wholly  omit- 
ted, as  were  also  some  passages  provided  for  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  Eucharist,  and  the  introits,  or  introductory 
psalms,  in  that  service.  A  rubric  was  added  explanatory 
of  the  kneeling  required  of  those  who  receive  the  Lord  s 
Supper.  This  posture  was  said  to  be  enjoined  to  shew  the 
communicant's  humility,  not  as  a  mark  of  adoration  ta 
Christ,  as  if  corporally  present :  "  for  the  sacramental 
Bread  and  Wine  remain  still  in  their  very  natural  sub- 
stances, and  therefore  may  not  be  adored,  (for  that  were 
idolatry  to  be  abhorred  of  all  faithful  Christians,)  and  the 
natural  Body  and  Blood  of  our  Saviour  Christ  are  in 
heaven,  and  not  here;  it  being  against  the  truth  of 
Christ's  natuml  Body,  to  be  at  one  time  in  more  places 
than  in  one."  All  appearance  of  a  leaning  towards  tran- 
substantiation  was  now  avoided  also  by  substituting  the 
latter  clauses  as  they  now  stand  in  the  officiating  minister's 
address  to  each  communicant,  for  the  former  clauses, 
which  alone  were  enjoined  in  the  first  service-book.  The 
use  of  circular  wafers  was  likewise  interdicted,   and  the 

CRANMER.  0.^1 

sacramental  bread  was  merely  to  be  the  same  that  is 
ordinarily  seen  at  table,  but  it  was  to  be  made  "of  the 
best  and  purest  wheat  that  conveniently  may  be  gotten." 
In  baptism,  besides  the  unction,  were  omitted  the  sign  of 
a  cross  upon  the  child's  breast,  the  exorcism,  the  chrisom, 
the  two  last  interrogatories,  and  the  trine  immersion.  In 
the  matrimonial  office,  was  omitted  the  delivery  of  gold  or 
silver,  as  tokens  of  spousage  ;  in  that  for  the  churching  of 
women,  the  individual's  offering  of  her  chrisom ;  in  those 
for  the  sick,  all  mention  of  private  confessions,  and  of 
reserving  portions  of  the  sacramental  elements  for  such 
persons,  incapable  of  attending  at  church,  as  might  desire 
to  communicate  on  days  in  which  the  Eucharist  should  be 
publicly  administered. 

In  1552,  forty-two  articles  of  religion,  the  basis  of  the 
thirty-nine,  were  submitted  by  the  Archbishop  to  convo- 
cation, and  were  ratified  and  confirmed.  They  were 
subscribed  by  both  houses.  The  catechism,  usually  known 
as  King  Edward's,  of  which  Poynet,  Bishop  of  Winches- 
ter, was  the  author,  was  also  set  forth  by  this  convocation. 
A  code  of  ecclesiastical  law  had  long  engaged  the  atten- 
tion of  Cranmer,  and  he  had  laboured  to  accomplish  his 
design  at  the  commencement  of  his  primacy.  In  that 
statute,  which  recited  the  submission  of  the  clergy,  a 
reforai  of  the  whole  body  of  the  canon  law  was  provided, 
and  even  in  the  reign  of  Henry  a  commission  had  been 
appointed,  in  pursuance  of  the  statute,  and  some  progress 
had  been  made  in  the  undertaking.  After  the  statute  of 
the  six  articles,  the  work  was  suspended,  but  not  formally 
abandoned  ;  for  Cranmer  often  urged  its  necessity,  and 
made  an  extract  of  certain  passages  from  the  pontifical 
code  to  convince  Henry  that  it  ought  not  to  be  studied 
any  longer  in  England. 

At  the  beginning  of  Edward's  reign,  a  couimission 
was  appointed  consisting  of  thirty-two  persons,  and  three 
years  were  allowed  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  work. 
But  it  was  still  retarded  by  various  impediments,  until  at 


282  CRANMER. 

length,  to  facilitate  its  execution,  a  sub-committee  was 
chosen  of  eight,  who  were  to  prepare  the  code  for  the 
revisal  of  the  thirty-two  commissioners.  The  sub-com- 
mittee, like  the  body  whence  it  was  elected,  was  divided 
into  four  classes,  bishops,  divines,  canonists,  and  com- 
mon lawyers.  From  the  finished  state  of  the  "  Refor- 
matio Legum,"  it  was  probable  that  the  labours  of 
the  sub-committee  had  been  reviewed  and  approved  of 
by  the  commissioners  :  it  was  ready  to  be  submitted 
to  the  King  ;  but,  before  it  could  receive  the  royal 
confirmation,  the  King  died,  and  the  project  died  with 

Still  Cranmer's  "  Reformatio  Legum,"  though  not  re- 
ceived by  our  Church,  is  a  work  of  interest.  By  it  we 
perceive  that  King  Edward's  reformers  would  have  de- 
creed the  penalty  of  death  against  such  as  should  deny 
the  Christian  religion  ;  whether  the  same  punishment 
was  intended  against  heretics  is  a  subject  of  dispute. 
The  heretic  certainly  was  to  be  sent  to  the  civil  magis- 
trate to  be  punished.  In  cathedrals  and  colleges  daily 
prayers  and  weekly  communions  were  enjoined ;  in  parish 
churches  a  sermon  in  the  morning,  and  catechising  in  the 

"  On  a  review  of  the  Reformation,"  says  Mr.  Carwithen, 
"  the  conclusion  must  be  drawn,  that  the  reformed  code 
had  incorporated  a  large  portion  of  the  substance,  and  had 
imbibed  a  larger  portion  of  the  spirit,  of  the  pontifical 
law.  Another  conclusion  must  not  be  suppressed,  that 
the  reformers  did  not  entertain  those  latitudinarian 
notions  of  a  Christian  Church  which  they  have  been  com- 
monly supposed  to  entertain.  Erastus,  a  German  divine- 
had  about  this  time  promulgated  the  doctrine  that  Christ 
and  His  Apostles  had  prescribed  no  particular  form  of 
church  government,  and  that  the  Christian  ministry  was 
not  of  divine  institution.  He  maintained  that  the  autho- 
rity of  a  Christian  minister  was  derived  solely  from  the 
civil   magistrate — that  the   ministerial  office  was   merely 

CRANMER.  283 

suasory,  and  that  coercion  was  not  within  its  province  ; 
in  fact,  Erastus  formally  renounced  the  power  of  the  keys. 
Cranmer  was  at  one  time  of  his  life  suspected  of  inclining 
to  these  opinions,  but  he  must  have  renounced  therii 
before  this  period.  The  authors  of  the  '  Reformatio 
Legum'  were  not  Erastians." 

In  15513,  the  King's  health  was  such  that  his  life  was 
despaired  of :  and  the  courtiers  of  the  reforming  party, 
dreading  the  succession  of  Mary,  attempted  to  do  evil  that 
good  might  come,  and  persuaded  the  royal  youth  to  set 
aside  his  sister,  and  to  declare  the  Lady  Jane  Grey  suc- 
cessor to  his  throne  ;  she  was  grand-daughter  to  Mary, 
sister  of  Henry  VIII.  The  guilt  of  these  statesmen  was 
the  greater,  as  they  had  all  sworn  to  preserve  the  order  of 
succession  as  directed  by  the  will  of  Henry.  Cranmer 
argued  strongly  and  repeatedly  against  the  proposed  mea- 
sure. But  with  his  usual  weakness  of  character  induc- 
ing him  to  act  with  those  who  surrounded  him,  poor 
Cranmer,  although  he  knew  what  was  right,  at  length 
yielded  to  do  what  was  wrong.  Forgetful  of  his  bene- 
factor, Henry,  regardless  of  his  oath,  he  yielded  a  reluctant 
assent  to  the  traitorous  proposal,  and,  at  the  earnest  re- 
quest of  the  dying  boy,  he  set  his  hand  to  his  will.  The 
young  King  died  on  the  6th  of  July. 

For  eleven  days  Lady  Jane  Grey  was  Queen.  On  the 
accession  of  Mary,  the  rightful  heir,  x\rchbishop  Cranmer 
was  accounted  a  traitor ;  and  while  we  make  every  allow- 
ance for  his  weakness,  we  must  not  be  surprised  that 
Mary  only  regarded  him  as  a  weak  man,  who  feared  to 
act  up  to  his  principles,  when  he  made  his  humble 
apology  for  the  course  he  had  taken. 

The  Romish  party  in  the  Church  of  England  were  now 
in  power,  and  mercilessly  did  they  use  it.  Such  were, 
indeed,  the  cruelties  of  the  Romanists,  that  since  the 
reign  of  Mary,  they  have  never  acquired  the  ascendancy 
in  the  Cathohc  Church  of  this  country,  but  have  been 
obliged  to  form  a  dissenting  sect. 

284  CRANMER. 

On  Queen  Mary's  arrival  in  London,  Cranmer  was 
placed  under  restraint.  His  resolution  was  nobly  taken, 
when  it  was  proposed  to  him  to  withdraw  clandestinely 
from  the  country:  *'  Were  I  likely,"  he  said,  "to  be  called 
in  question  for  treason,  robbery,  or  any  other  crime,  I 
should  be  much  more  likely  to  abscond  than  I  am  at 
present.  As  it  is,  the  post  that  I  hold,  and  tbe  part  that 
I  have  taken,  require  me  to  make  a  stand  for  the  truths 
of  Holy  Scripture.  I  shall,  therefore,  undergo  with  con- 
stancy the  loss  of  life,  rather  than  remove  secretly  from 
the  realm."  This  virtuous  resolve  having  been  formed,  he 
prepared  for  the  worst  by  an  exact  adjustment  of  his 
affairs.  Every  claim  against  him  was  fully  satisfied  ;  and 
thus  when  deprived  of  his  resources,  it  was  found  that  he 
had  not  a  single  creditor.  This  final  arrangement  of  his 
pecuniary  concerns  was  a  great  relief  to  his  mind,  "  Thank 
God,"  he  piously  said,  "  I  am  now  mine  own  man.  I 
can  now  conscientiously,  with  God's  help,  answer  all  the 
world,  and  face  any  adversities  which  may  be  laid  upon 

Cranmer  was  abruptly  drawn  from  his  temporary  seclu- 
sion by  that  spirit  of  detraction  which  had  industriously 
pursued  him  during  the  whole  course  of  his  public  life. 
It  had  been  reported,  soon  after  Mary's  triumph  over  the 
opposition  to  her  claim,  that,  anxious  to  gain  favour  with 
the  successful  party,  he  had  offered  to  celebrate  King 
Edward's  obsequies  by  officiating  in  a  mass  of  Requiem. 
The  event  quickly  shewed  this  to  be  an  impudent  fiction  ; 
but  rumours  of  a  similar  kind  remained  afloat.  At  length 
it  became  notorious,  that  mass  had  been  restored  in  the 
cathedral  of  Canterbury,  and  this  fact  was  urged  as  an 
irrefragable  proof  of  the  primate's  time-serving  disposi- 
tion. The  truth,  however,  is,  that  this  illegal  act  had 
proceeded  from  the  orders  of  Dr.  Thornden,  the  per- 
fidious and  ungrateful  monk,  who  had  abused  so  shame- 
fully Cranmer's  confidence  and  liberality  several  years 


Nothing  annoys  a  public  man  so  much,  as  the  lies  by 
which  the  envious  and  malignant  do  the  work  of  Satan. 
Personal  attacks  are  bearable,  but  gratuitous  lies  could 
provoke  even  so  meek  a  man  as  Cranmer.  His  declara- 
tion, in  consequence  of  the  false  rumours  which  were  cir- 
culated, is  as  follows  : 

"  As  the  devil,  Christ's  ancient  adversary,  is  a  liar  and 
the  father  of  lies,  even  so  hath  he  stirred  up  his  servants 
and  members  to  persecute  Christ  and  His  tme  word  and 
religion  with  lying;  which  he  ceaseth  not  to  do  most 
earnestly  at  this  present  time.  For  whereas  the  Prince  of 
most  famous  memory.  King  Henry  VIII.,  seeing  the  great 
abuses  of  the  I.atin  mass,  reformed  some  things  therein 
in  his  life-time,  and  after  our  late  sovereign  Lord,  King 
Edward  VI.,  took  the  same  wholly  away  for  the  great  and 
manifold  errors  and  abuses  of  the  same,  and  restored  in 
the  place  thereof  Christ's  Holy  Supper,  according  to 
Christ's  own  institution,  and  as  the  Apostles  used  the 
same  in  the  primitive  Church :  the  devil  goeth  about  now 
with  lying  to  overthrow  the  Lord's  Supper,  again,  and  to 
restore  his  Latin  satisfactory  mass,  a  thing  of  his  own 
invention  and  device.  And  to  bring  the  same  more  easily 
to  pass,  some  have  abused  the  name  of  me,  Thomas, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  bruiting  abroad  that  I  have 
set  up  the  mass  again  at  Canterbury,  and  that  I  offered 
to  say  mass  at  the  burial  of  our  late  sovereign  Lord,  King 
Edward  VI.,  and  that  I  offered  to  say  mass  before  the 
Queen's  highness,  and  at  Paul's  church,  and  I  wot  not 
where.  And  although  I  have  been  well  exercised  these 
twenty  years  to  suffer  and  bear  evil  reports  and  lies,  and 
have  not  been  much  grieved  thereat,  but  have  borne  all 
things  quietly,  yet  when  untrue  reports  and  lies  turn  to 
the  hindrance  of  God's  truth,  they  are  in  no  wise  to  be 
suffered.  Wherefore  these  be  to  signify  unto  the  world, 
that  it  was  not  I  that  did  set  up  the  mass  at  Canterbury, 
but  it  was  a  false,  flattering,  lying  and  dissembling  monk, 
which  caused  mass  to  be  set  up  there  without  mine  advice 


oi-  counsel  :  Reddat  illi  Domlnus  in  die  illo.  And  as  for 
offering  myself  to  say  mass  before  the  Queen's  highness, 
or  in  any  other  place,  I  never  did  it  as  her  grace  well 
knoweth.  But  if  her  grace  will  give  me  leave,  I  shall  be 
ready  to  prove  against  all  that  will  say  to  the  contrary, 
that  all  that  is  contained  in  the  Holy  Communion,  set 
out  by  the  most  innocent  and  godly  prince,  King  Edward 
VI.,  in  his  high  court  of  parliament,  is  conformable  to 
that  order  which  our  Saviour  Christ  did  both  observe  and 
command  to  be  observed,  and  which  His  Apostles  and  the 
primitive  Church  used  many  years.  Whereas  the  mass 
in  many  things  not  only  hath  no  foundation  of  Christ, 
His  Apostles,  nor  the  primitive  Church,  but  is  manifestly 
contrary  to  the  same,  and  containeth  many  horrible 
abuses  in  it.  And  although  many,  either  unlearned  or 
malicious,  do  report  that  M.  Peter  Martyr  is  unlearned, 
yet  if  the  Queen's  highoess  will  grant  thereunto,  I,  with 
the  said  M.  Peter  Martyr,  and  other  four  or  five  which  I 
shall  choose,  will  by  God's  grace,  take  upon  us  to  defend, 
not  only  the  common  prayers  of  the  Church,  the  ministra- 
tion of  the  Sacraments,  and  other  rites  and  ceremonies, 
but  also  all  the  doctrine  and  religion  set  out  by  our  said 
sovereign  Lord  King  Edward  VI.,  to  be  more  pure  and 
according  to  God's  Word,  than  any  other  that  hath  been 
used  in  England  these  thousand  years  :  so  that  God's 
Word  may  be  judge,  and  that  the  reasons  and  proofs  on 
both  parties  may  be  set  out  in  writing,  to  the  intent, 
as  well  that  all  the  world  may  examine  and  judge  thereon, 
as  that  no  man  shall  start  back  from  his  writing.  And 
where  they  boast  of  the  faith  that  hath  been  in  the  church 
these  fifteen  hundred  years,  we  will  join  them  in  this 
point  and  that  the  same  doctrine  and  usage  is  to  be 
followed  which  was  in  the  church  fifteen  hundred  years 
past,  and  we  shall  prove  that  the  order  of  the  Church, 
set  out  at  present  in  this  realm  by  act  of  parliament, 
is  the  same  that  was  used  in  the  church  fifteen  hun- 
dred years  past,  and  so  shall  they  never  be  able  to  prove 

CRANMER.  287 

Cranmer's  enemies,  thougli  determined  on  his  death, 
found  it  difficult  to  deal  with  him  as  they  wished.  If  he 
were  tried  for  high  treason,  some  awkward  revelations 
might  be  made  respecting  persons  then  in  favour.  He 
had  moreover  various  claims  upon  the  royal  clemency. 
But  this  declaration,  though  not  intended  for  publication, 
having  been  freely  circulated,  offered  them  a  pretext  for 
treating  him  with  severity.  It  was  deemed  "  convenient"' 
by  the  Queen's  council,  to  commit  him  to  the  Tower, 
''  as  well  for  the  treason  committed  by  him  against  the 
Queen's  majesty,  as  for  the  aggravating  the  same  his 
offence,  by  spreading  about  seditious  bills,  moving  tumults 
and  disquieting  the  present  state," 

In  the  middle  of  November,  Archbishop  Cranmer  was 
attainted  by  the  parliament,  and  adjudged  guilty  of  high- 
treason,  at  Guildhall.  His  see  was  hereupon  declared 
void;  and  on  the  10th  of  December,  the  dean  and  chap- 
ter of  Canterbury  gave  commissions  to  several  persons,  to 
exercise  archi-episcopal  jurisdiction,  in  their  name,  and 
by  their  authority.  The  archbishop  wrote  a  very  submis- 
sive letter  to  the  Queen,  in  the  most  humble  manner 
acknowledging  his  fault  in  consenting  to  sign  the  King  s 
will ;  acquainting  her  what  pressing  instances  he  made  to 
the  King  against  it ;  and  excusing  his  fault  by  his  being 
over-ruled  by  the  authority  of  the  judges  and  lawyers, 
who,  he  thought,  understood  the  constitution  better  than 
he  did  himsel".  The  Queen  had  pardoned  so  many 
already,  who  were  far  more  deeply  engaged  in  the  Lady 
Jane's  usurpation,  that  Cranmer  could  not  for  shame  be 
denied;  so  he  was  forgiven  the  treason;  but  orders  were 
given  to  proceed  against  him  for  heresy. 

The  Tower  being  full  of  prisoners.  Archbishop  Cranmer, 
Bishop  Ridley,  Latimer,  and  Bradford,  were  all  put  into 
one  chamber,  which  they  w^ere  so  far  from  thinking  an  in- 
C!)nvenience,  that  on  the  contrary,  they  blessed  (jod  for 
the  opportunity  of  conversing  together,  reading  and  com- 
l)aring  the   Scriptures,  confirming  themselves  in  the  true 

288  CRANMER. 

faith,  and  mutually  exhorting  each  other  to  constancy  in 
professing  it,  and  patience  in  suffering  for  it. 

In  April,  1554,  the  Archbishop,  with  Bishop  Ridley, 
and  Bishop  Latimer,  were  removed  from  the  Tower  to 
Windsor,  and  from  thence  to  Oxford,  to  dispute  with 
some  select  persons  of  both  universities. 

In  the  meantime  the  convocation  had  been  holden . 
and  partly  because  it  was  carefully  packed,  partly  from  the 
reaction  in  men's  minds  occasioned  by  the  excesses  of  the 
reforming  party  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.,  almost  all 
that  had  been  done  in  the  preceding  convocations  w^as 
reversed.  But  there  was  a  small  body  of  good  men  and 
true  headed  by  Philpot,  w4io  defended  the  reformation, 
and  a  discussion  on  the  Holy  Sacrament  ensued  w^hich 
lasted  for  six  days,  when  the  debate  ended  amidst  great 
confusion  in  the  lower  house,  Weston  the  prolocutor 
exclaiming,  "It  is  not  the  Queen's  pleasure  that  we 
should  spend  any  longer  time  in  these  debates,  and  ye 
are  well  enough  already,  for  ye  have  the  word,  and  we  have 
the  sword." 

The  report  of  these  proceedings  did  so  much  damage  to 
the  Romish  cause  from  their  manifest  unfairness,  that  it 
was  determined  to  have  another  discussion  at  which  the 
Archbishop,  and  Bishops  Ridley  and  Latimer,  might  be 
present.  Oxford  was  the  place  appointed,  to  which  uni- 
versity the  Archbishop  and  his  fellow  prisoners,  as  has 
been  before  stated,  were  already  removed.  The  Queen 
sent  her  precept  to  bring  the  three  prisoners  into  the 
schools  at  the  times  appointed  for  disputation. 

The  articles,  or  questions  of  disputation,  were  three  : 
1.  Whether  the  natural  body  of  Christ  be  really  in  the 
sacrament  or  not,  after  the  words  of  consecration  are  spoken 
by  the  priest  ?  Q.  Whether  in  the  sacrament,  after  the 
words  of  consecration,  any  other  substance  remains,  ex- 
cept the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ?  3.  Whether  in  the 
mass  there  is  a  propitiatory  sacrijSce  for  the  sins  of  the 
living  and  the  dead  ? 

CRANMER.  289 

The  proceedings  were  opened  with  great  state  and 
solemnity,  and,  as  a  preliminary  step,  the  questions  being 
reduced  into  the  form  of  articles,  were  subscribed  by  all 
the  members  of  the  committee  who  had  not  before  sub- 
scribed them,  either  at  London  or  Cambridge.  The  com- 
missioners held  their  first  session  in  the  choir  of  St.  Mary's 
Church,  and  were  seated  before  the  altar,  '*  to  the  number 
of  thirty- three  persons,"  Weston,  the  prolocutor  of  the 
convocation,  being  the  president.  Cranmer  was  the  first 
of  the  prisoners  introduced  into  this  assembly,  in  custody 
of  the  mayor,  and  in  the  habit  of  a  doctor.  He  stood 
before  the  commissioners  with  his  staff  in  his  hand,  and 
declined  to  accept  the  seat  which  was  ojBfered  to  him.  The 
prolocutor,  stationed  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly,  began 
with  a  short  preface  or  speech  in  praise  of  Christian  unity, 
and  then  directed  his  discourse  to  Cranmer.  He  stated, 
that  the  prisoner  had  been  educated  in  the  true  Catholic 
faith,  but  that  of  late  years  he  had  separated  himself 
from  it,  by  teaching  erroneous  doctrines,  and  by  setting 
forth  every  year  a  new  system.  For  this  reason,  the 
Queen  had  sent  himself  and  his  colleagues,  to  bring  back 
the  heretic  to  the  fold  of  Christ.  Weston  then  exhibited 
the  three  articles  which  had  been  already  subscribed  by 
the  convocation,  to  which  he  demanded  the  assent  and 
subscription  of  Cranmer. 

The  Archbishop  replied  to  this  address  with  a  gravity 
and  persuasive  modesty  which  drew  tears  from  many  in 
the  assembly.  He  observed,  that  no  man  was  so  desirous 
of  unity  as  himself;  but  it  must  be  an  unity  in  Christ, 
and  founded  in  the  truth.  Having  read  the  articles  three 
or  four  times,  he  desired  an  explanation  of  a  term  in  the 
first  article,  what  was  meant  by  "the  true  and  natural 
body  of  Christ,"  whether  an  organical  or  sensible  body 
was  intended?  He  was  answered,  though  not  without 
confusion  and  disagreement  among  the  different  speakers, 
that  it  meant  the  same  body  which  was  born  of  the  Virgin. 
On  receiving  this  answer,  he  said  that  he  was  prepared  to 

VOL.  IV.  3f 

290  CRxlNMER. 

maintain  the  negative  of  all  the  questions,  that  they  were 
false  and  against  God's  holy  word,  and  if  agreement  in 
them  were  the  conditions  of  unity,  he  must  reject  com- 
munion. The  deportment  of  the  Archbishop  was  con- 
ciliatory, and  gained  general  commendation,  and  he  was 
dismissed,  after  a  day  had  been  assigned  to  him  for 

Ridley  and  Latimer  were  next  brought  in. — (See  their 
Lives.) — The  disputation  took  place  at  the  time  appointed, 
and  was  continued  on  three  successive  days.  Cranmer 
had  the  precedence,  and  on  the  first  day  was  conducted 
to  the  respondent's  seat  in  the  divinity  school,  but  still 
under  the  custody  of  the  mayor.  The  prolocutor  opened 
the  disputation  with  a  customary  speech,  but  committed  a 
blunder  which  raised  the  mirth  of  the  audience.  Having 
discovered  his  error,  he  corrected  it,  and  proceeded  to  say 
that  it  was  not  lawful  to  call  in  question  the  doctrine  of 
the  corporeal  presence,  since  it  was  taught  by  the  express 
words  of  Christ  Himself,  and  to  doubt  the  truth  of  the 
Scriptures  was  the  same  as  to  doubt  the  truth  and  power 
of  God. 

To  this  exordium  Cranmer,  having  first  obtained 
license,  answered,  that  the  purpose  of  their  meeting  was 
to  discuss  a  question  which  was  doubtful,  and  therefore 
a  fit  subject  of  disputation ;  but  the  prolocutor  had 
affirmed  it  to  be  a  certain  truth,  and  if  so,  it  was  an 
unfit  matter  of  discussion.  It  was,  therefore,  contrary  to 
reason  to  dispute  concerning  a  question  which  the  moder- 
ator had  predetermined,  and  if  it  regarded  an  incon- 
trovertible truth,  to  expect  its  confutation  from  him  was 

The  disputation  continued  from  the  morning  till 
past  noon,  but  in  a  disorderly  manner,  and  with  many 
interruptions.  It  was  carried  on  sometimes  in  English, 
and  sometimes  in  Latin.  Of  Cranfliier's  opponents, 
Yonge,  the  Vice-chancellor  of  Cambridge,  was  esteemed 
the    most    able  ;    but   three   hours   had    elapsed   before 

CRANMER.  291 

the  confusion  permitted  him  to  bear  a  part  in  the 

To  dilate  on  the  metaphysical  arguments  involved  in 
the  two  first  questions  would  be  needless;  but  on  the  last, 
concerning  the  propitiatory  sacrifice  in  the  mass,  Cranmer 
was  fully  of  opinion  that  to  hold  its  afiirmative  was  dero- 
gatory to  the  sacrifice  on  the  cross.  If  the  passion  of 
Christ  were  sufiicient  for  all  the  purposes  of  redemption, 
where  was  the  necessity  of  any  other?  The  necessity 
of  any  succeeding  supplemental  oblations  supposed  the 
sacrifice  of  Christ  to  be  defective  ;  and  there  could  be 
no  sacrifice  under  the  Christian  dispensation,  except  that 
of  praise  and  thanksgiving,  repentance,  and  works  of 

The  manner  in  which  the  disputation  was  termin- 
ated by  the  prolocutor  may  readily  be  anticipated  : 
"  Thus  you  see,  brethren,  the  truth  steadfast  and  in- 
vincible ;  you  see  also  the  craft  and  deceit  of  heretics ; 
the  truth  may  be  pressed,  but  cannot  be  oppressed : 
therefore  cry  altogether,  Vincit  veeitas,  the  truth  over- 


Two  days  after  the  disputation  had  ended,  the  three 
prisoners  were  once  more  brought  before  the  delegates  at 
St.  Mary's  church,  and  required  to  subscribe  the  articles. 
Weston  having  taunted  Cranmer  in  particular  with  his 
failure  in  disputation,  the  Archbishop  replied,  that  he  was 
overborne  by  numbers  and  clamour,  but  that  his  opinion 
was  unchanged,  and  that  he  persisted  in  his  refusal  to 
subscribe.  Ridley  and  Latimer  gave  a  similar  reply,  and 
then  a  sentence  of  condemnation  was  read,  in  which  they 
were  denounced  as  heretics  and  favourers  of  heresy.  Being 
asked  whether  they  would  return  to  the  bosom  of  the 
church,  while  the  sentence  was  reading,  they  severally 
appealed  to  heaven,  not  doubting  that,  though  ejected  from 
the  Romish  church,  their  names  were  enrolled  in  the 
blessed  society  above. 

A  year  elapsed   during  which  Cranmer  remained   a 

29.2  CRANMER. 

prisoner  at  Oxford ;  the  decision  of  the  judges  being  that 
the  court,  by  which  he,  and  his  "  concaptives,"  had  been 
condemned  as  heretics,  had  no  authority  to  pronounce 
sentence.  At  length  the  papal  authority  being  again 
established  in  England,  the  Bishops  of  Lincoln,  Gloucester, 
and  Bristol,  having  received  a  special  commission  from 
the  pope,  and  a  license  from  the  King  and  Queen,  repaired 
to  Oxford.  These  prelates  had  authority  to  receive  Cran- 
mer,  Ridley,  and  Latimer  into  the  bosom  of  the  church, 
in  case  they  recanted  their  heretical  errors  ;  but  in  case  of 
contumacy,  had  authority  to  degrade  them  from  their 
spiritual  functions,  and  to  deliver  them  for  punishment  to 
the  secular  power. 

The  Bishop  of  Gloucester  presided  in  the  process 
against  Cranmer,  acting  as  sub-delegate  to  the  cardinal 
de  Puteo ;  but  in  the  process  against  Ridley  and  Latimer, 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  presided,  acting  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  Cardinal  Pole.  Cranmer  was  first  cited 
to  appear  before  the  commissioners,  and  the  place  of 
their  session  was  the  choir  of  St.  Mary's  church.  On 
the  right  hand  of  the  president  was  seated  Martin, 
and  on  his  left  hand  Storey,  two  doctors  of  civil  law,  and 
attending  as  commissioners  in  behalf  of  the  King  and 

The  Archbishop  having  been  brought  before  the  com- 
missioners, under  the  custody  of  the  mayor,  was  cited  to 
answer  certain  accusations  of  blasphemy,  incontinence, 
and  heresy.  On  his  first  appearance,  being  habited  as  a 
doctor  in  divinity,  and  having  taken  a  survey  of  those 
who  constituted  his  judges,  he  acknowledged,  by  outward 
marks  of  reverence,  the  commissioners  of  the  King  and 
Queen ;  but  on  being  admonished  to  show  a  similar 
mark  of  respect  to  the  delegate  of  the  pope,  he  answered, 
that  he  had  taken  a  solemn  oath  never  to  admit  the 
authority  of  the  pope  within  the  realm  of  England. 
This  oath  he  intended,  by  the  grace  of  God  to  keep,  and 
would  never  consent,  by  any  sign  or  token,  to  acknow- 

CRANMER.  203 

ledge  the  papal  jurisdiction.  By  this  refusal  he  disclaimed 
any  personal  offence  to  the  bishop,  whom  he  would  have 
honoured  as  well  as  the  others,  if  he  had  the  same 

The  Archbishop  defended  himself  calmly,  but  firmly, 
against  the  charges  brought  against  him  by  the  president 
and  others,  disclaiming  the  authority  of  the  pope,  and  the 
process  was  terminated  by  a  citation  of  the  Archbishop 
to  Rome  within  fourscore  days,  to  make  his  personal 
answers  to  the  articles  exhibited  against  him.  The  Arch- 
bishop said  he  would  willingly  go  with  the  permission  of 
the  King  and  Queen  ;  but  he  was  immediately  remanded 
to  his  prison. 

In  October,  1555,  the  Archbishop  witnessed  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  his  holy  friends  Ridley  and  Latimer  from 
the  Tower  of  his  prison,  and  on  his  knees  prayed  that 
the  divine  strength  might  not  fail  them  in  their  last 

When  the  eighty  days  were  expired,  which  the  citation 
had  allowed  for  the  appearance  of  Cranmer  at  Rome, 
cardinal  Puteo  moved  in  consistory  his  accusations  against 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  in  consequence  of  which, 
in  a  subsequent  session  of  the  court,  he  was  sentenced  to 
be  excommunicated  and  deprived  ;  and  at  a  third  session, 
the  administration  of  the  see  thus  vacated  was  conferred 
on  cardinal  Pole. 

As  soon  as  the  definitive  sentence  was  received  in 
England,  Cranmer  was  cited  before  certain  commissioners, 
of  whom  the  chief  were  Bonner,  Bishop  of  London,  and 
Thirlby,  Bishop  of  Ely,  who  were  invested  with  full  powers 
to  degrade  him,  and  then  to  deliver  him  to  the  secular 
power.  The  place  chosen  for  the  execution  of  the  defini- 
tive sentence  was  the  choir  of  the  cathedral  of  Christ 
Church  in  Oxford.  When  Cranmer  was  brought  before 
c<.)uit,  the  commission  was  read,  stating  that  Thomas 
Cranmer,  late  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  been  cited 
to  appear  at  Rome ;  that  he  had  wilfully  disobeyed  the 

2f  a 


citation ;  that  articles  had  been  exhibited  ;  that  evidence 
had  been  heard  and  examined ;  that  he  had  wanted 
nothing  appertaining  to  his  necessary  defence  ;  and  that, 
in  consequence  of  his  refusal  to  appear,  he  had  been  pro- 
nounced contumacious.  On  hearing  this  statement  read, 
Cranmer  could  not  forbear  to  exclaim,  "  God  must  needs 
punish  such  open  and  shameless  lying,  that  I,  being  in 
prison,  and  not  suffered  even  at  home  to  have  counsel 
or  advocate,  should  produce  vritnesses  and  appoint  my 
counsel  at  Rome  !" 

When  the  commission  had  been  read,  the  court  pro- 
ceeded to  his  degradation.  He  was  clothed  in  the  robes 
of  an  Archbishop,  wth  the  distinguishing  appendage  of 
the  pall,  but  the  robes  were  of  canvas  :  a  mitre  was  placed 
on  his  head,  and  a  crosier  in  his  hand.  Bonner  and 
Thirlby  then  performed  the  ceremony  of  degradation  ;  the 
one  wdth  the  most  bitter  invectives  and  savage  exultation, 
the  other  with  expressions  of  heartfelt  sorrow.  When  they 
attempted  to  take  the  crosier  from  his  hand,  he  held  it 
fast,  and  refused  to  deliver  it ;  and  he  pulled  from  under 
his  sleeve  a  paper,  w^hich  he  presented  to  the  commis- 
sioners, saying  at  the  same  time,  **  I  appeal  to  the  next 
general  council ;  and  herein  I  have  comprehended  my 
cause  and  form  of  it ;  which  appeal  I  desire  may  be  ad- 
mitted.'' The  appeal  being  handed  to  the  commissioners, 
the  Bishop  of  Ely  said,  that  their  commission  precluded 
all  appeal,  and  therefore  none  could  be  admitted.  "Then," 
replied  Cranmer,  "  you  do  me  the  more  wrong ;  for  my 
case  is  not  a  common  case  :  the  matter  is  between  the 
pope  and  me  immediately,  and  none  other,  and  no  man 
ought  to  be  a  judge  in  his  own  cause."  The  Bishop  of 
Ely  then  received  the  appeal,  and  promised  that  it  should 
be  admitted  if  possible.  When  they  came  to  take  off  his 
pall,  he  said,  "  Which  of  you  hath  a  pall,  to  take  off 
mine  ?"  One  of  them  answered  that,  in  respect  of  their 
being  only  bishops,  they  were  his  inferiors,  and  therefore 
not  competent  to  degrade  him  :  but  as  they  were  the  dele- 

CRANMER.  295 

gates  of  the  pope,  they  had  an  authority  above  that  of  a 

After  this  pageant  of  degradation,  Cranmer  was  clothed 
in  a  squalid  garb,  and  consigned  to  the  common  prison, 
there  to  remain  till  the  secular  power  executed  the  sen- 
tence of  the  ecclesiastical  court.  Yet,  before  the  tragical 
catastrophe,  he  was  appointed  to  sustain  a  trial  more 
severe  than  any  which  he  had  yet  encountered ;  for  it  was 
a  trial  under  which  he  fell. 

To  the  Romanists,  as  well  as  to  poor  Cranmer  himself, 
the  concluding  scene  of  the  Archbishop's  life  was  discredi- 
table in  the  extreme.  By  the  most  disgraceful  arts,  by  an 
appeal  to  his  fears,  his  self-indulgence,  and  his  weakness, 
the  Romish  party  cajoled  the  Archbishop  into  a  recanta- 
tion. Historians  dispute  as  to  the  degree  of  his  guilt, 
and  the  number  of  his  recantations :  it  is  sufficient  to 
know,  that  by  the  meanest  of  artifices,  the  Romish 
party  induced  the  Archbishop  to  recant,  and  then,  with 
unparalelled  baseness,  led  him  forth  to  execution.  Cran- 
mer, though  morally  weak,  was  not  deficient  in  moral 
courage ;  and  when  he  found  that  die  he  must,  he  died 

His  recantations  were  published,  as  soon  as  signed,  by 
Bonner,  with  malicious  eagerness  and  joy ;  and  Cole, 
Provost  of  Eton,  (see  his  Life,)  was  sent  to  announce 
to  him  his  fate,  and  to  preach  the  sermon. 

Cole,  having  received  his  instructions,  repaired  to 
Oxford,  and  the  day  before  the  execution  visited  Cran- 
mer in  his  prison,  to  interrogate  him  whether  he  still 
continued  steadfast  in  the  catholic  faith  ?  Cramner 
replied,  that  he  trusted  by  God's  grace  to  be  daily 
more  and  more  confirmed  in  that  faith.  On  the 
morning  of  the  execution,  Cole  again  visited  him,  to 
inquire  whether  he  had  any  money  ?  finding  that  he  had 
none,  Cole  gave  him  fifteen  crowns  to  distribute  to 
the  poor. 

No   direct  intimation  was  given  to  Cranmer  that  he 

296  CRANMER. 

was  about  to  suffer;  but  these  circumstances  excited 
his  suspicions,  and  they  were  confirmed  by  the  visit 
of  John  de  Garcina.  The  Spanish  friar  brought  some 
written  articles,  which  he  desired  Cranmer  to  sign,  and 
to  repeat  before  the  people.  To  this  request  Cranmer 
acceded,  but  secretly  deposited  in  his  bosom  another 
paper,  containing  a  prayer,  an  exhortation,  and  a  con- 
fession of  faith,  "  such  as  flowed  from  his  conscience,  and 
not  from  his  fears." 

On  the  21st  of  March,  1566,  he  was  led  with  much 
ceremony  to  St.  Mary's  church.  On  reaching  the  church- 
door  the  choir  sang  the  Nunc  Dimittis,  and  the  Arch- 
bishop was  led  to  a  raised  platform.  His  apparel  was 
of  the  meanest  description,  but  a  long  white  beard  ren- 
dered his  aspect  venerable,  and  on  his  countenance 
was  plainly  marked  an  expression  of  deepest  sorrow. 
Having  fallen  on  his  knees,  he  continued  for  some  time 
absorbed  in  mental  prayer.  The  crowd  around  him 
wept.  Cole  ascended  the  pulpit ; — (for  an  account  of 
his  sermon  see  his  Life.) — During  its  delivery  the  vener- 
able Archbishop  expressed  the  deepest  emotion,  some- 
times lifting  up  his  eyes  to  Heaven,  and  sometimes 
fixing  them  on  the  ground.  There  seems  to  have  ex- 
isted no  doubt  on  the  mind  of  Cole  and  his  party 
that  the  recantations  of  Cranmer  had  been  made  in 
sincerity.  Having  in  his  sermon  declared  that  he  must 
be  executed,  he  called  upon  the  people  about  to  depart,  to 
hear  the  confession  which  the  dying  penitent  was  about 
to  make. 

The  Archbishop  rose.  He  took  off  his  cap.  He  began 
to  address  the  people.  He  first  read  his  prayer,  being  a 
supplication  for  mercy  and  support  in  his  approaching 
trial.  He  then  admonished  the  hearers  not  to  set  their 
affections  on  the  things  of  this  world  ;  to  obey  the  King 
and  Queen  from  conscience  towards  God;  to  live  in 
mutual  love  and  charity.  He  then  came,  as  he  said,  to 
the  conclusion  of  his  life,  on  which  depended  all  his  past 

CRANMER.  297 

life,  as  well  as  that  which  was  to  come,  being  now  either 
to  enter  into  the  joys  of  heaven  or  to  suffer  the  pains  of 
hell.  The  present  was  no  time  for  dissimulation,  and  he 
was  therefore  now  about  to  make  a  true  declaration  of  his 
faith.  Having  repeated  the  Apostles'  creed,  and  professed 
his  belief  in  the  holy  Scriptures,  he  came  to  a  point  which, 
he  said,  pressed  on  his  conscience  more  than  any  other 
action  of  his  whole  life,  and  this  was  his  subscription  to  a 
declaration  contrary  to  truth.  It  was  made  through  fear 
of  death,  and  with  the  hope  of  saving  his  life  ;  but  it  was 
contrary  to  the  thought  of  his  heart.  Now,  therefore,  when 
he  was  about  to  die,  he  utterly  renounced  "  all  such  bills 
and  papers"  as  he  had  written  or  signed  since  his  degra- 
dation, and  because  his  hand  had  offended  by  writing 
contrary  to  his  heart,  that  hand  should  be  signally 
punished,  for  when  he  came  to  the  fire  it  should  be  first 
burned.  The  pope  he  rejected  as  antichrist,  with  all  the 
false  doctrines  of  popery  ;  and  as  to  the  sacrament,  he  re- 
tained the  same  belief  as  he  had  when  he  wrote  his  book 
against  the  Bishop  of  Winchester.  The  true  doctrine 
would  stand  at  the  last  day  before  the  judgment  of  God, 
where  the  papistical  doctrine  contrary  to  it  would  be 
ashamed  to  show  its  face. 

When  the  audience  heard  this  unexpected  declaration, 
a  general  confusion  took  place :  some  began  to  charge  him 
with  his  recantation,  and  to  accuse  him  of  falsehood,  and 
admonishing  him  to  dissemble  no  longer.  He  replied, 
that  he  had  ever  loved  simplicity,  and  throughout  his  life 
had  hated  dissimulation.  He  would  have  gone  on  in  his 
discourse,  but  was  prevented  by  an  universal  clamour, 
and  Cole  exclaimed,  "  Stop  the  mouth  of  the  heretic,  and 
take  him  away !"  He  was  then  dragged  from  the  stage 
on  which  he  was  elevated,  and  was  led  to  the  same  spot 
where  Ridley  and  Latimer  had  not  long  before  resigned 
their  lives.  All  the  way  from  the  church  to  the  place 
of  execution,  the  friars  continued  to  utter  the  severest 
reproaches,  and  the  most  dreadful  threats  of  eternal 

298  CRANMER. 

The  venerable  prelate  maintained  his  fortitude  to  the 
last.  He  looked  cheerfuHy  and  benignly  on  all  around, 
shook  several  persons  kindly  by  the  hand,  and  put  off  his 
garments  with  alacrity.  His  venerable  appearance  even 
attracted  the  notice  of  his  enemies.  Fire  being  applied 
to  the  pile,  he  stretched  his  right  hand  over  it,  and  never 
moved  it,  save  once,  when  he  passed  it  over  his  face,  until 
it  was  entirely  consumed,  and  before  the  fire  had  reached 
his  body  it  was  reduced  to  ashes.  "  This  hand  hath 
offended,  this  unworthy  right  hand,"  was  his  frequent 
ejaculation  during  his  agony.  His  miseries  were  soon 
over ;  and  his  last  words  were.  Lord  Jesus,  receive  my 

Such  was  the  end  of  Thomas  Cranmer,  Lord  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  on  the  21st  of  March,  1556,  in 
his  67th  year.  Whether  his  death  was  or  was  not 
a  martyrdom,  like  that  of  Eidley  and  Latimer,  is  a  dis- 
puted point.  To  save  his  life  he  recanted ;  and  it  was 
not  till  he  found  his  recantation  to  have  been  made 
in  vain,  that  he  bore  witness  to  his  real  opinions.  This 
would  not  have  been  considered  martyrdom  in  the 
primitive  Church.  Nevertheless  his  end  was  heroic  : 
we  execrate  the  cruelty  of  his  persecutors  ;  and  who  does 
not  sympathize  with,  while  he  censures  his  weakness  ? 
He  was,  indeed,  a  man  much  to  be  honoured  ;  though 
weak,  self-indulgent,  and  worldly,  he  was  gentle,  affec- 
tionate, kind,  and  devout.  In  many  respects  the  Church 
of  England  is  indebted  to  him;  and  although,  when 
we  approach  his  history,  we  wish  that  Edward  the 
Sixth  had  possessed  an  ecclesiastical  adviser  of  firmer 
principles  and  more  decided  character,  we  cannot  but 
bear  in  mind,  that  such  a  character  could  not  have 
lived  through  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth.  Among 
our  archbishops,  if  Cranmer  does  not  rank  among  the 
best,  or  the  greatest,  he  still  holds  a  very  high  place. — 
Collier.  Strype.  Burnet.  Todd.  Dowries.  Soames.  Car- 
withen.    Le  Bos. 



John  Ceellius  was  born  in  Franconia,  in  1590,  and 
studied  at  Nurenberg,  and  in  otber  German  universities. 
He  was  educated  a  Lutheran,  but  in  the  exercise  of  his 
private  judgment,  thought  Socinus  to  be  more  scriptural 
than  Luther,  and  contemning  all  reference  to  antiquity, 
with  the  Bible,  and  the  Bible  only  in  his  hand,  he 
became  a  Socinian.  In  1612  he  went  to  Racow,  where 
he  was  at  first  a  preacher,  and  then  Bector  of  the  Univer- 
sity. His  works  form  a  considerable  part  of  the  works  of 
the  Fratres  Poloni.  His  conduct  to  Grotius  was  very 
unjustifiable.  Grotius  having  written  against  Socinus, 
Crellius  endeavoured  to  vindicate  his  master,  and  did  so 
in  such  terms  of  civility,  that  Grotius  wrote  to  him  two 
letters,  perhaps  too  courteous  and  kind  :  he  had  not  been 
accustomed  to  meet  with  kindness  from  his  opponents, 
and  his  heart  melted.  These  Crellius  shewed  about, 
and  so  caused  an  impression  to  be  made  on  the  public 
mind  that  the  illustrious  Grotius  favoured  Socinianism. 
Even  extracts  of  these  letters  were  printed.  He  pro- 
tested against  the  abuse  made  of  them,  and  maintained 
that  if  people  would  candidly  read  his  works,  they  would 
easily  be  convinced  of  the  injustice  of  ranking  him  with 

It  is  certain  that,  notwithstanding  the  terms  which  he 
makes  use  of  in  writing  to  Crellius,  he  did  not  approve  of 
his  book :  he  writes  thus  in  confidence  to  his  brother,  "  I 
have  read  Crellius 's  book :  he  writes  with  candour,  and 
doth  not  want  learning ;  but  I  cannot  see  how  he  will  pro- 
mote religion  by  departing  from  the  Scripture  manner  of 
speaking  authorised  by  autiquity. 

"  If  I  have  not  answered  Crellius,"  he  says  in  another 
letter,  "it  was  for  prudential  reasons,  and  even  by  the 
advice  of  the  protestants  of  France,  who  think  that  the 
questions  being  unknown  in  this  countiy,  ought  not 
to  be    made   public    by   a   confutation.      It   is   easy    to 

300  CRESSY. 

refute  them  with  glory,  though  every  one  is  not  capable 
of  it :  but  it  is  still  better  that  they  should  remain  un- 
known." He  speaks  in  the  same  letter,  of  Socinus  as 
a  man  very  little  versed  in  the  sentiments  of  anti- 
quity, and  whose  errors  he  had  confuted  in  many  of  his 

Crellius  died  in    1632. General  Diet.     Bourignys 



Hugh  Paulin  Cressy,  a  popish  divine,  was  born  at 
Wakefield  in  Yorkshire,  in  1605,  and  educated  at  Merton 
College,  Oxford,  where  he  took  his  degree  in  arts,  and 
became  fellow.  Having  entered  into  orders  he  became 
chaplain  to  Lord  Falkland,  whom  he  accompanied  to 
Ireland,  and  obtained  the  deanery  of  Leighlin,  to  which 
was  added  afterwards  a  canonry  of  Windsor.  But  throu^.^h 
disturbances  of  the  times  he  never  attained  the  possession 
of  either  of  these  preferments.  This  led  him  to  despair 
of  the  fortunes  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  being  at 
Rome  in  1644,  in  the  capacity  of  tutor  to  Mr.  Bertie, 
afterwards  Earl  of  Falmouth,  he  apostatized  to  the  Church 
of  Rome.  He  next  entered  among  the  Benedictines  at 
Douay,  on  which  occasion  he  took  the  name  of  Serenus. 
At  the  Restoration  he  returned  to  England,  and  became 
chaplain  to  the  Queen  of  Charles  II.  He  died  at  East 
Grinstead,  in  Sussex,  in  1674. 

The  work  on  which  he  bestowed  his  chief  attention  was 
the  Church  History  of  Brittany,  from  the  beginning  of 
the  Norman  Conquest,  under  Roman  governors,  British 
kings,  the  English- Saxon  heptarchy,  the  English- Saxon 
and  Danish  monarchy,  &c.,  1668,  folio.  Of  this  work 
only  one  volume  was  published ;  the  second,  in  which  he 
meant  to  bring  down  the  history  to  the  dissolution  of 
monasteries,  was  left  incomplete  at  his  death. 

CREWE.  301 


Nathaniel  Crewe,  the  fifth  son  of  John,  Lord 
Crewe,  was  born  at  Stean,  in  Northamptonshire,  in  1633, 
and  succeeded  to  the  title  of  Lord  Crewe  on  the  death  of 

t    his  brother,  in  1691.     He  was  educated  at  Lincoln  Col- 

^  lege,  Oxford,  of  which  he  became  fellow  and  rector.  He 
was  chosen  proctor  of  the  university  in  1663,  afterwards 
clerk  of  the  closet  to  Charles  II.,  Dean  of  Chichester, 
Bishop  of  Oxford  in  1671,  and  three  years  after  was 
translated  to  Durham.  On  the  accession  of  James  II.  he 
was  admitted  of  the  privy  council,  and  showed  himself 
very  friendly  to  all  the  measures  of  the  court,  in  religion 
and  in  politics.  He  paid  particular  respect  to  the  pope  s 
nuncio  when  he  came  to  London,  and  refused  to  introduce 
Dean  Patrick  to  the  King,  because  he  was  too  zealous 
against  popery. 

Bishop  Crewe  was  also  on  the  ecclesiastical  com- 
mission before  which  Bishop  Compton   was  summoned, 

^  against  whom  he  took  an  active  part. — (See  Life  of  Comp- 
ton.)— He  seems  to  have  been  a  weak,  rather  than  a 
wicked  man;  grateful  to  James  for  the  favours  he  had 
conferred  upon  him,  and  acting  as  a  partizan.  But  he 
seems  himself  to  have  become  alarmed  at  length  at  the 
violence  of  King  James's  government.  He  withdrew  from 
the  King's  councils,  and  upon  the  abdication  he  expressed 
a  wish  to  resign  his  ecclesiastical  dignities  to  Dr.  Burnet, 
with  an  allowance  of  £1000  for  life.  He  afterwards  left 
his  retirement,  and  appeared  in  parliament;  but  his  name 
was  excepted  from  the  act  of  indemnity  of  1690.  His 
pardon,  however,  was  at  last  procured  by  the  intercession 
of  his  friends.     He  died  in  1721.     He  was  princely  in 

'^his  benefactions,  particularly  to  Lincoln  College.  He 
bequeathed  £200  a  year  to  the  university  of  Oxford  for 
general  purposes  ;  and  the  expense  of  the  Encoenia  is 
partly  defrayed  by  a  sum  of  money  originally  left  by 
him. — Life  of  Lord  Crewe,  1790. 
VOL.  lY.  2g 

J02  CRISP. 


Robert  Creyghton  was  born  of  an  ancient  family  at 
Dunkeld,  in  Scotland,  in  1593,  and  was  educated  at 
Westminster  School,  whence,  in  1613,  he  was  elected  to 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  where  he  was  chosen  Greek 
professor,  and  university  orator.  In  103:3  he  was  made 
treasurer  of  the  cathedral  of  Wells,  and  was  also  canon 
residentiary,  prebendary  of  Taunton,  and  had  a  living  in 
Somersetshire.  In  the  begiDning  of  the  rebellion  he 
joined  the  King's  troops  at  Oxford  ;  but  he  was  obliged 
afterwards  to  flee  into  Cornwall,  whence  he  followed 
Charles  II.  abroad,  who  made  him  his  chaplain,  and 
bestowed  on  him  the  deanery  of  Wells.  He  was  accounted 
a  man  of  much  learning,  and  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty 
as  a  preacher,  reproved  the  vices  of  the  court  with  great 
boldness.  In  1670  he  was  promoted  to  the  bishopric  of 
Bath  and  Wells.  He  died  in  1672.  His  only  publica- 
tion was  a  translation  into  Latin  of  Sylvester  Syguropolus's 
History  of  the  Council  of  Florence,  Hague  1660,  folio. — 
Salmons  Lives  of  English  Bisliops.  Wood.  Barwick'& 


Tobias  Crisp  was  born  in  London,  in  1600,  and  was 
educated  at  Eton,  whence  he  went  to  Cambridge.  In 
16-27  he  was  presented  to  the  living  of  Newington  Butts, 
near  Southwark ;  but  as  it  was  proved  that  he  had  been 
guilty  of  Simony,  he  was  removed  from  it  in  the  course  of 
a  few  months.  He  obtained,  however,  which  he  ought 
not  to  have  done,  the  rectory  of  Brinkworth,  in  Wiltshire, 
the  same  year.  He  became  a  puritan  and  a  rebel.  But 
among  the  puritans  he  caused  a  division  by  his  furious 
manner  of  maintaining  the  doctrines  of  Anti-nomianism. 
He  died  February  27,  1642,  of  the  small  pox.  After  his 
death  his  sermons  were  pubhshed  in  3  vols.  4to,  and  the 

CROFT.  803 

Westminster  Assembly  proposed  to  have  them  burnt;  the 
assembly  of  puritans  thus  following  the  example  of  the 
pope  of  Rome.  Flavel  and  other  puritans  were  very 
vehement  in  taking  the  beam  out  of  their  brother's  eye, 
and  a  warm  controversy  ensued,  which  was  renewed  with 
increased  vehemence,  when  the  sermons  were  republished 
about  the  time  of  the  Revolution.  It  disturbed  the  har- 
mony of  the  weekly  lecture  established  at  Pinners  Hall, 
the  followers  of  Crisp  establishing  a  lecture  at  Salters 
Hall. — Wood.     Bogiie, 


Herbert  Croft  was  born  at  Great  Milton,  Oxfordshire, 
in  1603.  He  was  sent  early  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford  : 
but  upon  the  perversion  of  his  father  to  popery,  he  was 
removed  from  the  university,  and  placed  at  Douay,  and 
afterwards  at  St.  Omer's.  A  visit  to  England,  on  family 
laifairs,  introduced  him  to  the  acquaintance  of  Morton, 
Bishop  of  Durham,  and  Archbishop  Laud.  Croft  is 
another  instance  out  of  the  many  which  exist,  of  Arch- 
bishop Laud's  zeal  in  converting  men  from  Romanism  ; 
through  the  instrumentality  of  these  prelates,  he  was 
reconciled  to  the  Church  of  England,  and  returned  to 
Christ  Church.  He  was  preferred  to  a  living  in  Glouces- 
tershire, and  to  another  in  Oxfordshire,  and,  in  1639,  he 
was  made  prebendary  of  Salisbury.  He  was  afterwards 
prebendary  of  Worcester,  canon  of  Windsor,  and,  in  1644, 
dean  of  Hereford.  At  the  Restoration  he  was  raised  to 
the  see  of  Hereford,  in  1661,  which  he  refused  to  quit  for 
higher  preferment.  His  small  treatise,  entitled  The 
Naked  Truth,  or  the  true  State  of  the  Primitive  Church, 
printed  at  a  private  press,  was  published  in  16T5,  when 
the  papists  hoped  to  take  advantage  of  the  quarrels  of  the 
non-conformists  with  the  Church  of  England,  and  from  its 
latitudinarian  views  it  became  a  pojDular  work,  which  not 
only  drew  the  attention  of  parliament  to  the  subject,  but 

304  CEOXALL. 

produced  some  severe  attacks  against  it.  One  of  these, 
by  Dr  Turner,  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  was 
answered  by  Andrew  Marvell,  who  applauded  the  Bishop's 
works,  and,  as  might  be  supposed,  defended  his  principles. 
Besides  this,  he  published  some  occasional  sermons, 
religious  tracts,  a  legacy  to  his  diocese,  and,  in  1685, 
Animadversions  on  Burnet's  Theory  of  the  Earth.  In 
the  latter  part  of  his  life  he  wished  to  resign  his  bishopric 
from  some  scruples  of  conscience.  He  died  in  1691. — 
Wood.     Salmons  Lives  of  the  Bishojjs. 


John  Crohjs,  a  protestant  minister,  was  born  at  Usez, 
where  he  became  a  minister,  and  died  in  1659.  He  wrote 
a  defence  of  the  Genevan  Confession  of  Faith,  1645,  8vo, 
and  Augustin  Suppose,  &c.,  in  which  he  attempted  to 
prove  that  the  four  books  on  the  creed  in  St.  Augustine's 
works  are  not  the  production  of  that  author.  He  also 
wrote  Specimen  Conjecturarum  in  qusedam  Origenis, 
Irenaei,  et  Tertulliani  Loca,  1632;  and  Observationes 
Sacrae  et  Historic^  in  Nov.  Test,  chiefly  against  Heinsius, 
lQ4:i.—Gen.  Diet. 


Samuel  Croxall  was  born  at  Walton-upon- Thames,  in 
Surrey,  and  educated  at  Eton  school,  from  whence  he 
removed  to  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  where  he 
wrote  the  Fair  Circassian,  a  poem,  which  is  a  licentious 
imitation  of  Solomon's  Song.  On  entering  into  orders  he 
obtained  the  living  of  Hampton,  in  Middlesex,  several  pre- 
ferments in  Hereford  cathedral,  and  the  united  livings  of 
St.  Mary,  Somerset,  and  St.  Mary  Mounthaw,  London. 
He  died  in  1752.  Dr.  Croxall  was  a  strenuous  whig,  and 
wrote  a  book  called  Scripture  Politics.    He  also  published 


a  popular  edition  of  ^sop's  Fables,  and  wrote  some 
poems ;  besides  which,  his  name  was  affixed  to  a  collection 
of  novels,  in  6  vols.  l^mo. — Biog.  Brit. 


Ralph  Cudworth  was  born  at  Aller,  in  Somersetshire, 
in  1617,  of  which  place  his  father  was  rector.  Going  to 
Cambridge,  he  in  due  course  became  fellow  and  tutor  of 
Emanuel  College.  In  1(541  he  was  presented  to  the  living 
of  North  Cadbury,  in  Somersetshire.  He  first  appeared 
as  an  author  by  the  publication  (in  1642)  of  his  discourse 
concerning  "  The  True  Notion  of  the  Lord's  Supper." 
His  notion  is  this,  that  the  Eucharist,  considered  in  its 
spiritual  and  mystical  view,  is  a  Feast  upon  a  Sacrifice. 
viz  :  the  sacrifice  once  offered  upon  the  cross,  having 
some  analogy  to  the  Jewish  sacrificial  feasts,  which  were 
figures  or  shadows  of  this  true  spiritual  feeding;  for  as 
those  were  banquets  upon  typical  sacrifices,  so  this  is  a 
banquet  upon  the  real  sacrifice  to  which  they  pointed ; 
and  as  those  banquets  were  federal  directly  with  respect 
to  the  legal  covenant,  so  is  this  banquet  federal  with  re- 
spect to  the  Evangelical  Covenant,  formerly  couched  under 
the  legal  one. 

In  the  same  year  he  published  his  treatise,  entitled 
"  The  Union  of  Christ  and  the  Church  Shadowed." 

In  the  year  1644  he  took  the  degree  of  bachelor  of 
divinity,  upon  which  occasion  he  maintained  at  the  com- 
mencement the  two  following  theses  : 

1.  Dantur  boni  et  mali  rationes  seternse  &  indispensa- 
biles ;  that  is,  the  reasons  of  good  and  evil  are  eternal  and 

2.  Dantur  substantias  corporae  sua  natura  immortales : 
that  is,  there  are  incorporeal  substances  by  their  own 
nature  immortal. 

It  appears  from  these  questions,  that  he  was  even  at 


that  time  examining  and  revolving  in  his  mind  those 
important  subjects,  which  he  so  long  afterwards  cleared 
up  with  such  uncommon  penetration  in  his  Intellectual 
System,  and  other  works  still  preserved  in  manuscript. 
In  the  same  year  (1644)  he  was  appointed  master  of 
Clare  Hall,  in  Cambridge,  in  the  room  of  Dr.  Paske,  who 
had  been  ejected  by  the  parliamentary  visitors.  In  1645, 
Dr.  Metcalf,  having  resigned  the  regius  professorship  of 
the  Hebrew  tongues,  Mr.  Cud  worth  was  unanimously 
nominated  on  the  1 5th  of  October,  by  the  seven  electors, 
to  succeed  him.  From  this  time  he  abandoned  all  the 
functions  of  a  minister,  and  applied  himself  only  to  his 
academical  employments  and  studies,  especially  to  that 
of  the  Jewish  antiquities.  On  the  '31st  of  March,  1647, 
he  preached  before  the  house  of  commons  at  Westminster, 
upon  a  day  of  public  humiliation,  a  sermon  upon  I  John 
ii.  3,  4,  for  which  he  had  the  thanks  of  that  house  return- 
ed him  the  same  day. 

In  1654  he  was  elected  master  of  Christ's  College.  He 
was,  in  1657,  one  of  those  who  were  consulted  by  parlia- 
ment about  the  English  translation  of  the  Bible,  and  by 
his  learning  he  gained  the  friendship  of  Whitelocke,  and 
of  Thurlow.  To  the  latter  he  wrote  an  account  of  his 
design  to  publish  some  Latin  discourses  in  defence  of 
Christianity,  against  Judaism.  Part  of  this  design,  a 
discourse  concerning  Daniels  Prophecy  of  the  Seventy 
Weeks,  which  was  read  in  the  public  schools  of  Cambridge, 
is  highly  commended  by  Henry  More,  in  the  preface  to 
jjis  Grand  Mystery  of  Godliness.  "  In  this  work,"  ob- 
serves More,  "  Dr.  Cudworth  has  undeceived  the  world, 
misled  too  long  by  the  over-great  opinion  they  had  of 
Joseph  Scaliger,  and  has  demonstrated  the  manifestation 
of  the  Messiah  to  have  fallen  out  at  the  end  of  the  sixty- 
ninth  week,  and  his  passion  in  the  midst  of  the  last ; 
W'hich  demonstration  of  his  is,  in  my  apprehension,  of  as 
much  price  and  worth  in  theology,  as  either  the  circula- 
tion of  the  blood  in  physic,  or  the  motion  of  the  earth  in 
natural  philosophy." 


In  1662  he  was  presented  by  Sheldon,  Bishop  of  Loq- 
doD,  to  the  vicarage  of  Ashwell,  in  Hertfordshire.  In 
1678  he  was  installed  prebendary  of  Gloucester,  and  he 
then  published  in  folio  his  famous  work,  "  The  True 
Intellectual  System  of  the  Universe  ;  wherein  the  reason 
and  philosophy  of  Atheism  are  confuted,  and  its  impossi- 
bility demonstrated." 

"  He  lived,"  says  Bishop  Chandler,  "  in  an  age  when 
the  disputes  concerning  liberty  and  necessity,  mingling 
with  the  political  scheme  of  the  leaders  of  opposite  parties, 
helped  to  cause  strong  convulsions  in  the  state,  and  to 
spread  no  less  fatal  an  influence  upon  the  principles  and 
manners  of  the  generality  of  people.  For  debauchery, 
scepticism,  and  infidelity,  as  he  complains,  flourished  in 
his  time,  and  grew  up,  in  his  opinion,  from  the  doctrine 
of  the  fatal  necessity  of  all  actions  and  events,  as  from  its 
proper  root. 

•'  These  sentiments  disposed  him  to  bend  much  of  his 
study  this  way,  and  to  read  over  all  the  ancient  philoso- 
phers and  moralists  with  great  accuracy.  He  then  set 
himself  to  gather  and  answer  all  the  ancient  and  modern 
arguments  for  the  necessity  of  all  actions,  which  had 
been  maintained  by  several  persons,  upon  very  diflerent 

"  He  accordingly  distinguished  three  sorts  of  fatality. 
First,  natural  or  material,  which,  excluding  God  out  of 
the  scheme,  and  supposing  senseless  matter,  necessarily 
moved,  to  be  the  first  principle  and  cause  of  all  things,  is 
truly  and  properly  the  atheistical  fate.  This  he  found 
defended  by  Epicurus ;  and  to  refute  him  and  the  other 
assertors  of  the  atomic  material  necessity,  he  published 
his  learned  and  unanswerable  book,  which  he  entitled, 
The  Iniellectual  System  of  the  Universe.  Secondly,  theo- 
logic  or  Divine  fate,  which,  indeed,  allows  in  words  the 
existence  of  that  perfect  intellectual  Being,  distinct  from 
matter,  whom  we  call  God ;  yet,  affirming  that  God  irre- 
spectively decrees  and  determines  all  things,  evil  as  well 
as  good,  doth  in  effect  make  all  actions  alike  necessary  to 


us.  In  consequence  whereof,  God's  will  is  not  regulated 
by  His  essential  and  immutable  goodness  and  justice ; 
God  is  a  mere  arbitrary  will,  omnipotent ;  and,  in  respect 
to  us,  moral  good  and  evil  are  positive  things,  and  not  so 
in  their  own  nature:  that  is,  things  are  good  or  bad 
because  they  are  commanded  or  forbidden,  and  that  which 
is  now  good  might  have  been  bad,  and  bad  good,  if  the 
pure  will  of  God,  at  first,  had  not  determined  them  to  be 
what  they  are  at  present.  Thirdly,  the  Stoical  fate,  which 
constrains  also  the  natural  and  moral  actions  of  the 
universe,  and  makes  necessity  to  be  so  intrinsical  to  the 
nature  of  every  thing,  as  that  no  being  or  action  could 
possibly  be  otherwise  than  it  is.  For  all  things,  according 
to  this  notion,  depend  in  a  chain  of  causes  all  in  them- 
selves necessary,  from  the  first  principle  of  being,  who 
pre-ordered  every  event  before  it  fell  out,  so  as  to  leave  no 
room  to  liberty  or  contingency  anywhere  in  the  world." 

To  overthrow  this  triple  fortress  of  irreligion,  was  the 
great  design  to  which  Cudworth  dedicated  his  life. 

Owing  to  his  having  imbibed  his  philosophy  from 
Platinus,  and  other  disciples  of  the  Platonic  school,  he  in- 
curred the  charge,  in  this  great  work,  of  giving  too  much 
countenance  to  the  Arian  hypothesis.  It  is  most  un- 
warrantable and  uncharitable,  to  accuse  of  intolerance  and 
bigotry,  those  who,  at  the  first  appearance  of  the  work, 
pointed  out  the  learned  author's  error  in  these  respects. 
Surely  they  were  as  much  justified  in  the  zeal  for  the 
truth  as  he  in  his  zeal  against  atheism.  But  the  author 
was  no  Arian.  His  generous  and  candid  mind,  when 
having  a  particular  line  of  argument  in  view,  made  conces- 
sions, from  which  conclusions  were  drawn,  which  he  him- 
self, by  his  whole  system  of  divinity,  repudiated.  This 
work,  from  its  nature  and  importance,  had  many  assailants, 
and  a  warm  dispute  was  raised  in  consequence  between 
the  author  and  Le  Clerc.  The  work  was  translated  into 
Latin,  in  1733,  by  the  learned  Mosheim,  and  the  original 
was  republished  in  1743,  in  2  vols.  4to,  by  Dr.  Birch, 
with  large  additions,  and  with  an  accurate  statement  of  all 


the  quotatioDS,  and  a  life  of  the  author  by  the  editor. 
Cudworth  died  at  Cambridge  in  1688,  and  was  buried  in 
Christ's  College  chapel.  Of  his  posthumous  works,  which 
were  a  continuation  of  his  Intellectual  System,  one  was 
published  by  Chandler,  Bishop  of  Durham,  in  1731, 
called  a  Treatise  concerning  Eternal  and  Immutable 
Morality,  intended  chiefly  against  Hobbes  and  others. 
The  following  are  the  titles  of  the  remaining  MSS.  as  they 
were  found  by  Birch,  when  preparing  his  edition  of  the 
Intellectual  System,  a  hundred  years  ago  : 

1 .  A  Discourse  of  Moral  Good  and  Evil,  already  men- 

2.  Another  book  of  Morality,  against  Hobbes's  Philo- 

3.  A  Discourse  of  Liberty  and  Necessity,  in  which  the 
grounds  of  the  Atheistical  philosophy  are  confuted,  and 
Morality  vindicated  and  explained. 

4.  Another  work,  De  libero  arbitrio. 

5.  On  Daniel's  Prophecy  of  the  Seventy  Weeks. 

6.  Of  the  Verity  of  the  Christian  Pteligion,  against  the 

7.  A  Discourse  of  the  Creation  of  the  World,  and  the 
Immortality  of  the  Soul. 

8.  Hebrew  Learning. 

9.  An  Examination  of  Hobbes's  Notion  of  God,  and  of 
the  Extension  of  Spirits. 

For  some  time  longer  these  writings  reposed  quietly  in 
the  library  at  Oates  ;  but  about  the  year  J  762  they  were 
sold  by  Lord  Masham,  as  lumber,  to  a  bookseller ;  from 
whose  hands,  after  suffering  many  perils  and  mutilations, 
they  at  length  found  their  way  to  the  British  Museum. 
The  only  public  use  made  of  them  was  by  Dr.  Dodd,  who 
ransacked  them  for  notes  to  the  Bible  published  with  his 
name,  and  inserted  some  other  passages  in  the  Christian 

The  first  edition  of  the  Intellectual  System,  we  have 
seen,  was  published  in  folio,  in  the  year  1678. 

In  1706  there  was  published  in  two  volumes  4to,   an 


abridgment  of  that  work,  under  the  title  of  a  Confutation 
of  the  Reason  and  Philosophy  of  Atheism,  &c.  By  Thomas 
Wise,  B.D. — Birch.  Chandler.  Cattermoles  Literature 
of  the  Church  of  England. 


Stephen  Curcell^us  was  born  at  Geneva,  in  1586. 
After  residing  for  some  time  in  France,  he  settled  at 
Amsterdam,  where  he  was  followed  by  the  Arminians,  and 
where  he  succeeded  Episcopius  as  divinity  professor.  He 
was  an  able  critic  and  a  great  linguist,  and  wrote  several 
theological  tracts.  He  published  a  new  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament,  with  various  readings,  and  with  a 
copious  dissertation.  Polemburg,  the  successor  of  Curcel- 
Iseus  in  the  professor's  chair,  has  prefixed  an  account  of 
his  life  to  the  folio  edition  of  his  works.  He  died  at 
Amsterdam  in  1658. — Morerl. 


This  holy  man  of  prayer  was  born  in  the  North  of 
England,  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century.  His 
life  was  written  by  Bede,  and  it  is  a  life  well  worthy 
of  an  attentive  perusal,  though  too  long  to  be  trans- 
planted into  this  work.  Ordinary  facts  and  providences 
are  narrated  with  simplicity,  and  are  supposed  to  be 
miraculous,  though  the  enlightened  reader  of  the  present 
day  will,  while  he  admires  the  piety  which  traces  every 
thing  to  the  divine  interference,  perceive  nothing  in  the 
facts,  but  what  can  be  easily  accounted  for,  and  he  will 
of  course  dissent  from  the  conclusions  to  which  Bede 
sometimes  arrives.  There  is  a  great  difference  between 
the  lying  legends  of  certain  Romish  saints,  in  which  gross 
falsehoods  are  told,  and  the  narrative  of  Bede.  Bede 
states  facts,  which  being  received  at  second  hand,  are  some- 


times  a  little  coloured,  but  never  iutentionally  gives  a 
false  account ;  he  mistakes  an  ordinary  circumstance  for  a 
miracle,  and  records  as  especially  miraculous  those  curious 
coincidences  which  occur  in  every  man  s  life,  but  are  only 
"  set  in  a  note  book,"  when  they  occur  to  some  one  who 
has  rendered  himself  eminent  by  his  virtue  or  genius. 
Bede  heads  his  first  chapter  thus,  "  How  Cuthbert  the 
child  of  God  was  warned  by  a  child  of  his  future  bishopric." 
Cuthbert  was  a  fine  high-spirited  lad,  "  fond  of  jumping, 
running,  wrestling,"'  and  boasting  that  in  bodily  exercises 
he  could  surpass  boys  older  than  himself. 

Bede  oberves  that,  "  Divine  Providence  found  from  the 
first  a  worthy  preceptor  to  curb  the  sallies  of  his  youthful 
mind.  For,  as  Trumwine  of  blessed  memory  told  me  on 
the  authority  of  Cuthbert  himself,  there  were  one  day 
some  customary  games  going  on  in  a  field,  and  a  large 
number  of  boys  were  got  together,  amongst  whom  was 
Cuthbert,  and  in  the  excitement  of  boyish  whims,  several 
of  them  began  to  bend  their  bodies  into  various  unnatural 
forms.  On  a  sudden,  one  of  them,  apparently  about  three 
years  old,  runs  up  to  Cuthbert,  and  in  a  firm  tone 
exhorted  him  not  to  indulge  in  idle  play  and  follies,  but 
to  cultivate  the  powers  of  his  mind,  as  well  as  those  of  his 
body.  When  Cuthbert  made  light  of  his  advice,  the  boy 
fell  to  the  ground  and  shed  tears  bitterly.  The  rest  run 
up  to  console  him,  but  he  persists  in  weeping.  They  ask 
him  why  he  burst  out  crying  so  unexpectedly.  At  length 
he  made  answer,  and  turning  to  Cuthbert,  who  was  trying 
to  comfort  him,  '  Why,'  said  he,  '  do  you,  holy  Cuthbert, 
priest  and  prelate  !  give  yourself  up  to  these  things  which 
are  so  opposite  to  your  nature  and  rank  ?  It  does  not 
become  you  to  be  playing  among  children,  when  the  Lord 
appointed  you  to  be  a  teacher  of  virtue  even  to  those  who 
are  older  than  yourself.'  Cuthbert,  being  a  boy  of  a  good 
disposition,  heard  these  words  with  evident  attention,  and 
pac-ifying  the  crying  child  with  affectionate  caresses,  imme- 
diately abandoned  his  vain  sports,  and  returning  home, 
beaan  from  that  moment  to  exhibit  an  unusual  decision 


both  of  mind  and  character,  as  if  the  same  spirit  which 
had  spoken  outwardly  to  him  by  the  mouth  of  the  boy, 
were  now  beginning  to  exert  its  influence  inwardly  in  his 
heart.  Nor  ought  we  to  be  surprised  that  the  same  God 
can  restrain  the  levity  of  a  child  by  the  mouth  of  a  child, 
who  made  even  the  dumb  beast  to  speak,  when  he  would 
check  the  folly  of  the  prophet :  and  truly  it  is  said  in  his 
honour,  '  Out  of  the  mouth  of  babes  and  sucklings  hast 
Thou  perfected  praise  !"  " 

The  reader  will  be  struck  with  the  beauty  and  the  piety 
of  this  passage, — he  will  concur  in  the  general  remarks. 
Here  was  a  curious  coincidence ;  but  Bede  and  his  friends 
evidently  magniiied  it  into  a  prophecy.  It  was  what  a 
boy  might  be  expected  to  say,  when  Bishops  were  more 
thought  of  than  now ;  and  with  us  the  charm  of  the  pas- 
sage is,  not  in  the  child's  prediction,  but  in  the  beautiful 
way  in  which  Cuthbert  received  the  hint.  We  will  take 
the  next  chapter.  "  How  he  became  lame  with  a  swelling 
in  his  knee,  and  was  cured  by  an  angel."  "  Because,"' 
says  Bede,  "  to  every  one  who  hath  shall  be  given,  and  he 
shall  have  abundance ;  that  is,  to  every  one  who  hath  the 
determination  and  the  love  of  virtue,  shall  be  given,  by 
Divine  Providence,  an  abundance  of  these  things  ;  since 
Cuthbert,  the  child  of  God,  carefully  retained  in  his  mind 
what  he  had  received  from  the  admonition  of  man,  he  vras 
thought  worthy  also  of  being  comforted  by  the  company 
and  conversation  of  angels.  For  his  knee  was  seized  with 
a  sudden  pain,  and  began  to  swell  into  a  large  tumour ; 
the  nerves  of  his  thigh  became  contracted,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  walk  lamely,  dragging  after  him  his  diseased 
leg,  until  at  length  the  pain  increased  and  he  was  unable 
to  walk  at  all.  One  day  he  had  been  carried  out  of  doors 
by  the  attendants,  and  was  reclining  in  the  open  air, 
when  he  suddenly  saw  at  a  distance  a  man  on  horseback 
approaching,  clothed  in  white  garments,  and  honourable 
to  be  looked  upon,  and  the  horse  too  on  which  he  sat,  was 
of  incomparable  beauty.  He  drew  near  to  Cuthbert,  and 
saluted  him  mildly,  and  asked  him  as  in  jest,  whether  he 

CUTHBERT.  3]:^ 

had  no  civilities  to  shew  to  such  a  guest.  '  Yes,'  said  the 
other,  '  I  should  be  most  ready  to  jump  up  and  offer  you 
all  the  attention  in  my  power,  were  I  not,  for  my  sins, 
held  bound  by  this  infirmity  :  for  I  have  long  had  this 
painful  swelling  in  ray  knee,  and  no  physician,  v.ith  all 
his  care,  has  yet  been  able  to  heal  me.'  The  man,  leaping 
from  his  horse,  began  to  look  earnestly  at  the  diseased 
knee.  Presently  he  said,  '  Boil  some  wheaten  flour  in 
milk,  and  apply  the  poultice  warm  to  the  swelling,  and 
you  will  be  well.'  Having  said  this,  he  again  mounted 
his  horse  and  departed.  Cuthbertdidas  he  was  told,  and 
after  a  few  days  was  well.  He  at  once  perceived  that  it 
was  an  angel,  who  had  given  him  the  advice,  and  sent  by 
Him  who  formerly  deigned  to  send  His  archangel  Raphael 
to  restore  the  eyesight  of  Tobit.  If  any  one  think  it  in- 
credible that  an  angel  should  appear  on  horseback,  let 
him  read  the  history  of  the  Maccabees,  in  which  angels 
are  said  to  have  come  on  horseback  to  the  assistance  of 
Judas  Maccabaeus,  and  to  defend  God"s  own  temple." 

A  good  Samaritan  rather  than  an  angel  appeared  to 
Cuthbert ;  and  the  kind  physician  who  prescribed  a  poul- 
tice was  exaggerated  by  the  mind  of  the  youth  into  an 
angel.  How  very  easily  persons  may  thus  exaggerate 
details  to  themselves,  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the 
uneducated  or  youthful  mind  are  well  aware.  The  fact 
was  as  related ;  the  colouring  was  from  the  fancy.  The 
reader  will  see  from  this  how  legends  originated.  They 
began  in  the  simple  piety  of  an  age  not  yet  corrupted  by 
the  fictions  of  Rome ;  and  were  carried  on  by  designing 
craft  to  impose  upon  credulous  ignorance.  The  imagina- 
tion of  Cuthbert  was  very  vivid,  and  in  consequence  of  a 
vision  which  he  had  the  night  on  which  Aidan,  Bishop  of 
Lindisfarne,  died,  he  determined  to  enter  a  monastery. 
We  have  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  Bede,  an  account  of  his 
first  entering  into  a  monastery,  in  the  circumstances 
attending  which  the  historian  again  imagines  something 

VOL.  lY,  '^  H 


"This  reverend  servant  of  God,  abandoning  worldly 
things,  hastens  to  submit  to  monastic  discipline,  having 
been  excited  by  his  heavenly  vision  to  covet  the  joys  of 
everlasting  happiness,  and  invited  by  the  food  with  which 
God  had  supplied  him  to  encounter  hunger  and  thirst  in 
his  service.  He  knew  that  the  church  of  Lindisfarne  con- 
tained many  holy  men,  by  whose  teaching  and  example 
he  might  be  instructed,  but  he  was  moved  by  the  great 
reputation  of  Boisil,  a  monk  and  priest  of  surpassing 
merit,  to  choose  for  himself  an  abode  in  the  abbey  of 
Melrose.  And  it  happened  by  chance,  that  when  he  was 
arrived  there  and  had  leaped  from  his  horse,  that  he 
might  enter  the  church  to  pray,  he  gave  his  horse  and 
travelling-spear  to  a  servant,  for  he  had  not  yet  resigned 
the  dress  and  habits  of  a  lavman.  Boisil  was  standing 
before  the  doors  of  the  monastery,  and  saw  him  first. 
Foreseeing  in  spirit  what  an  illustrious  man  the  sti'anger 
would  become,  he  made  this  single  remark  to  the  by- 
standers :  '  Behold  a  servant  of  the  Lord !'  herein  imitating 
Him  Who  said  of  Nathaniel,  when  he  approached  Him, 
'  Behold  an  Israelite  indeed,  in  whom  there  is  no  guile.' 
I  was  told  this  by  that  veteran  priest  and  servant  of  God, 
the  pious  Sigfrid,  for  he  was  standing  by  when  Boisil  said 
these  words,  and  was  at  that  time  a  youth  studying  the 
first  rudiments  of  the  monastic  life  in  that  same  monas- 
tery ;  but  now  he  is  a  man,  perfect  in  the  Lord,  living  in 
our  monastery  at  Yarrow,  and  amid  the  last  sighs  of  his 
fainting  body  thirsting  for  a  happy  entrance  into  another 
life.  Boisil,  without  saying  more,  kindly  received  Cuth- 
bert  as  he  approached  ;  and  when  he  had  heard  the  cause 
of  his  coming,  namely,  that  he  preferred  the  monastery  to 
the  world,  he  kept  him  near  himself,  for  he  was  the  prior 
of  that  same  monastery. 

"  After  a  few  days,  when  Eata,  who  was  at  that  time 
priest  and  abbot  of  the  monastery,  but  afterwards  Bishop 
of  Lindisfarne,  was  come,  Boisil  told  him  about  Cuthbert, 
how  that  he  was  a  young  man  of  a  promising  disposition, 


and  obtained  permission  that  he  should  receive  the  ton- 
sure, and  be  enrolled  among  the  brethren.  When  he  had 
thus  entered  the  monasteiy,  he  conformed  himself  to  the 
rules  of  the  place  with  the  same  zeal  as  the  others,  and, 
indeed,  sought  to  surpass  them  by  observing  stricter  disci- 
pliiie ;  and  in  reading,  working,  watching,  and  praying, 
he  fairly  outdid  them  all.  Like  the  mighty  Samson  of 
old,  he  carefully  abstained  from  every  drink  which  could 
intoxicate  ;  but  was  not  able  to  abstain  equally  from  food, 
lest  his  body  might  be  thereby  rendered  less  able  to  work : 
for  he  was  of  a  robust  frame  and  of  unimpaired  strength, 
and  fit  for  any  labour  which  he  might  be  disposed  to  take 
in  hand." 

Some  years  after  it  pleased  King  Alfred  to  grant  to 
Abbot  Eata  a  certain  tract  of  country  called  Inrhypum,  in 
which  to  build  a  monastery.  The  abbot  in  consequence 
of  this  grant  erected  the  intended  building,  and  placed 
therein  certain  of  his  brother  monks,  among  whom  was 
Cuthbert,  and  appointed  for  them  the  same  rules  and 
discipline  which  were  observed  at  Melrose.  He  seems 
himself  to  have  imagined  that  he  had  angelic  visions,  and 
doubtless  he  had  communion  with  God  so  fervent  as  to 
ravish  his  mind.  Such  things  occur  even  now.  "  Notwith- 
standing the  fervour  of  his  devotion,"  says  Bede,  "  he  was 
affable  and  pleasant  in  his  character ;  and  when  he  was 
relating  to  the  fathers  the  acts  of  their  predecessors,  as  an 
incentive  to  piety,  he  would  introduce  also,  in  the  meekest 
way,  the  spiritual  benefits  which  the  love  of  God  had 
conferred  upon  himself  And  this  he  took  care  to  do  in 
a  covert  manner,  as  if  it  had  happened  to  another  person. 
Plis  hearers,  how^ever,  perceived  that  he  was  speaking  of 
himself,  after  the  pattern  of  that  master  w^ho  at  one  time 
unfolds  his  own  meiits  without  disguise,  and  at  another 
time  says  under  the  guise  of  another,  '  I  knew  a  man  in 
Christ  fourteen  years  ago,  who  was  carried  up  into  the 
third  heaven.'" 

But,  continues  Bede,  in  his  usual  strain  of  piety,  "  as 
every  thing  in  this  world  is  frail  and  fluctuating,  like   the 


sea  when  a  storm  comes  on,  the  above-named  abbot  Eata^ 
with  Outhbert  and  the  other  brethren,  were  expelled  from 
their  residence,  and  the  monastery  given  to  others.  But 
our  worthy  cliampion  of  Christ  did  not  by  reason  of  his 
change  of  place  relax  his  zeal  in  carrying  on  the  spiritual 
conflict  which  he  had  undertaken ;  but  he  attended,  as 
he  ever  had  done,  to  the  precepts  and  example  of  the 
blessed  Boisil.  About  this  time,  according  to  his  friend 
Herefrid  the  priest,  who  was  formerly  abbot  of  the  monas- 
tery of  Lindisfarne,  he  was  seized  with  a  pestilential  dis- 
ease, of  which  many  inhabitants  of  Britain  were  at  that 
time  sick.  The  brethren  of  the  monastery  passed  the 
whole  night  in  prayer  for  his  life  and  health;  for  they 
thought  it  essential  ta  them  that  so  pious  a  man  should 
be  present  with  them  in  the  flesh.  They  did  this  without 
his  knowing  it ;  and  when  they  told  him  of  it  in  the  morn- 
ing, he  exclaimed,  '  Then  why  am  I  lying  here  ?  I  did 
not  think  it  possible  that  God  should  have  neglected  your 
prayers  :  give  me  my  stick  and  shoes.'  x\ccordingly,  he 
got  out  o-f  bed,  and  tried  to  walk,  leaning  on.  his  stick,  and 
finding  his  strength  gradually  return,  he  was  speedily 
restored  to  health  :  but  because  the  swelling  on  his  thigh, 
though  it  died  away  to  all  outward  appearances,  struck 
into  his  inwards,  he  felt  a  little  pain  in  his  inside  all  his 
life  afterwards ;  so  that,  as  we  find  it  expressed  in  the 
Apostles,  '  his  strength  was  perfected  in  weakness.' 

"  When  that  servant  of  the  Lord,  Boisil,  saw  that  Cuth- 
bert  was  restored,  he  said,  '  You  see,  my  brother,  how  you 
have  recovered  from  your  disease,  and  I  assure  yau  it  will 
give  you  no  farther  trouble,  nor  are  you  likely  to^  die  at 
present  1  advise  you,  inasmuch  as  death  is  waiting  for 
me,  to  learn  from  me  all  yew  can  whilst  I  am  able  to  teach 
you  ;  for  I  have  only  seven  days  longer  to  enjoy  my  health 
of  body,  or  to  exercise  the  powers  of  my  tongue.'  Cuth- 
bert  implicitly  believing  what  he  heard,  asked  him  what 
he  would  advise  him  to  begin  to  read,  so  as  to  be  able  to 
finish  it  in  seven  days.  'John  the  Evangelist,'  said  Boisil. 
'  I   have  a  copy  containing  seven  quarto  sheets :  we  cau„ 


with  God's  help,  read  one  every  day,  and  meditate  thereon 
as  far  as  we  are  able.'  They  did  so  accordingly,  and  speedily 
accomplished  the  task ;  for  they  sought  therein  only  that 
simple  faith  which  operates  by  love,  and  did  not  trouble 
themselves  with  minute  and  subtle  questions.  After  their 
seven  days'  study  was  completed,  Boisil  died  of  the  above- 
named  complaint ;  and  after  death  entered  into  the  joys 
of  eternal  life." 

After  the  death  of  Boisil,  Cuthbert  took  upon  himself 
the  duties  of  the  office  before  mentioned  ;  and  for  many 
years  discharged  them  with  the  mo^t  pious  zeal,  as  became 
a  saint :  for  he  not  only  furnished  both  precept  and  exam- 
ple to  his  brethren  of  the  monastery,  but  sought  to  lead 
the  minds  of  the  neighbouring  people  to  the  love  of  hea- 
venly things.  Many  of  them,  indeed,  disgraced  the  faith 
which  they  professed,  by  unholy  deeds  ;  and  some  of  them, 
in  the  time  of  mortality,  neglecting  the  sacrament  of  their 
creed,  had  recourse  to  idolatrous  remedies,  as  if  by  charms 
or  amulets,  or  any  other  mysteries  of  the  magical  art, 
they  were  able  to  avert  a  stroke  inflicted  upon  them  by 
the  Lord.  To  correct  these  errors,  he  often  went  out 
from  the  monastery,  sometimes  on  horseback,  sometimes 
on  foot,  and  preached  the  way  of  truth  to  the  neighbouring 
villages,  as  Boisil,  his  predecessor,  had  done  before  him. 
It  was  at  this  time  customary  for  the  English  people  to 
flock  together  when  a  clerk  or  priest  entered  a  village,  and 
listen  to  what  he  said,  that  so  they  might  learn  something 
from  him,  and  amend  their  lives.  Now  Cuthbert  was  so 
skilful  in  teaching,  and  so  zealous  in  what  he  undertook, 
that  none  dared  to  conceal  from  him  their  thoughts,  but 
all  acknowledged  what  they  had  done  amiss ;  for  they  sup- 
posed that  it  was  impossible  to  escape  his  notice,  and  they 
hoped  to  merit  forgiveness  by  an  honest  confession.  He 
was  mostly  accustomed  to  travel  to  those  villages  which 
lay  in  out  of  the  way  places  among  the  mountains,  which 
by  their  poverty  and  natural  horrors  deterred  other  visitors. 
Yet  even  here  did  his  devoted  mind  find  exercise  for  bis 
•2n  -2 


powers  of  teaching,  insomuch  that  he  often  remained  a 
week,  sometimes  two  or  three,  nay,  even  a  whole  month, 
without  returning  home  ;  but  dwelling  among  the  moun- 
tains, taught  the  poor  people,  both  by  the  words  of  his 
preaching,  and  also  by  his  own  holy  conduct. 

Whilst  this  venerable  servant  of  the  Lord  was  thus, 
during  many  years,  distinguishing  himself  by  such  signs 
of  spiritual  excellence  in  the  monastery  of  Melrose,  its 
reverend  abbot,  Eata,  transferred  him  to  the  monastery  in 
the  Island  of  Lindisfarne,  that  there  also  he  might  teach 
the  rules  of  monastic  perfection  with  the  authority  of  it& 
governor,  and  illustrate  it  by  the  example  of  his  virtue  : 
for  the  same  reverend  abbot  had  both  monasteries  under 
his  jurisdiction.  And  no  one  should  wonder  that,  though 
the  island  of  Lindisfarne  is  small,  we  have  above  made 
mention  of  a  bishop,  and  now  of  an  abbot  and  monks  ;  for 
the  case  was  really  so.  For  the  same  island,  inhabited  by 
servants  of  the  Lord,  contained  both,  and  all  were  monks. 
For  Aidan,  who  was  the  first  bishop  of  that  place,  was  a 
monk,  and  with  all  his  followers  lived  according  to  the 
monastic  rule.  Wherefore  all  the  principals  of  that  place 
from  him  to  the  time  of  Bede,  exercised  the  episcopal 
office,  so  that,  whilst  the  monastery  was  governed  by  the 
abbot,  whom  they,  with  the  consent  of  the  brethren, 
elected,  all  the  priests,  deacons,  singers,  readers,  and 
other  ecclesiastical  officers  of  different  ranks,  observed  the 
monastic  rule  in  every  respect,  as  well  as  the  bishop 

He  was  so  zealous  in  watching  and  praying,  that  he 
is  believed  to  have  sometimes  passed  three  or  four  nights 
together  therein,  during  which  time  he  neither  went  to 
his  own  bed,  nor  had  any  accommodation  from  the  brethren 
for  reposing  himself.  For  he  either  passed  the  time 
alone,  praying  in  some  retired  spot,  or  singing  and  making 
something  with  his  hands,  thus  beguiling  his  sleepiness 
by  labour;  or  perhaps  he  walked  round  the  island,  dili- 
gently exaijuinmg  every  thing  therein,  and  by  this  exercise 


relieved  the  tediousness  of  psalmody  and  watching.  Lastly, 
he  would  reprove  the  faint-heartedness  of  the  brethren, 
who  took  it  amiss  if  any  one  came  and  unseasonably  im- 
portuned tliem  to  awake  at  night,  or  during  their  afternoon 
nups.  "No  one,"  said  he,  "can  displease  me  by  waking 
me  out  of  my  sleep,  but,  on  the  contrary,  give  me  plea- 
sure ;  for,  by  rousing  me  from  inactivity,  he  enables  me  to 
do  or  think  of  something  useful."  So  devout  and  zealous 
was  he  in  his  desire  after  heavenly  things,  that,  whilst 
officiating  in  the  solemnity  of  the  mass,  he  never  could 
come  to  the  conclusion  thereof  without  a  plentiful  shedding 
of  tears.  But  whilst  he  duly  discharged  the  mysteries  of 
our  Lord's  passion,  he  would,  in  himself  illustrate  that  in 
which  he  was  officiating;  in  contrition  of  heart  he  would 
sacrifice  himself  to  the  Lord  ;  and  whilst  he  exhorted  the 
slanders  by  to  lift  up  their  hearts  and  to  give  thanks  unto 
the  Lord,  his  own  heart  vv-as  lifted  up  rather  than  his 
voice,  and  it  was  the  spirit  which  groaned  within  him 
rather  than  the  note  of  singing.  In  his  zeal  for  righteous- 
ness he  was  fervid  to  correct  sinners,  he  was  gentle  in  the 
spirit  of  .mildness  to  forgive  the  penitent,  so  that  he  would 
often  shed  tears  over  those  who  confessed  their  sins, 
])itying  their  weaknesses,  and  would  himself  point  out  by 
his  own  righteous  example  what  course  the  sinner  should 
pursue.  He  used  vestments  of  the  ordinary  description, 
neither  noticeable  for  their  too  great  neatness  nor  yet  too 
slovenly.  Wherefore,  even  to  Bede  s  day,  it  is  not  cus- 
tomary in  that  monastery  for  any  one  to  wear  vestments 
of  a  rich  or  valuable  colour,  but  they  were  content  with  that 
appearance  which  the  natural  wool  of  the  sheep  presents. 

By  these  and  such  like  spiritual  exercises,  this  vene- 
rable man  both  excited  the  good  to  follow  his  example, 
and  recalled  the  wicked  and  perverse  from  their  errors  to 
regularity  of  life. 

In  the  year  676  he  retired  to  the  secrecy  of  solitude 
which  he  had  so  long  coveted.  He  rejoiced  that  from  the 
long  conversation  with  the  world  he  was  now  thought  wor- 
thy to  be  pronjoted  to  retirement  and  divine  contemplation: 


he  rejoiced  that  he  now  could  reach  to  the  condition  of 
those  of  which  it  is  simg  by  the  Psalmist :  "The  holy  shall 
walk  from  virtue  to  virtue ;  the  God  of  Gods  shall  be  seen 
in  Zion."  At  his  first  entrance  upon  the  solitary  life,  ho 
sought  out  the  most  retired  spot  in  the  outskirts  of  the 
monastery.  But  when  he  had  for  some  time  contended 
with  the  invisible  adversary  with  prayer  and  fasting  in 
this  solitude,  he  then,  aiming  at  higher  things,  sought  out 
a  more  distant  field  for  conflict,  and  more  remote  from 
the  eyes  of  men.  There  is  a  certain  island  called  Fame, 
in  the  middle  of  the  sea,  not  made  an  island,  like  Lindis- 
farne,  by  the  flow  of  the  tide,  which  the  Greeks  call  rheuma, 
and  then  restored  to  the  mainland  at  its  ebb,  but  lying  off 
several  miles  to  the  east,  and,  consequently,  surrounded 
on  all  sides  by  the  deep  and  boundless  ocean.  No  one, 
before  God's  servant  Cuthbert,  had  ever  dared  to  inhabit 
this  island  alone,  on  account  of  the  evil  spirits  which  re- 
side there:  but  v^hen  the  servant  of  Christ  came,  armed 
with  the  helmet  of  salvation,  the  shield  of  faith,  and  the 
sword  of  the  spirit,  which  is  the  word  of  God,  all  the  fiery 
darts  of  the  wicked  were  extinguished,  and  that  wicked 
enemy,  with  all  his  followers,  were  put  to  flight. 

Christ's  soldier,  therefore,  having  thus,  by  the  expul- 
sion of  the  tyrants,  become  the  lawful  monarch  of  the 
land,  built  a  city  fit  for  his  empire,  and  houses  therein 
suitable  to  his  city.  The  building  is  almost  of  a  round 
form,  from  wall  to  wall  about  four  or  five  poles  in  extent : 
the  wall  on  the  outside  is  higher  than  a  man,  but  within, 
by  excavating  the  rock,  he  made  it  much  deeper,  to  pre- 
vent the  eyes  and  the  thoughts  from  wandering,  that  the 
mind  might  be  wholly  bent  on  heavenly  things,  and  the 
pious  inhabitant  might  behold  nothing  from  his  residence 
but  the  heavens  above  him.  The  wall  was  constructed, 
not  of  hewn  stones  or  of  brick  and  mortar,  but  of  rough 
stones  and  turf,  which  had  been  taken  out  from  the  ground 
within.  Some  of  them  were  so  large  that  four  men  could 
hardly  have  lifted  them,  but  Cuthbert  himself,  with  angels 
helping  him,  had  raised  them  up  and  placed  them  on  the 


wall.  There  were  two  chambers  in  the  house,  one  an 
oratory,  the  other  for  domestic  purposes.  He  finished  the 
walls  of  them  by  digging  round  and  cutting  away  the 
natural  soil  within  and  without,  and  formed  the  roof  out 
of  rough  poles  and  straw.  Moreover,  at  the  landing-place 
of  the  island  he  built  a  large  house,  in  which  the  brethren 
who  visited  him  might  be  received  and  rest  themselves, 
and  not  far  from  it  there  was  a  fountain  of  water  for  their 

Many  came  to  the  man  of  God,  not  only  from  the 
furthest  parts  of  Lindisfarne,  but  even  from  the  more 
remote  parts  of  Britain,  led  thither  by  the  fame  of  his 
virtues  ;  to  confess  the  errors  which  they  had  committed, 
or  the  temptations  of  the  devil  which  they  suffered,  or  the 
adversities  common  to  mortals,  with  which  they  were 
afflicted,  and  all  hoping  to  receive  consolation  from  a  man 
so  eminent  for  holiness.  Nor  did  their  hope  deceive 
them.  For  no  one  went  away  from  him  without  consola- 
tion, no  one  returned  afflicted  with  the  same  grief  which 
had  brought  him  thither.  For  he  knew  how  to  comfort 
the  sorrowful  with  pious  exhortation ;  he  could  recal  the 
joys  of  celestial  life  to  the  memory  of  those  who  were 
straitened  in  circumstances,  and  show  the  uncertainty  of 
prosperity  and  adversity  in  this  life :  he  had  learnt  to 
make  known  to  those  who  were  tempted  the  numerous 
wiles  of  their  ancient  enemy,  by  which  that  mind  would 
be  easily  captivated  which  was  deprived  of  brotherly  or 
divine  love  ;  whereas,  the  mind  which,  strengthened  by 
the  true  faith,  should  continue  its  course,  would,  by  the 
help  of  God,  break  the  snares  of  the  adversaiy  like  the 
threads  of  a  spider's  web. 

While  he  was  in  this  place,  in  the  year  684,  Archbishop 
Theodore,  in  a  full  synod,  in  the  presence  of  Ecgfrid, 
appointed  Cuthbert  to  the  bishopric  of  the  see  of  Lindis- 
farne, which  he  most  reluctantly  accepted.  He  adorned, 
however,  the  office  of  a  bishop,  which  he  had  undertaken, 
says  Bede,  "  by  the  exercise  of  many  virtues,  according  to 
the  precepts  and  examples  of  the   Apostles.     For  he  pro- 


tected  the  people  committed  to  his  care,  with  frequent 
prayers,  and  invited  them  to  heavenly  things  by  most 
wholesome  admonitions,  and  followed  that  system  which 
most  facilitates  teaching,  by  first  doing  himself  what  he 
taught  to  others.  He  saved  the  needy  man  from  the 
hand  of  the  stronger,  and  the  poor  and  destitute  from 
those  who  would  oppress  them.  He  comforted  the  weak 
and  sorrowful ;  but  he  took  care  to  recal  those  who  were 
sinfully  rejoicing  to  that  sorrow  which  is  according  to  god- 
liness. Desiring  still  to  exercise  his  usual  frugality,  he 
did  not  cease  to  observe  the  severity  of  a  monastic  life, 
amid  the  turmoil  by  which  he  was  surrounded.  He  gave 
food  to  the  hungry,  raiment  to  the  shivering.  And  his 
course  was  marked  by  all  the  other  particulars  which 
adorn  the  life  of  a  pontiff." 

His  death  took  place  in  687.  Bede,  who  was  present, 
gives  a  minute  and  interesting  account  of  the  circum- 
stances attending  the  event,  too  long,  however,  for  trans- 
cription. He  had  returned  to  his  dwelling  on  the  island 
to  prepare  for  death,  the  approach  of  which  he  perceived. 
Having  given  advice  and  directions  to  those  around  him, 
when  his  hour  of  evening  service  was  come,  he  received 
from  Bede  "  the  blessed  Sacrament,  and  thus  strength- 
ened himself  for  his  departure  by  partaking  of  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ ;  and  when  he  had  lifted  up  his  eyes 
to  heaven,  and  stretched  out  his  hands  above  him,  his 
soul,  intent  upon  heavenly  praises,  sped  his  way  to  the 
joys  of  the  eternal  kingdom."  He  was  buried  in  the 
monastery  of  Lindisfarne  ;  and  after  several  removals,  his 
body  was  at  length  consigned  to  a  tomb  in  Durham 
Cathedral. — Venerable  Bede. 


Of  the  life  of  this  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  very  few 
particulars  are  known,  except  that  he  was  of  a  noble  Eng- 
lish family,  and  was  translated  from  Hereford  to  the 
metropolitan  see,  according  to  Wright  in  710,  and  accord- 


ing  to  Godwin  in  742.  In  the  last-named  year  a  great 
council  was  held  at  Cloveshoo,  Ethelbald,  King  of  the 
Mercians,  presiding,  with  Cuthbert,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, and  the  rest  of  the  Bishops  sitting  with  them,  to 
examine  all  necessary  points  of  religion,  and  of  the  creed 
delivered  to  us  by  the  ancient  institutes  of  the  holy  fathers. 
And  they  diligently  enquired  how  matters  were  ordered 
here,  in  relation  to  religion,  and  particularly  as  to  the 
creed,  in  the  infancy  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  in 
what  esteem  monasteries  then  were  according  to  equity. 

"While  we  were  making  this  enquiry,  (it  is  said,)  and 
reciting  ancient  privileges,  there  came  to  hand  that  privi- 
lege of  the  churches,  and  ordinance  of  the  glorious  King 
Wihtred,  concerning  the  election  and  authority  of  the 
heads  of  monasteries,  in  the  kingdom  of  Kent ;  how  it  is 
ordered  to  be  confirmed  by  the  command  and  option  of 
the  metropolitan  of  Canterbury.  And  the  said  privilege 
was  read,  at  the  direction  of  King  Ethelbald ;  and  all  that 
heard  it  said,  there  never  was  any  such  noble  and  wise 
decree,  so  agreeable  to  ecclesiastical  discipline  ;  and  there- 
fore they  enacted,  that  it  should  be  firmly  kept  by  all. 

"  Therefore  I,  Ethelbald,  King  of  the  Mercians,  for  the 
health  of  my  soul,  and  the  stability  of  my  kingdom,  and 
out  of  reverence  to  the  venerable  Archbishop  Cuthbert, 
confirm  it  by  the  subscription  of  my  own  munificent  hand, 
that  the  liberty,  honour,  authority,  and  security  of  the 
Church  of  Christ  be  contradicted  by  no  man ;  but  she, 
and  all  the  lands  belonging  to  her,  be  free  from  all  secular 
services,  except  military  expedition,  and  building  of  a 
bridge,  or  a  castle.  And  we  charge  that  this  be  irrefragably 
and  immutably  observed  by  all,  as  the  aforesaid  King 
Wihtred  ordained,  for  him  and  his. 

"  If  any  of  the  kings  my  successors,  or  of  the  bishops  or 
princes,  attempt  to  infringe  this  wholesome  decree,  let 
him  give  account  of  it  to  Almighty  God  at  the  tremendous 

"  If  an  earl,  priest,  deacon,  clerk,  or  monk  oppose  this 
constitution,  let  him  be   deprived  of  his  degree,  and  sepa- 


rated  from  the  participation  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  the 
Lord,  and  he  far  from  the  kingdom  of  God,  unless  he  first 
make  amends  for  his  insolence,  hy  agreeable  satisfaction  ; 
for  it  is  written,  Whatever  ye  bind  on  earth,  &c." 

Cuthbert  was  the  personal  friend  of  St.  Boniface,  with 
whom  he  kept  up  a  friendly  intercourse  by  letters.  In 
745  Boniface  sent  to  Cuthbert  some  canons  of  a  synod 
lately  held  at  Augsburg,  with  a  letter.  fFor  an  account  of 
this  see  the  life  of  Boniface.)  He,  about  the  same  time, 
addressed  a  letter  to  Ethelbald,  King  of  the  Mercians.  It 
is  a  noble  letter,  in  which  he  addresses  the  King  in  a 
strain  of  earnest  affection,  while  he  rebukes  his  vices  with 
unsparing  severity :  it  is  such  a  letter  as  it  became  an 
Archbishop  to  write  to  a  Monarch,  who  was  not  without 
good  traits  of  character,  but  whose  immorality  was  un- 
deniable. From  these  communications  it  would  seem,  that 
our  Saxon  ancestors  were  addicted  to  gross  impurities,  and 
that  the  ascetic  preteDsions  of  many  were  too  often  used 
as  a  cloak  of  lasciviousness.  But  the  great  fault  of 
Boniface  was  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  see  of  Rome  ; 
and  while  he  exhorted  the  King  and  metropolitan  to 
bestir  themselves,  in  order  that  the  existing  evils  might 
be  remedied,  he  evidently  desired  to  obtain,  on  the  part  of 
the  Church  of  England,  what  he  had  laboured  for  in 
Germany,  a  synodical  submission  to  the  papal  see.  Cuth- 
bert, who  was  a  wise  and  prudent  prelate,  did  not  imitate 
his  mistaken  friend's  example,  in  binding  himself  to  obey 
in  all  things  the  orders  of  St.  Peter,  as  they  called  the 
pope's  commands ;  but  at  a  synod  held  at  Cloveshoo,  in 
Kent,  he,  and  the  other  English  bishops,  engaged  to 
maintain  their  own  laws  against  encroachment,  keeping 
up  a  free  correspondence  with  foreign  churches,  and  a 
union  of  affection,  but  patriotically  refusing  to  compromise 
their  dignity  by  professing  submission  to  a  foreign  ecclesi- 
astical authority  ;  still  the  Romanizing  party  gained  ground 
in  our  Church,  because  in  this  synod  a  strict  uniformity 
was  enjoined  with  the  Roman  offices  and  usages,  though 
not  at  that  time,  of  course,  corrupted  as  they  have  since 

CUTHBERT.  3-25 

The  synod  was  held  in  September,  747,  in  the  presence 
of  Ethelbert,   King  of  the  Mercians,   the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  presiding ;  eleven  bishops  and  several  priests 
attended.      Thirty  canons  were  drawn  up.     Pope  Zachary 
was  not  wanting  on  this  occasion,   for  he  sent  a  letter  to 
the  synod,  written  in  a  very  improper  strain,  and  evidently 
to  establish  a  precedent  for  interference  in  a  synod  of  the 
Church  of  England.     The   assembled  prelates  naturally 
regarded  this  only  as  an  instance  of  friendship  on  the  part 
of  a  foreign  prelate,  as  they  had  done  the  previous  inter- 
ference of  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz.     After  the  prelimin- 
aries were  concluded  by  the  assembled  prelates,    "  in  the 
front  of  their  decrees,"  as  we  find  it  stated  in  the  minutes 
of  the    synod,    "  they    established    it  with    an  authentic 
sanction,    that    every    Bishop    be    ready   to    defend    the 
pastoral  charge  entrusted  with  him ;    and  the  canonical 
institutions  of  the  Church  of  Christ  (by  God's  protection 
and  assistance)  with  their  utmost  endeavour,   against  the 
various  and  wicked  assults  that  are  made  upon  them ;  nor 
be  more  engaged  in  secular  affairs,  (which  God  forbid)  than 
in  the  service  of  God,  by  looseness  in  living,  and  tardiness 
in  teaching ;  but  be  adorned  with  good  manners,  with  the 
abstemious  virtues,  with  works  of  righteousness,  and  with 
learned  studies,   that  so,   according  to  the  Apostle,  they 
may  be  able  to  reform  the  people  of  God  by  their  example, 
and  instruct  them  by  the  preaching  of  sound  doctrine." 

In  the  second  place,  they  firmly  agreed  with  a  testifica- 
tion, that  they  would  devote  themselves  to  intimate  peace, 
and  sincere  charity,  perpetually,  every  where  amongst 
them  to  endure ;  and  that  there  be  a  perfect  agreement  of 
all,  in  all  the  rites  of  religion  belonging  to  the  Church,  in 
w^ord,  in  work,  in  judgment,  without  flattering  of  any 
person,  as  being  minister  of  one  Lord,  and  fellow- servants 
in  one  ministry ;  that  though  they  are  far  distant  in  sees, 
yet  they  may  be  joined  together  in  mind  by  one  spirit, 
serving  God  in  faith,  hope,  and  charity,  praying  diligently 
for  each  other,  that  every  one  of  them  may  faithiuily  tiiiish 
their  race. 

YOL.  lY.  ^  I 


Collier  justly  remarks  that  these  two  canons,  especially 
the  last,  seem  to  be  drawn  up  especially  to  protect  the 
Church  of  England  against  the  pretensions  of  Rome,  and 
to  reject  the  precedent  of  submission  which  Boniface  had 
set  them. 

The  third  canon  orders  annual  episcopal  visitations, 
and  directs  the  bishop  to  call  the  people  of  every  condi- 
tion together  to  convenient  places,  and  to  plainly  teach 
them,  and  forbid  them  all  pagau  and  superstitious  ob- 
servances, &c. 

4.  Directs  bishops  to  exhort  all  abbots  and  abbesses 
within  their  dioceses  to  exhibit  a  good  example  in  their 
lives,  and  to  rule  well  their  houses. 

5.  Orders  bishops  to  visit  those  monasteries  which, 
owing  to  the  corruption  of  the  times,  were  governed  by 

6.  Directs  due  inquiry  to  be  made  concerning  the  good 
life  and  sound  faith  of  candidates  for  priest's  orders. 

7.  Directs  bishops,  abbots,  and  abbesses  to  take  care 
that  their  "  families"  do  incessantly  apply  their  minds  to 

8.  Exhorts  priests  to  the  right  discharge  of  their  duty  ; 
to  desist  from  secular  business ;  to  serve  at  the  altar  with 
the  utmost  application  ;  carefully  to  preserve  the  house  of 
prayer  and  its  furniture ;  to  spend  their  time  in  reading, 
celebrating  masses,  and  psalmody,  &c. 

9.  Exhorts  priests,  in  the  places  assigned  to  them,  by 
their  bishops,  to  attend  to  the  duties  of  the  apostolical 
commission,  in  baptizing,  teaching,  and  visiting,  and 
carefully  to  abstain  from  all  wicked  and  ridiculous  con- 

10.  Directs  that  priests  should  learn  how  to  perform, 
according  to  the  lawful  rites,  every  ofiBce  belonging  to 
their  order ;  that  they  shall  also  learn  to  construe  and 
explain  in  their  native  tongue  the  Lord's  Prayer  and 
creed,  and  the  sacred  words  used  at  mass  and  in  holy 
baptism  ;  that  they  shall  understand  the  spiritual  signifi- 
cation of  the  sacraments,  &c. 


11.  Relates  to  the  faith  held  by  priests,  orders  that  it 
shall  be  sound  and  sincere,  and  that  their  ministrations 
shall  be  uniform;  that  they  shall  teach  all  men  that 
*'  without  faith  it  is  impossible  to  please  God  ;"  that  they 
shall  instil  the  creed  into  them,  and  propose  it  to  infants 
and  their  sponsors. 

12.  Forbids  priests  "  to  prate  in  church,"  and  "  to  dis- 
locate or  confound  the  composure  and  distinction  of  the 
sacred  words"  by  theatrical  pronunciation ;  directs  them 
to  follow  the  "  plain  song"  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
Church ;  or,  if  they  cannot  do  that,  simply  to  read  the 
words.  Also  forbids  priests  to  presume  to  interfere  in 
episcopal  functions. 

13.  Orders  the  due  observation  of  the  festivals  of  our 
Lord  and  Saviour,  and  of  the  nativity  of  the  saints,  accord- 
ing to  the  Roman  martyrology. 

14.  Orders  the  due  observation  of  the  Lord's  day. 

15.  Orders  that  the  seven  canonical  hours  of  prayer  be 
diligently  observed. 

16.  Orders  that  the  Litanies  or  Rogations  be  kept  by 
the  clergy  and  people,  with  great  reverence,  on  St.  Mark's 
day,  and  on  the  three  days  preceding  Ascension  day. 

17.  Orders  the  observance  of  the  "  birth  days"  of  pope 
Gregory,  of  S.  Augustin  of  Canterbury,  who  "  first 
brought  the  knowledge  of  faith,  the  sacrament  of  baptism, 
and  the  notice  of  the  heavenly  country,"  to  the  English 

18.  Orders  the  observance  of  the  Ember  fasts  in  the 
fourth,  seventh,  and  tenth  months,  according  to  the 
Roman  ritual. 

19.  Relates  to  the  behaviour  and  dress  of  monks  and 

20.  Charges  bishops  to  take  care  that  monasteries,  as 
their  name  imports,  be  honest  retreats  for  the  silent  and 
quiet,  not  receptacles  for  versifiers,  harpers,  and  buffoons ; 
forbids  too  much  familiarity  with  laymen,  especially  to 
nuns  ;  bids  the  latter  not  spend  their  time  in  filthy  talk, 
junketting,  drunkenness,  luxury,  nor  in  making  vestments 


of  divers  and  vain-glorious  colours,  but  rather  in  reading 
books  and  singing  psalms. 

21.  Enjoins  all  monks  and  ecclesiastics  to  avoid  the 
sin  of  drunkenness,  and  forbids  them  to  help  themselves 
to  drink  before  three  ia  the  afternoon,  except  in  cases  of 

2-2.  Admonishes  monks  and  ecclesiastics  to  keep  them- 
selves always  prepared  to  receive  the  Holy  Communion. 

23.  Encourages  boys  among  the  laity  to  receive  fre- 
quently the  communion,  while  they  are  not  yet  corrupted  ; 
also  bachelors  and  married  men  who  avoid  sin,  lest  they 
grow  weak  for  want  of  the  salutary  meat  and  drink. 

24.  Orders  that  laymen  be  well  tried  before  they  be 
admitted  into  the  ecclesiastical  state,  or  into  monasteries. 

26.  Relates  to  almsgiving. 

The  twenty-seventh  canon  throws  so  much  light  upoa 
the  state  of  society,  and  of  the  Church  at  that  period,  that 
it  is  given  in  full. 

27.  When  they  were  thus  discoursing  much  of  those 
who  sing  psalms,  or  spiritual  songs  profitably,  or  of 
those  who  do  it  .negligently,  psalmody  (say  they)  is  a 
divine  work,  a  great  cure  in  many  cases,  for  the  souls 
of  them  who  do  it  in  spirit,  and  mind.  But  they  that 
sing  with  voice,  without  the  inward  meaning,  may  make 
the  sound  resemble  something ;  therefore  though  a  man 
knows  not  the  Latin  words  that  are  sung,  yet  he  may 
devoutly  apply  the  intentions  of  his  own  heart,  to  the 
things  which  are  at  present  to  be  asked  of  God,  and 
fix  them  there  to  the  best  of  his  power.  For  the 
psalms,  which  proceeded  of  old  through  the  mouth  of  the 
prophet,  from  the  Holy  Ghost,  are  to  be  sung  with  the 
inward  intention  of  the  heart,  and  a  suitable  humiliation 
of  the  body,  to  the  end  that  (by  the  oracles  of  divine 
praise,  and  the  sacraments  of  our  salvation,  and  the 
humble  confesson  of  sins,  or  by  devoutedly  imploring  the 
pardon  of  them,  they  that  touch  the  ears  of  divine  pity  by 
praying  for  any  valuable  thing,  may  the  more  deserve  to 
be  heard,   by  their  desiring  and    affecting  to  draw  near  to 

CUTHBERT.  3-29 

God,  and  to  appease  Him  by  the  means  which  I  before 
mentioned,  especially  their  most  holy  and  divine  service) ; 
while  they  offer  variety  of  prayers  and  praises  to  God  in 
that  sacred  modulation,  either  for  themselves,  or  for 
others,  quick  or  dead,  while  at  the  end  of  every  psalmody, 
they  bow  their  knees  in  prayer,  and  say  in  the  Latin,  or, 
if  they  have  not  learnt  that,  in  the  Saxonic,  Lord  have 
mercy  on  him,  and  forgive  him  his  sins,  and  convert  him  to 
do  Thy  ivill :  or,  if  for  the  dead,  Lord,  according  to  the 
greatness  of  Thy  mercy,  grant  rest  to  his  soid,  and  for 
Thine  infinite  inty  vouchsafe  to  him  the  joys  of  eternal  light 
tvith  Thy  saints.  But  let  them  who  pray  for  themselves 
have  a  great  faith  in  psalmody,  performed  with  reverence, 
as  very  profitable  to  them,  when  dcme  in  manner  afore- 
said (on  condition  that  they  persist  in  the  expiation 
of  their  crimes,  and  not  in  the  allowance  of  their  vices) 
that  is,  they  may  the  sooner,  and  the  more  easily  deserve 
to  arrive  at  the  grace  of  divine  reconciliation,  by  prayers, 
and  intercessions,  while  they  worthily  sing  and  pray ;  or 
that  they  may  improve  in  what  is  good  ;  or  that  they  may 
obtain  what  they  piously  ask :  not  with  any  intent,  that 
they  may  for  one  moment  do  evil,  or  omit  good,  with  the 
greater  liberty,  or  relax  fasting,  injoined  for  sin,  or  give 
the  less  alms,  because  they  believe  others  sing  psalms,  or 
fast  for  them.  For  let  every  one  certainly  know,  that  his 
own  self-same  flesh,  which  hath  been  the  causes  of  unlaw- 
ful wicked  desires,  ought  to  be  restrained  from  what  is 
lawful ;  and  that  a  man  should  punish  it  at  present,  in 
proportion  to  its  guilt,  if  he  desire  not  to  be  punished 
hereafter  by  the  Eternal  Judge.  Let  himself  first  impor- 
tune the  divine  clemency,  with  groanings  of  heart  for  the 
restoration  of  himself,  and  then  bring  as  many  servants 
of  God  as  he  can,  to  make  their  common  prayers  to  God 
for  him.  For  if  they  promise,  or  believe,  or  act,  otherwise 
than  hath  been  before  said,  they  do  not  lessen  sins,  but 
add  sins  to  sins ;  because  by  this  means  (above  all  the 
rest)  they  provoke  the  anger  of  the  Supernal  Judge; 


because  they  dare  set  his  justice  to  sale  every  day  by  an 
immeasurable  flattery,  and  the  excessive  blandishment  of 
luxurious  conversation.  We  must  speak  at  large  of  this, 
because  a  worldly  rich  man  of  late,  desiring  that  speedy 
reconciliation  might  be  granted  him  for  gross  sin,  affirmed 
by  letters,  that  that  sin  of  his,  as  many  assured  him,  was 
so  fully  expiated,  that  if  he  could  live  three  hundred  years 
longer,  his  fasting  was  already  paid,  by  the  new  modes  of 
satisfaction,  viz.  by  the  psalmody,  fasting,  and  alms  of 
others,  abating  his  own  fasting,  or  however  insufficient  it 
were.  If  then  divine  justice  can  be  appeased  by  others, 
why,  0  ye  foolish  ensurers  !  is  it  said  by  the  voice  of  truth 
itself,  that  it  is  easier  for  a  camel  to  go  through  the  eye 
of  a  needle,  than  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  into  the  kingdom 
of  Heaven,  when  he  can  with  bribes  purchase  the  in- 
numerable fastings  of  others  for  his  own  crimes  ?  0  that  ye 
might  perish  alone,  ye  that  are  deservedly  called  the  gates 
of  hell — before  others  are  ensnared  by  your  misguiding 
flattery,  and  led  into  the  plague  of  God's  eternal  indig- 
nation. Let  no  man  deceive  himself,  God  deceives  none, 
when  He  says  by  the  Apostle,  we  shall  all  stand  before 
the  judgment  seat  of  Christ,  &c. 

28.  Forbids  to  receive  greater  numbers  into  monasteries 
than  can  be  maintained,  and  forbids  clerks  and  monks  to 
imitate  seculars  in  "  the  fashionable  gartering  of  their 
legs,  or  in  having  shags  round  about  their  heads,"  nuns 
were  prohibited  from  going  in  secular  apparel,  or  in  gaudy 
gay  clothes. 

29.  Forbids  clerks,  monks,  and  nuns,  to  dwell  with  lay- 

80.  Enjoins,  amongst  other  things,  that  prayer  be 
made  by  all  monks  and  ecclesiastics  for  kings  and  dulses, 
and  for  the  safety  of  all  Christian  people. 

Archbishop  Cuthbert  died  in  758,  and  was  buried  in 
Canterbury  Cathedral. — Goduin.  Malmesbury.  Johnsons 
Eccles.  Canons.  Wilkin's  Cone.  Landon.  Chtrtons  Early 
English  Church. 

CYPRIAN.  881 


Thascius  Cji^ciLius  Cyprian  ^vas  a  lawyer  at  Carthage, 
where  he  practised  with  high  reputation,  at  the  begioning 
of  the  third  century,  and  where  he  seems  to  have  realised 
a  considerable  property,  the  reward  of  his  skill  and  dili- 
gence in  his  profession.  We  know  not  the  year  of  his 
birth,  nor  of  consequence  his  age  at  the  time  of  his  con- 
version ;  for  though  he  had  a  contemporary  biographer  in 
Pontius  his  deacon,  few  of  the  incidents  of  his  former  life 
are  recorded.  We  should  only  judge  from  the  general 
habits  of  his  life  and  of  his  mind,  as  displayed  in  his 
writings,  and  in  the  acts  of  his  episcopate,  that  he 
was  in  the  prime  of  life,  or  at  any  rate  not  far  passed 
the  middle  age,  when  he  was  born  again  in  holy  bap- 
tism. We  may  add  that  some  indirect  evidence  seems 
to  show,  that  he  was  not  incumbered  with  the  care  of  a 
wife  and  family. 

The  providence  of  God  which  had  marked  out  Cyprian 
for  a  high  office  in  the  Church,  led  him  to  an  intimate 
acquaintance  with  Coecilius,  an  aged  presbyter  in  the 
church  of  Carthage  :  and  this  friendship  was  the  means  of 
his  conversion,  which  took  place  early  in  the  year  246. 
He  has  himself  recorded,  in  his  epistle  to  Donatus,  some 
of  the  struggles  which  it  cost  him  to  leave  the  world,  and 
to  embrace  the  life  of  a  Christian,  cut  off,  as  it  then  was, 
from  the  secular  employments  and  honours  of  the  state, 
and  from  the  pomp  and  revelries  of  a  too  luxurious  wealth. 
We  shall  not  be  surprised  to  find,  that  some  of  the  temp- 
tations which  assailed  the  young  convert  were  directed 
against  his  pride  of  reason.  Like  Nicodemus,  he  could 
not  receive  the  mystery  of  a  spiritual  regeneration. 
'•  While,"  says  he,  "I  was  lying  in  darkness,  and  in  the 
shadow  of  death,  and  while  I  was  tossed  uncertain  upon 
the  waves  of  this  tempestuous  world,  ignorant  of  what 
was  my  real  life,  and  an  alien  from  truth  and  light,  I 
thought  the  method  of  salvation  which  was  proposed  to  me 

333  CYPBIAN. 

strange  and  impossible.  I  could  not  believe  that  man 
should  be  born  again ;  and  being  animated  with  a  new 
life,  put  off  in  the  laver  of  regeneration,  what  he  had 
before  been :  and  though  remaining  the  same  in  his 
whole  natural  and  animal  frame,  become  changed  in  his 
mind  and  affections."  The  favour  of  God,  however,  which 
had  directed  Cyprian  to  the  good  Caecilius,  did  not  desert 
him  in  these  difficulties ;  and  coming  at  last  with  faith 
and  repentance  to  the  Sacrament  of  Baptism,  Cyprian 
received  that  grace  of  regeneration,  at  which  his  natural 
reason  had  stumbled. 

And  as  his  own  words  best  describe  the  difficulties  of 
his  conversion,  so  do  they  best  set  forth  his  experience  of 
the  spiritual  effects  of  baptism.  "  So  entirely,"  says  he, 
in  the  same  epistle,  "was  I  immersed  in  the  deadly  atmos- 
phere of  my  former  life,  so  enveloped  in  the  habits  and 
commission  of  sin,  that  I  despaired  of  ever  freeing  myself, 
and  began  to  look  upon  these  things,  and  to  love  them,  as 
a  part  of  myself.  But  when  the  sulliage  of  my  past 
iniquities  was  washed  away  by  the  waters  of  baptism,  the 
pure  and  serene  light  from  above  infused  itself  into  my 
whole  spirit :  when  my  second  birth  of  the  Spirit  had 
formed  in  me  a  new  man,  all  at  once  w^hat  bad  been 
doubtful  before,  became  certain,  what  had  been  shut  was 
opened ;  into  the  darkness  light  shined  ;  that  was  easy, 
which  before  was  difficult,  and  that  only  difficult,  which 
before  was  impossible :  and  now  I  knew,  that  that  was 
earthly  and  mortal,  which  had  formerly  included  me  in 
the  bondage  of  sin ;  but  that  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God  had 
animated  me  with  a  new  and  better  nature." 

Moved  by  affection  for  his  father  in  Christ,  Cyprian 
took  the  name  of  Caecilius  at  his  baptism.  His  first  work 
after  he  had  been  numbered  among  the  faithful,  was  his 
epistle  to  Donatus  on  the  Grace  of  God,  from  which  we 
have  already  made  extracts.  To  this  soon  was  added  a 
treatise  on  the  vanity  of  idols,  in  which  he  laboured  to 
destroy  that  superstition  which  he  had  formerly  embraced 

CYPRIAN.  333 

and  defended.  While  thus  employing  his  energies  and 
talent  in  the  service  of  the  Church,  Cyprian  was  called  to 
the  diaconate ;  and  in  the  December  of  the  year  following 
his  conversion,  (247),  having  in  the  interim  lost  his  friend 
Csecilius,  he  was  made  a  presbyter :  a  station  which  he 
adorned,  as  he  had  already  done  that  of  deacon,  and  as  he 
was  soon  to  do  that  of  Bishop,  with  equal  modesty  and 

At  the  death  of  Donatus,  (248),  the  whole  body  of  the 
Carthaginian  laity,  with  the  greater  part  of  the  clergy, 
demanded  Cyprian  for  their  Bishop ;  overlooking  the 
youth  of  the  Christian,  in  the  singular  merit  of  the  man. 
The  modesty  of  the  young  presbyter,  however,  would 
have  given  place  to  his  seniors  :  and  he  actually  withdrew, 
concealing  himself  for  a  while  from  the  eager  search  of  the 
people.  But  the  providence  of  God  had  marked  Cyprian 
as  their  Bishop  ;  and  when  the  people  had  for  some  time 
surrounded  his  house,  besieging  the  door,  and  searching 
every  passage  and  retirement  in  their  officious  zeal,  he 
appeared  at  last,  baffied  in  his  concealment,  before  the 
assembled  crowd.  The  people  received  him  with  trans- 
ports of  joy,  proportioned  to  the  earnestness  of  their  hopes 
and  expectations 

Immediately  after  his  elevation  to  the  episcopal  throne, 
the  attention  of  St.  Cyprian  was  directed  to  the  restoration 
of  discipline,  which  had  been  much  relaxed  during  the 
long  peace  which  the  Church  had  enjoyed.  To  this  end 
he  called  in  the  advice  of  his  clergy,  without  which  his 
great  example  of  wisdom  and  firmness,  tempered  with 
humility,  undertook  nothing  of  importance.  To  this  time 
is  to  be  referred  his  tract  de  habitu  virginiim,  and  several 
of  his  epistles.  The  first  of  these  was  occasioned  by  the 
breach  of  an  ecclesiastical  law,  which  forbad  clergynien  to 
be  incumbered  with  executorships.  One  victim,  an  eccle- 
siastic at  Turin,  had  nominated  Fautinus,  a  presbyter,  his 
executor.  The  Bishop,  in  his  letter  to  the  clergy  and  people 
at  Turin,  expresses  his  regret  at  this  breach  of  discipline  ; 
cites  the  decision  of  a   former   synod,   condemning  the 

334  CYPRIAN. 

practice,  of  which  Victor  had  been  guilty ;  and  states,  in 
general  terms,  the  principles  on  which  the  ecclesiastical 
canons  on  that  head  were  founded.  ''No  man  that  war- 
reth,  entangleth  himself  with  the  affairs  of  this  life,  that  he 
may  please  Him  Who  hath  chosen  him  to  be  a  soldier :  and  if 
this  rule  should  regulate  the  life  of  every  Christian,  much 
more  of  every  ecclesiastic,  that  he  may  give  himself  the 
more  entirely  to  the  service  of  the  altar:  on  the  same 
principle  proceeded  the  exemption  of  the  Levites,  under 
the  Mosaical  law,  from  the  cares  of  this  life  :  and  all  this 
was  maturely  considered  by  those  who  made  the  ecclesi- 
astical rule  which  Victor  has  disregarded."  "  Wherefore" 
continues  Cyprian,  "  since  Victor  has  dared,  contrary  to 
the  law  lately  enacted  in  council,  to  nominate  Fautinus 
his  executor,  no  oblation  ought  to  be  made  for  his  death, 
nor  any  prayer  be  offered  in  his  name  in  the  church  :  that 
so  we  may  maintain  the  decree  of  the  Bishops  which  was 
religiously  made,  and  of  necessity  ;  and  that  a  warning 
may  be  given  at  the  same  time  to  the  rest  of  the  brethren, 
not  to  call  off  the  priests  and  ministers  of  the  altar  and 
Church  of  God,  by  the  distracting  cares  of  this  world." 

A  player,  who  had  left  off  the  exercise  of  his  profession, 
on  embracing  the  faith  of  Christ,  but  still  continued  to 
teach  it  to  others ;  and  a  deacon  who  had  insulted  the 
offices  and  power  of  an  aged  bishop,  named  Rogatian, 
gave  occasion  to  two  other  of  Cyprian's  epistles  ;  but  the 
most  painful  dehnquency  against  which  he  had  now  to 
exert  his  episcopal  authority,  forms  the  subject  of  his 
fourth  epistle.  The  experience  of  the  Church  during  two 
centuries  of  persecution  had  fully  justified  St.  Paul's 
assertion,  that  for  the  present  distress,  celibacy  was  the 
better  state.  A  single  life  was  by  this  time  looked  on  as 
a  state  of  greater  privilege  and  sanctity,  and  many  of  each 
sex  had  voluntarily  embraced  that  condition,  not  binding 
themselves  by  any  vow,  but  simply  proposing  to  them- 
selves a  religious  celibate.  From  this  condition,  those 
who  were  already  married  were  of  course  excluded :  but 
for  these  there  was   a  greater  refinement   of  asceticism 

CYPKIAN.  335 

open,  by  a  voluntary  continence  ;  and  to  this  some  of 
them  resorted.  This  discipline  seems  to  have  suggested 
to  those  who  had  already  professed  celibacy,  the  dangerous 
expedient  of  choosing  one  of  the  other  sex,  with  whom 
they  might  form  a  kind  of  spiritual  nuptials,  still  main- 
taining their  chastity,  though,  in  all  things  else,  li\ing  as 
freely  together  as  married  persons. 

That  there  were  unworthy  motives  at  the  bottom  of 
such  a  course,  it  would  be  difficult  not  to  believe :  it  is 
however  fair  to  suppose,  that  the  delinquents  were  self- 
deceived.  They  had  prevailed  on  themselves  to  believe, 
that  they  might  test  and  strengthen  their  religious  charac- 
ter, by  preserving  their  celibate,  in  the  midst  of  such 
temptations.  The  world,  however,  refused  to  view  the 
matter  in  this  light :  and  much  scandal  ensued.  Pompo- 
nius,  a  brother  bishop,  wrote  for  St.  Cyprian's  advice,  as 
to  the  manner  in  which  he  should  treat  those  who  had 
been  guilty  of  this  scandalous  custom  in  his  diocese. 
Cyprian  declares  at  once,  that  the  professed  celibates  with 
their  agadetce  had  placed  themselves  within  the  snares  of 
the  devil ;  and  laments  that  many  had  already  fallen  a 
sacrifice  to  his  wiles  :  he  recommends,  that  those  who  had 
offended  in  this  matter,  without  reference  to  the  tnith  or 
falsehood  of  their  assertions  of  purity,  should  undergo 
penance  ;  that  they  should  then  resume  their  state  of  pro- 
fessed celibacy,  if  they  still  thought  it  conducive  to  their 
Christian  character;  but  otherwise,  that  they  should 
marry,  since,  as  St.  Paul  says,  it  is  better  to  marry  than  to 
burn.  But  if  any  refused  to  forego  their  scandalous 
custom,  they  were  to  be  excommunicated,  without  hope 
of  reconciliation. 

This  whole  matter  affords  us  a  most  useful  general 
lesson,  and  an  awful  example  of  the  deceitfulness  of  sin. 
It  was  under  the  pretence  of  a  singular  sanctity  that  the 
(7vvH<Ta,Kroi  voluntarily  placed  themselves  in  a  position  so 
full  of  scandal  to  the  Church  in  general,  and  of  danger  to 
themselves  ;  and  many  of  them  doubtless,  when  they  were 
on  the  verge  of  loosing  the  very  purity  which  they  estima- 

336  CYPRIAN. 

ted  so  highly,  were  priding  themselves  on  the  constancy 
with  which  they  resisted  temptation,  and  maintained  their 
Christian  life. 

While  St.  Cyprian  was  thus  engaged  in  the  revival  of 
discipline,  which  a  lay  person  had  relaxed,  persecution, 
with  its  healing  though  painful  influence  was  approach- 
ing. After  various  and  rapid  revolutions,  Decius  a 
heathen  prince  found  himself  invested  with  the  imperial 
purple.  He  was  himself  a  firm  adherent  to  the  super- 
stitions of  his  forefathers,  and  he  was  perhaps  alarmed  at 
the  num^ber  of  Christians,  who  must  be  supposed  to  cling 
with  some  affection  to  the  memory  of  Philip,  whom  he 
had  dethroned  and  murdered.  The  reign  of  Decius  com- 
menced therefore  with  an  edict  against  the  Christians. 
The  first  step  which  was  taken  on  the  publication  of  this 
edict,  was  the  appointing  of  a  day  on  which  all  who  were 
accused  or  suspected  of  being  Christians  should  be  re- 
quired to  renounce  their  faith,  and  sacrifice  to  the  heathen 
gods.  Meanwhile  they  were  suffered  to  remain  unmo- 
lested. There  was  sufi&cient  leniency  here  towards  the 
persons  of  the  brethren,  but  a  cruel  policy  against  the 
faith  of  the  Church  ;  for  there  was  no  more  likely  method 
than  this  to  make  apostates. 

Many  in  express  obedience  to  the  precept  of  our  blessed 
Lord  Himself,  Who  taught  His  disciples,  when  persecuted 
in  one  city  to  flee  to  another,  retired  from  Carthage, 
leaving  their  possessions  as  the  price  of  their  life ; 
St.  Cyyrian  himself  was  among  those  who  avoided  perse- 
cution  by  an  early  retreat :  not,  however,  before  he  had 
seen  ample  indications,  that  against  him  especially,  as  the 
Bishop  of  the  Church,  the  fury  of  the  heathens  would  be 
excited  ;  not  before  the  circus  and  the  amphitheatre  had 
again  and  again  echoed  the  voices  of  the  people,  calling 
out  that  he  should  be  cast  to  the  lions ;  and  not  before 
(which  is  far  the  most  important)  he  had  become  fully 
convinced  by  the  best  consideration,  and,  as  he  himself 
tells  us,  by  a  warning  also  from  Heaven,  that  he  should 
thus  be   fulfilling  his  duty  to  God   and  His  Church  more 

CYPRIAN.  337 

perfectly.  On  this  retreat  Caecilius  Cyprian  was  proscribed 
by  name,  and  his  estate  confiscated. 

We  know  not  the  place  or  the  companions  of  St.  Cyprian's 
first  retreat ;   he  tells  us,   however,  incidentally,  that  he 
had  not   retired  from  Carthage  without    leaving  a  great 
portion  of  his  property  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  of  his 
diocese  ;  committing  it,  for  that  purpose,  to  the  presbyter 
Fiogatian.     Meanwhile,  if  absent  in  body,  he  was  yet  in 
spirit  present  with  his   flock  ;  sparing    neither   exertion, 
nor  prayers,  nor  eucharistic  commemorations,  nor  frequent 
directions,  encouragements,  and  reproofs,  to  preserve  them 
in  the  true  faith  of  Christ,  and  within  the  bonds  of  apos- 
tolical  order.      He    was   careful,    therefore,    through    the 
medium  of  Tertullus,   of  whom  he    speaks    with    much 
affection,   to  receive  constant  intelligence  from  Carthage ; 
and  he  made  up  for  his  absence,  as  much  as  possible,  by 
his  frequent  letters  to  the  clergy,  and  to  the  people  of  his 
church.     He  exhorts  them  to  a  maintenance  of  discipline, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  as  great  prudence  and  meekness 
under   the    Church's    affliction    as    was   consistent    with 
fidelity.     He  encourages  those  who  were  suffering  under 
the  severest  pressure  of  persecution,  and  at  the  same  time 
warns  them  not  to  be  too  much  elated  by  their  privilege ; 
and  he  gives  suitable  exhortations,  alike  to  those  who  may 
receive  and  those  who  may  miss,  the  martyrs  crown.    Nor 
were  bis  own  people  the  only  persons  who  demanded  his 
attention.     In  Rome,   Cyprian  had  been  represented  as  a 
renegade,  and  the  clergy  of  Rome  had  written  letters  to 
Carthage,  in  which  they  boast  of  their  own  constancy,  and 
insinuate  an  unfavourable  comparison    at   Cyprian's  ex- 
pense.    At  the   same  time  Cyprian  himself  received  an 
account  of  the  martyrdom  of  Fabian,   Bishop  of  Rome,  so 
expressed  as  to  convey  to  him   a  tacit  reproof  for  his  re- 
treat.    Cyprian  congratulates  the  clergy  of  Rome  on  the 
glory  of  their  confession,  while   he  questions  the   auth<  n- 
ticity  of  letters  which    cast   undeserved    opprobriiun  ^vn  a 
Christian  Hishop. 

VOL.   IV  -2  K 

;338  CYPRIAN. 

In  this  persecution,  which  was  the  fiercest  to  which 
Christianity  had  yet  been  exposed  ;  and  which  found  the 
Church  less  prepared  than  it  had  been  at  any  previous 
time,  to  resist  its  spiritual  enemies  ;  a  proportionate  num- 
ber of  the  brethren,  in  all  parts  of  the  Roman  empire, 
apostatized  from  the  faith. 

And  now  it  was  that,  by  the  united  effort  of  the  sound 
part  of  the  Church  in  all  Christendom,  the  ecclesiastical 
regulations  concerning  the  treatment  of  the  lapsed,  were 
reduced  to  the  most  perfect  form  that  they  ever  assumed. 

The  discipline  which  had  been  previously  established 
by  the  usage  of  the  Church  was  as  follows  :  Those  who 
iiad  denied  the  faith  explicitly,  or  by  offering  sacrifice  or 
incense,  were  at  once  excommunicated  :  no  offerings  were 
received  from  them,  and  no  mention  was  made  of  them 
at  the  eucharistic  commemorations;  nor  were  they  received 
with  the  faithful  into  any  ecclesiastical  fellowship.  They 
were  not,  however,  utterly  cast  off,  nor  left  to  become 
hardened,  by  escaping  observation  and  rebuke ;  nor,  if  they 
came  to  a  sense  of  their  miserable  condition,  were  they 
permitted  to  remain  in  despair  of  the  favour  of  God,  by 
being  for  ever  shut  out  from  the  peace  of  the  Church :  but 
they  were  admitted,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Bishop,  to  a 
penance  proportionate  with  their  offence ;  and  were  after- 
wards formally  received  into  communion  with  the  faithful, 
by  episcopal  imposition  of  hands. 

Some  again,  by  a  subsequent  confession,  and  even  a 
martyr's  death,  recovered  their  place  in  the  Church :  mar- 
tyrdom, especially  as  a  second  baptism,  being  accounted  as 
purgation  of  sins,  at  least  so  far  as  the  Church  has  cogni- 
zance of  them,  even  as  original  sin  is  washed  away  in  the 
laver  of  baptism,  sufficiently  sealed  the  reconciliation  of  the 
returning  Christian.  Those,  also,  who  were  penitent, 
and  were  seized  with  any  mortal  illness,  were  at  once 
restored  by  the  administration  of  the  Holy  Eucharist. 
Another  medium  of  return  to  the  peace  of  the  Church, 
was  the  intercession  of  the   martyrs.     It  was  supposed, 

CYPRIAN.  a39 

tliat  those  blessed  saints  who  were  awaiting  in  the 
faith  and  hope  of  martyrs,  an  immediate  crown  of  glory, 
and  admission  to  the  beatific  vision,  might  especially  pre- 
vail in  their  intercessions  at  the  throne  of  grace  ;  and  the 
privilege  of  those  whose  souls  should  soon  cry  from 
beneath  the  heavenly  altar,  against  the  persecutors,  was 
thought  to  extend,  in  some  degree,  to  a  prevailing  inter- 
cession for  the  persecuted. 

But  during  this  persecution,  the  salutary  laws  which 
should  have  restrained  the  exercise  of  the  martyr's  privi- 
lege, were  in  many  instances  disregarded  :  and  hence  arose 
miserable  divisions  in  the  Church,  with  all  the  heart- 
burnings and  lasting  evils  of  party  spirit ;  soine  proceeding 
even  to  actual  violence,  and  others,  taking  occasion  from 
this  excitement  and  division  to  add  fury  to  a  previous 
faction,  and  strength  to  a  subsequent  schism.  In  a  word, 
the  question  of  the  lapsed  is  more  or  less  connected, 
henceforth,  with  almost  every  incident  of  importance  in 
which  we  shall  find  St.  Cyprian  involved. 

So  soon  as  the  end  of  April,  that  is,  before  the  extremity 
of  persecution  had  lasted  a  month,  we  find  Cyprian  lament- 
ing the  pride  and  presumption  of  some  confessors;  and 
again,  soon  after,  he  rebukes  some  of  the  clergy  for  a  spirit 
of  insubordination,  and  contention.  And  in  an  epistle 
written  in  June  to  his  clergy,  he  feelingly  laments  that  the 
beauty  and  excellence  of  confession  was  so  often  tarnished 
by  these  vices ;  and  having  recommended  humility  and 
obedience,  he  enters  at  once  upon  the  great  question  which 
then  awaited  his  decision,  touching  the  reconciliation  of 
those  who  had  received  a  recommendation  from  the  mar- 
tyrs, without  sufficient  proof  of  penitence  on  the  part  of 
the  lapsed  ;  without  sufficient  caution  on  the  part  of  the 
martyrs ;  and  without  a  sufficient  care,  on  the  part  of  the 
clergy,  to  maintain  due  order  and  discipline.  "  I  regret," 
says  he,  "  to  hear,  that  some  of  you,  actuated  by  pride  and 
impudence,  employ  yourselves  in  exciting  discord  .... 
and  that  they  cannot  be  governed  by  the  deacons  or  the 
priests,   but  so  demean  themselves,  that  the  illustrious 

340  CYPRIAN. 

splendour  of  many  and  excellent  confessors  is  tarnished 
by  the  disreputable  manners  of  a  few.  Such  persons 
ought  to  dread,  lest  they  should  be  expelled  from  the 
society  of  the  good,  being  condemned  by  their  testimony 
and  judgment.  For  he  is  the  truly  illustrious  confessor, 
for  whom  the  Church  has  not  to  blush  afterwards,  but  in 
whom  she  still  glories.  As  for  that  which  my  brother 
presbyters  Donatus  and  Fortunatus,  Novatus  and  Gordius, 
have  written  to  me,  I  have  been  able  to  answer  nothing 
alone  ;  since  I  have  determined,  from  the  beginning  of  my 
episcopate,  to  do  nothing  by  my  private  judgment  without 
consulting  you,  and  without  the  consent  of  the  people. 
But  when  God  shall  permit  my  return,  we  will  determine 
what  ought  to  be  done  together,  as  aur  mutual  dignity 

The  good  advice  of  St.  Cyprian  would  have  prevailed,  if 
there  had  been  really  a  desire  of  peace,  and  a  disposition 
to  obey  in  those  to  whom  he  wrote,  but  the  martyrs  were 
made  the  tools  of  an  ambitious  and  factious  party  among 
the  presbyters,  who  actually  instigated  them  to  an  un- 
worthy use  of  their  license  of  recommendation,  in  favour 
of  men  to  whom  they  knew  that  Cyprian  could  never 
conscientiously  concede  the  privilege  of  communion:  thus 
associating  with  themselves,  in  their  opposition  against 
their  Bishop,  a  body  of  overweening  martyrs  and  confes- 
sors, and  a  clamorous  party  of  the  lapsed;  while  they 
flattered  the  pride  of  the  one,  and  excited  the  hopes  and 
passions  of  the  other. 

Cyprian  had  now  remained  more  than  a  year  in  his 
retreat.  He  lamented  his  forced  absence  from  his  people 
with  deep  and  unceasing  regret.  He  found  consolation, 
however,  in  the  hope  that  he  should  celebrate  the  ap- 
proaching Easter  among  them.  But  the  promised  plea- 
sure and  privilege  was  denied  to  Cyprian  and  his  flock, 
by  the  miserable  secession  and  rebellion  of  certain  of  his 
own  people,  who  so  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  Church, 
and  excited  so  much  passion  and  violence,  that  Cyprian 
compares   the    effects   of   their  machinations    to    another 

CYPRIAN.  341 

persecution  :  and  now  he  declares  it  was  inexpedient  for 
him  to  return,  lest  the  authors  of  schism,  though  professed 
Christians,  should  be  excited  to  some  sudden  ebullition  of 
violence,  by  the  return  of  their  own  Bishop. 

In  the  Church  of  Carthage,  was  a  presbyter  named 
Novatus.  He  was  doubtless  among  those  who  opposed 
the  election  of  Cyprian,  and  disturbed  the  beginning  of 
his  episcopate ;  for  a  rancorous  and  persevering  hostility 
to  whatever  was  right,  seems  to  have  been  habitual  in  him. 
We  find  him  avowedly  connected  with  Donatus,  Fortuna- 
tus,  and  Gordius,  in  proposing  a  factious  question  to 
Cyprian,  touching  the  lapsed.  He  was  a  lover  of  novelty, 
of  insatiable  avarice,  proud  and  overbearing,  of  ill  report 
among  the  Bishops  of  his  province,  and  accused  by  com- 
mon report  of  peculation  in  th^  temporal,  and  error  in 
the  spiritual  deposit  of  the  Church  ;  he  was  fawning  and 
treacherous,  a  firebrand  of  contention,  in  the  Church  a 
destroying  tempest,  and  a  disturber  of  all  peace. 

About  the  end  of  the  year  249  he  had  been  cited  to 
answer  before  Cyprian;  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  he 
would  have  been  convicted,  and  canonically  deprived. 
But  when  the  day  for  his  trial  was  near  at  hand,  the 
Decian  persecution  broke  out  with  such  fury,  as  to  disturb 
all  the  arrangements  of  the  Church,  for  its  internal  purity 
and  peace  :  but  he  was  not  content  with  impunity ;  he 
must  also  have  notoriety,  influence,  and  revenge;  and 
gathering  about  him  a  sufficient  number  of  clergy  and 
laity  to  mtike  his  party  formidable,  he  separated  from  the 
Church ;  and  not  only  braved  her  censures,  but  even 
opposed  to  her  body  a  conventicle  of  his  own,  and  retorted 
her  condemnations  and  warnings  with  insolent  and  rebel- 
lious threats. 

His  appropriate  charge  as  a  presbyter  was  over  a  co7v 
gregation  separate  from  that  of  the  Mother  Church,  but 
in  the  diocese,  and  under  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  of 
Cyprian.  At  this  Church  Novatus  collected  around  him 
five  other  presbyters,  together  with  a  large  body  of  the 
2k  2 

342  CYPPJAK. 

people  ;  and  to  assist  him  in  his  ministry,  to  this  "  seces'^ 
sion"  he  procured  the  ordination  of  FeUcissimus  as  his 
deacon,  without  the  consent  of  Cyprian  his  Bishop,  and 
even  without  his  knowledge.  This  Felicissimus  became 
afterwards  his  tool  and  most  active  partisan ;  indeed  he 
was  a  worthy  associate  of  Novatus ;  for  he  too  had  been  a 
peculator,  and  was  charged  with  repeated  adulteries,  and 
the  most  heartless  debaucheries. 

But  Novatus  was  not  unsupported  by  the  clergy  of  the 
Church;  of  the  eight  presbyters,  of  whom  alone  we  have  any 
mention  as  attached  to  the  Church  of  Carthage,  and  who 
perhaps  formed  the  whole  of  the  Bishop's  consistory,  five, 
that  is,  the  majority  of  the  whole  number,  adhered  to  the 
party  of  Novatus,  and  to  his  deacon,  surreptitiously  obtained. 
These  five  were  Fortunatus,  Jovinus,  Maximus,  Donatus, 
and  Gordianus,  presbyters  of  long  standing,  and  the  same 
who  had  been  the  old  oppugners  of  Cyprian's  episcopate. 
Encouraged  by  so  large  and  important  an  array  of  ecclesias- 
tics, this  party  presumed  so  far,   as  to  declare  that  they 
would  refuse  the  communion  to  all  who  maintained  the 
fellowship,  or  obeyed  the  mandates  of  Cyprian.     This  was 
in  fact  a  sentence  of  excommunication  against  themselves, 
which  was  far  better  than  their  continuing  members  of 
the  Church  in   name,  while  they  were  in  fact  enemies  to 
the  body  of  Christ ;  and  was  even  preferable,  on  the  whole, 
to  the  sentence  of  excommunication  proceeding  in  the  first 
instance  from  the  Church.     "  Let  him,"'  says  Cyprian  to 
his  before-mentioned   deputies,  "abide   by  his  own  sen- 
tence, and  hold  himself  as  separated  from  our  communion, 
his  voluntary  act   being  ratified  by  us."     And,  writing  to 
his  people,  he  says,  "  It  seems  nothing  short  of  an  inter- 
position of  divine  providence,  that  these  men  have  brought 
upon  themselves,   by  their  own   act,   without  my  will,  or 
even  knowledge,  the  punishment  which  was  due  to  their 
criiiics  ;  and  that  they  who  must  otherwise  have  suffered 
;the  senieuc;.'  of  excommunication   at  our  hands,  and  with 
your  siitfrage,  have  themselves  left  the  pale  of  the  Church." 

CYPKIAX.  848 

Novatiis,  soon  after  this,  went  to  Rome  for  a  season, 
where  Novatian,  a  man  of  like  character  with  himself,  was 
dividing  the  Church  by  his  contest  with  Cornelius,  just 
elected  as  the  successor  of  Fabian  to  the  episcopal  throne 
of  that  city.  Novatus  threw  himself  into  all  the  plans  of 
Novatian,  and  continued  to  embroil  Carthage  still  more, 
by  means  of  this  schism  in  another  Church.  Letters  and 
messengers  were  sent  from  Rome  to  the  different  churches 
favourable  to  Novatian,  and  subversive  of  the  authority  of 
Cornelius.  The  bearers  of  Novatian's  letters  to  Carthage, 
and  of  accusations  against  Cornelius,  played  their  part 
most  pertinaciously,  even  after  they  had  been  rejected  by 
Cyprian  and  a  syn  )d  of  bishops.  We  learn  from  Eusebius 
that  at  Antioch  some  bishops  leaned  so  much  towards  the 
Novatian  cause,  that  a  council  was  necessary  to  suppress 
his  party;  and  the  schism,  which  originated  with  him,  was 
not  entirely  healed  until  the  sixth  century.  At  present, 
however,  we  find  it  struggling  for  a  bare  existence  in 
Rome ;  where  Novatian,  his  error,  and  his  schism,  were 
formally  condemned  ;  his  party  had  been  already  treated 
with  equal  rigour  in  Africa;  for  Maximus,  Longinus,  and 
Machaeus,  his  emissaries  to  that  province,  and  the  first  of 
them,  the  Bishop  whom  he  had  endeavoured  to  obtrude 
upon  the  Church  of  Carthage,  were  expelled  from  that 
country.  But  he  was  only  incited  to  greater  exertions  by 
these  severities  ;  for  he  still  maintained  himself  as  the 
centre  of  the  schism  at  Rome,  and  laboured  more  and  more 
to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  whole  Church,  sending  bishops 
of  his  party,  with  other  emissaries,  into  several  cities. 
Of  these,  Evaristus,  a  Bishop,  together  with  Nicostratus, 
a  deacon  and  confessor,  and  Priscus  and  Dionysius, 
accompanied  Novatus,  his  ever-active  and  ever-dangerous 
ally,  to  Africa,  whence  his  party  had  been  driven  with 

Caldonius  and  Fortunatus  were  despatched  from  Carth- 
age to  Ronie,  to  learn  the  true  state  of  affairs,  and  in  the 
interim  Pompeius  and  liephanus,  two  African  prelates  who 
chanced  to  be  at  Rome  during  the  election  of  Cornelius, 

344  CYPRIAN. 

arrived  most  opportunely,  to  give  their  testimony  in  his  fa* 
vour.  The  synod,  who  had  sent  Caldonius  and  Fortunatus, 
having  separated  till  their  return,  Cyprian,  though  he  threw 
all  his  iofluence  into  the  right  scale,  avoided  a  public  and 
formal  recognition  of  Cornelius,  till  he  might  make  it  with 
the  addition  of  the  sy nodical  judgment.  This  for  a  time 
occasioned  some  uneasiness  to  Cornelius,  but  the  explana- 
tion of  Cyprian  dispelled  it,  and  all  was  now  harmony 
between  them.  It  was  on  occasion  of  this  great  schism  in 
the  Roman  Church,  that  Cyprian  wrote  his  most  impor- 
tant and  most  celebrated  work,  his  tract  on  the  unity  of 
the  Church  :  a  work  still  of  vast  importance  for  its  testi- 
mony, both  against  the  exaggerated  claims  of  the  Bishop 
of  Rome  in  after  ages,  and  against  the  several  sectaries, 
whoever  they  may  be,  who  have  divided,  and  continue  to 
divide  the  Church,  through  pride  and  pertinacity  in  error. 
Shortly  after  the  healing  of  the  schism  in  Rome,  another, 
not  unlike  it  in  many  of  its  features,  though  of  less  im- 
portance, occurred  in  Carthage.  We  need  not  relate  the 
circumstances  under  which  those  who  had  already  shown 
themselves  ready  to  disturb  the  Church,  and  to  oppose  them- 
selves to  the  authority  of  Cyprian,  procured  the  consecra- 
tion of  one  Fortunatus  by  five  excommunicated  bishops, 
and  set  him  up  as  the  rival  of  the  true  apostolic  Bishop  of 
Carthage.  It  is  strange,  however,  that  as  the  claims  of 
Novatian  had  been  the  occasion  indirectly  of  a  momentary 
coolness  between  Cornelius  and  Cyprian,  so  now  the 
like  effect  was  occasioned  by  the  pretensions  of  Fortunatus. 
Cornelius  gave  too  ready  an  ear  to  the  accusations  against 
Cyprian,  and  to  the  allegations  in  favour  of  the  leader  of 
the  schism.  The  letters,  however,  of  Cyprian  completely 
opened  the  eyes  of  his  brother  in  the  episcopate,  and 
perfect  peace  and  confidence  were  again  restored.  It 
is  needless  to  add  that  the  cause  of  Cyprian,  which  was 
indeed  the  cause  of  the  Church,  was  triumphant  at  Rome 
and  elsewhere  ;  indeed  he  tells  us  that  by  the  very  fact  of 
the  ordination  of  Fortunatus,  his  faction  was  diminished 
almost  to  nothing  ;  for  this  shameless  act  opened  the  eyes 

CYPRIAN.  345 

of  all  who  were  hitherto  deceived  by  the  pretensions  of 
that  party. 

The  ordination  of  Maximus  by  the  Novatian  party  at 
Carthage  was  still  more  obscure ;  and  only  gives  us  an 
opportunity  of  mentioning,  that  there  were  now  three  rival 
bishops  in  Carthage.  The  only  account  which  Cyprian 
deigns  to  give  of  this  latter  pretender,  is  contained  in  the 
following  passage  of  the  letter  so  often  lately  quoted.  "  It 
is  scarcely  consistent  with  the  majesty  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  to  notice  the  impudent  attempts  of  heretics  and 
schismatics  ;  I  hear,  however,  that  a  party  of  the  Nova- 
tians  have  lately  sent  as  their  bishop  into  these  parts,  one 
Maximus,  whom  I  had  already  excommunicated."  The 
best  use  to  make  of  such  accounts,  is  to  collect  from  them 
the  testimony  even  of  heretics  to  the  necessity  of  that 
discipline  which  the  Catholic  Church  has  ever  maintained. 
It  seems  that  in  those  days  it  was  not  thought  possible  to 
assume  even  the  external  figure  of  a  Church,  without  the 
presence  of  a  Bishop  :  and  that  too,  a  Bishop  of  that  par- 
ticular Church,  w^iere  the  schismatics  assembled.  It 
would  have  seemed  monstrous  then  to  have  assumed  the 
character  of  a  Christian  Church,  without  a  Bishop  ;  or  of 
a  Christian  Church,  in  London  for  instance,  under  a 
Bishop  of  Olena.  Some  in  these  wiser  days  seem  to  think 

Another  terrible  persecution  was  now  impending  over 
the  Church.  Whenever  any  dreadful  calamity  befel  the 
empire,  the  people  and  the  magistrates  sought  to  appease 
their  gods  by  the  slaughter  of  the  Christians ;  and  the 
plague  having  now  broken  out  with  fearful  violence,  the 
Christians  were  subjected  to  cruel  persecutions.  St.  Cyprian 
was  one  of  the  first  against  whom  the  malice  of  an  excited 
populace  was  directed,  and  he  was  called  for  to  the  lions 
at  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  that  were  breaking  upon 
the  Church.  He  was  not,  however,  yet  honoured  with  the 
crown  of  martyrdom  ;  nor  indeed,  although  he  seems  to 
have  anticipated  a  different  result,  did  this  persecution 
under  G alius  and  Volusianus  fall  so  heavily  upon   his 

346  CYPRIAN. 

Church,  as  that  of  Decius  had  done.  Then  he  was  driven 
from  his  Church,  now  he  remained  to  comfort,  to  advise, 
to  encourage,  those  who  suffered,  or  who  feared  to  suffer. 
Nor  did  he  neglect  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  Christians. 
His  epistle  to  Demetrian  is  a  very  fair  specimen  of  the  apolo- 
getic writings  of  the  early  Christians,  and  of  course  puts  us 
in  possession  not  only  of  the  defence  of  the  Christians,  but 
also  of  the  arguments  which  vt^re  used  against  them  :  on 
this  account  we  may  make  some  extracts  from  this  epistle. 
"  You  say,"  says  Cyprian,  "  that  all  the  evils  with  which 
the  world  is  now  harassed,  are  to  be  attributed  to  us,  and 

to  our  refusal  to  worship  your  gods." "  Know, 

however,  that  all  these  things  have  been  predicted ;  and 
know  also,  that  they  happen  not  as  you  ignorantly  assume, 
because  we  worship  not  your  gods  ;  but  because  God  is 
not  worshipped  by  you.  For  since  He  is  the  Lord  and 
Euler  of  the  universe,  and  all  things  obey  His  will,  and 
nothing  ever  happens  but  by  His  hand,  or  His  permission, 
when  such  events  occur  as  demonstrate  His  indignation, 
they  occur  not  because  of  us  who  worship  God,  but  because 
of  your  iniquities,  who  will  not  seek  the  Lord,  nor  fear  Him ; 
who  will  not  desert  your  vain  superstitions,  and  acknow- 
ledge the  true  religion  ;  so  that  God,  who  is  the  sam.e  God 
over  all,  may  by  all  be  alone  worshipped  and  supplicated." 
We  cannot  refrain  from  observing,  with  how  good  a 
grace  the  Christians,  after  they  had  acquired  the  superi- 
ority in  temporal  power,  retorted  upon  the  heathen  their 
accusation,  that  they  were  the  cause  of  evil  in  the  world  ; 
since  they  had  not  been  afraid  to  make  the  same  accusa- 
tion, while  they  were  depressed  and  persecuted. 

St.  Cyprian  proceeds  to  quote  several  passages  from  the 
Jewish  Scriptures,  in  which  the  very  same  judgments  are 
denounced  against  those  who  will  persist  in  serving  false 
gods,  as  the  heathens  then  suffered,  and  imputed  to  the 
vengeance  of  the  gods  against  the  Christians.  He  applies 
these  threatenings  of  the  prophet  to  the  present  time. 
He  te^lls  Demetrian,  that  the  purpose  of  those  judgments 
in   the  divine  counse],   was  to  call  the  heathen  to  repent- 

CYPRIAN.  347 

ance  ;  yet  he  adds  other  prophecies,  which  intimate  that 
the  threatened  judgments  should  fail  in  this  purpose, 
and  that  in  consequence  of  the  obduracy  of  the  heathen, 
they  should  still  continue.  The  conclusion  of  Cyprian's 
argument  from  their  fulfilment  is  as  follows.  "  Lo ! 
scourges  fall  upon  you  from  above,  yet  ye  tremble  not. 
If  some  such  note  of  the  Divine  vengeance  fell  not  upon 
men,  encouraged  by  impunity,  how  much  greater  would  be 
their  boldness  and  impiety  !" 

After  having  at  some  length  exposed  the  vices  of  the 
heathen,  as  calling  for  the  vengeance  of  God,  and  amply 
justifying  the  infliction  of  all  those  calamities  which  were 
attributed  to  the  wrath  of  Heaven  against  the  Church, 
St.  Cyprian  proceeds  to  the  mention  of  those  cruelties 
with  which  the  Christians  were  eveiy  where  overwhelmed. 
"  It  is  not  enough  that  you  yourselves  serve  not  God;  but 
those  who  do  serve  Him  you  pursue  with  impious  rage. 
Nor  are  you  satisfied  with  depriving  us  of  life  by  a  quick 
and  simple  process  ;  you  inflict  the  most  cruel  and  linger- 
ing death,  and  are  not  content  even  with  torturing  us 
except  by  some  new  invention,  and  with  the  exercise  of  a 
savage  ingenuity.  How  insatiable  your  cruelty  !  How 
implacable  your  vengeance  ! 

"  Christianity  either  is  or  is  not  a  crime.  If  it  be 
a  crime,  why  do  you  not  at  once  execute  him  who 
confesses  his  guilt  ?  If  it  be  not  a  crime,  why  do  you 
persecute  the  innocent  ?  Again :  allowing  it  to  be  a 
crime  ;  those  w^ho  are  implicated  in  it,  but  obstinately 
withhold  a  confession  of  their  guilt,  would  be  the 
proper  objects  of  torture  :  but  we  confess,  we  proclaim  our 
adherence  to  the  Christian  cause,  and  our  contempt  of 
your  gods.  Why  then  are  w^e  tortured,  as  if  we  concealed 
our  guilt  ?  Why  this  attempt  upon  the  infirmity  of  our 
bodies  ;  upon  the  weakness  of  what  is  but  earthly  in  us  ? 
Kather  enter  the  lists  with  our  minds ;  try  the  strength 
of  our  reason  ;  see  if  you  can  subvert  our  faith  with  argu- 
ment ;  and  if  you  must  conquer,  conquer  by  an  appeal  to 

348  CYPRIAN. 

To  the  Christians  St.  Cj^prian  writes  in  another  strain. 
His  exhortation  to  martyrdom  is  a  noble  display  of  the 
motives  which  should  lead  a  Christian  to  rejoice  in 
being  made  more  like  to  Christ  by  suffering;  and  the 
same  may  be  said  of  his  epistle  to  the  Thybaritans:  "A 
more  fierce  and  dreadful  conflict,"  says  he,  "  now  awaits 
us,  for  which  the  soldiers  of  Christ  ought  to  prepare  them- 
selves with  uncorrupt  faith,  and  a  manly  virtue ;  drinking 
to  this  end,  day  by  day,  the  Blood  of  Christ,  that  for 
Christ  they  may  be  enabled  to  shed  their  own  blood.  If 
we  would  manifest  our  willingness  to  be  with  Christ,  we 
ought  also  so  to  walk  as  He  walked ;  as  St.  Paul  tells  us ; 
'  we  are  sons,  and  if  sons  then  heirs,  heirs  of  God,  and 
joint  heirs  with  Christ,  if  we  so  suffer  with  Him  as  to  be 
glorified  with  Him  also.'  And  this  we  should  now  bear 
in  mind,  that  none  of  us  may  have  his  desires  fixed  upon 
this  world,  now  ready  to  perish  ;  but  that  all  may  follow 
Christ,  who  Himself  liveth  for  ever,  and  giveth  life  to  those 
who  are  established  in  the  faith  of  His  Name." 

After  having  quoted  several  warnings  of  our  Lord  and 
His  Apostles  of  impending  persecutions,  with  the  accom- 
panying promises  and  blessings,  he  proceeds,  "In  the 
midst  of  persecution,  our  Lord  would  have  us  exult  and 
be  glad  ;  for  then  the  crowns  of  faith  are  bestowed,  then 
the  soldiers  of  God  are  approved,  then  heaven  is  thrown 
open  to  the  martyrs.  Nor  did  we  so  enroll  our  names  in 
the  army  of  the  saints,  as  to  look  for  a  peaceable  service 
only,  and  to  deprecate  and  refuse  the  battle :  for  our  Lord 
Himself,  our  example  in  humility  and  patience  and  long- 
suffering,  commenced  our  course  in  actual  conflict ;  Him- 
self beginning  that  warfare  which  He  would  have  us  to 
wage,  and  bearing  for  us  in  His  own  person,  that  which 
He  would  have  us  to  bear  after  Him  Remember  that 
He,  to  whom  all  judgment  is  committed,  has  declared, 
that  those  who  confess  Him  here,  He  vrill  confess  them 
before  His  Father  ;  and  that  He  will  deny  those  who  deny 
Him And  let  none  be  discouraged,  dearest  bre- 
thren, at  seeing  the  company  of  the  faithful  put  to  flight  by 

CYPRIAN.  319 

fear  of  persecution,  and  because  he  sees  not  the  flock  as- 
sembled in  one  place,  nor  hears  the  voice  of  the  shepherd 
(Bishop).  They  cannot  be  collected  together  who  are  ap- 
pointed not  to  kill,  but  to  be  killed.  And  whithersoever, 
in  those  days  a  single  disciple  shall  be  driven  by  necessity, 
being  absent  from  the  brethren  in  body,  but  present  with 
them  in  spirit,  let  him  not  be  cast  into  despondency  by 
his  flight,  nor  be  driven  to  despair  by  the  solitude  of  his 
retreat.  He  flies  not  alone,  who  hath  Christ  the  com- 
panion of  his  flight.  He  is  not  alone,  who  beareth  about 
with  him  every  where  the  temple  of  God,  and  hath  God 
ever  within  him." 

Then  having  proposed  to  them  the  examples  of  Abel,  of 
Abraham,  of  the  Three  Children,  and  of  Daniel ;  having 
reminded  them  of  the  slaughter  of  the  Innocents  ;  but 
more  especially  having  set  before  them  the  unparalleled 
sufferings  of  Jesus  Christ;  he  warns  them,  that  the  times 
of  antichrist  are  approaching :  aud  adapting  his  exhorta- 
tion to  their  necessities,  he  proceeds  :  "  Men  are  trained 
and  exercised  for  victory  in  the  secular  games  ;  and  they 
account  it  no  slight  accession  to  their  glory,  if  they  receive 
the  prize  before  a  crowded  assembly,  in  the  presence  of 
the  Emperor.  Lo !  our  great,  our  illustrious  content ; 
glorious  with  the  guerdon  of  a  heavenly  crown  !  lo,  how 
God  witnesses  our  struggle ;  and  looking  benignantly  on 
those  whom  He  condescends  to  call  His  children,  Himself 
rejoices  in  our  victory  !  How  great  the  happinness  in  the 
sight  of  God  to  contend  :  to  be  crowned  by  the  judgment 
of  Christ !  Let  us  arm,  my  beloved  brethren,  let  us  arm 
for  the  contest  with  a  mind  and  a  faith  uncorrupted,  and 
with  devoted  valour !  Let  those  who  have  hitherto  con- 
quered resume  their  arms,  lest  they  lose  the  glory  which 
they  have  nobly  won  !  Let  those  who  have  before  fallen 
gird  on  their  harness,  that  they  may  retrieve  their  former 
disgrace.  Let  honour  incite  the  faithful;  let  remorse  impel 
the  fallen  to  the  field." 

In  marked  accordance  with  this  last  portion  of  his 
exhortation,  was  his  own  conduct  in  pre})aving  his  Cbuicli 

VOL.  lY.  2  L 

350  CYPRIAN. 

for  the  coming  persecution ;  for  besides  these  general 
exhortations  to  martyrdom,  and  other  such-like  obvious 
measures,  he  tells  Cornelius,  in  a  synodical  lettter,  that 
he  had,  with  the  concurrence  of  forty-one  of  his  compro- 
vincial Bishops,  re-admitted  the  penitent  lapsed  to  com- 
munion. "  For  we  are  warned,"  said  he,  "  by  divers  signs, 
to  arm  for  the  battle,  and  to  summon  the  w^hole  army  of 
Christ  to  His  banners  ;  and  at  such  a  time  we  thought  it 
advisable  to  place  arms  in  the  hands  of  those  who  had 
before  deserted  their  ranks,  though  not  as  incorrigible 
traitors  or  renegades  :  and  as  they  had  already  been  ad- 
mitted to  penance,  so  now  to  admit  them  to  the  peace  of 
the  Church,  For  now  the  communion  of  the  brethren  is 
as  necessary  to  them  in  their  perilous  life,  as  it  was  here- 
tofore at  the  hour  of  death  ;  at  which  time  it  was  always 
proposed  to  re-admit  them  into  the  Church.  And  how 
shall  we  expect  those  to  pour  out  their  blood  for  Christ,  to 
whom  we  deny  the  cup  of  Christ's  Blood  in  the  Supper  of 
the  Lord  ?" 

In  this  persecution  died  Cornelius,  Bishop  of  Rome. 
He  had  been  banished  to  Centursellae,  whither  Cyprian 
addressed  to  him  a  congratulatory  epistle ;  and  there  he 
died, — February  14th,  252. — After  a  few  days  Lucius  was 
chosen  in  his  place,  and  he  too  soon  perished.  This  is  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  St.  Cyprian  by  an  epistle  of  the 
latter,  in  which  he  congratulates  him  on  his  confession, 
and  anticipates  as  a  matter  of  joy,  the  still  higher  crown 
of  martyrdom  which  probably  awaited  him. 

The  plague,  which  had  excited  the  people  to  the  perse- 
cution of  the  Church,  outlasted  the  cruelties  to  which  it 
had  given  rise ; — a  more  fatal  scourge  than  man  could 
inflict,  though,  in  one  sense,  a  less  terrible  one,  siuce  it  is 
better  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Lord  than  into  the 
hands  of  men  :  we  shall  only  add  that  Cyprian  wrote  his 
tract,  De  Mortalitate,  on  this  occasion,  in  which  he  applies 
himself  to  the  encouragement  of  his  people,  and  directs 
them  in  their  duties,  both  towards  their  suffering  fellow- 
creaiures,  and  towards  their  Almighty  Lord,  Who  was  thus 

CYPRIAN.  051 

calling  them  to  repentance,  and  a  nearer  communion  with 

Another  opportunity  of  exercising  the  charity  of  his 
people  occurred  also  in  the  year  253,  when  certain  Nu- 
midian  Christians  were  made  captives  by  the  barbarians. 
Nearly  £800  was  transmitted  on  this  occasion  from  the 
Church  of  Carthage  to  the  distressed  brethren  of  Numidia, 
accompanied  with  a  letter  from  Cyprian,  breathing  the 
true  spirit  of  Christian  charity,  and  attesting  the  power  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  communion  of  saints,  over  the  hearts 
and  conduct  of  the  faithful. 

To  the  spring  of  the  same  year  we  may  refer  a  very 
interesting  epistle  of  Cyprian  to  Csecilius,  the  occasion  of 
which  was  as  follows  : — At  the  time  of  which  we  are 
writing,  a  very  frequent,  perhaps  a  daily,  participation  in 
the  eucharistic  feast  was  the  universal  custom  among 
Christians  ;  but  there  were  men,  who  were  induced,  from 
a  fear  that  their  religion  would  be  betrayed  by  the  smell 
of  the  wine,  taken  in  the  morning,  to  consecrate  the  cup 
only  with  water;  and  thus  avoid  an  involuntary  confes- 
sion, and  the  consequent  persecution. 

St.  Cyprian  maintains,  with  arguments  only  too  abun- 
dantly conclusive,  that  wine  must  at  all  hazards  and  at 
all  events  be  mingled  with  the  cup,  and  taken  by  the 
people,  or  that  the  communicants  are  deprived  of  the 
Blood  of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist.  We  must  refer  the 
reader  to  the  epistle  itself  for  many  passages  which  prove 
most  convincingly  that  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation 
was  DO  part  of  Cyprian's  creed ;  and  that  he  would  most 
assuredly  have  resented  the  depriving  the  laity  of  the  cup 
in  the  Eucharist,  as  an  innovation  of  the  Roman  Church, 
equally  presumptuous,  tyrannical,  and  sacrilegious. 

Valerius  made  it  one  of  the  earliest  acts  of  his  govern- 
ment, to  confirm  the  security  of  the  Christians.  In  the 
first  dawn  of  a  less  troubled  day,  the  chair  of  Lucius,  at 
Rome,  had  been  filled  by  the  election  and  consecration  of 
Stephen,  on  the  13th  of  May,  (258,)  after  it  had  been  vacant 
eight  days.     Cyprian  took  the  earliest  opportunity  to  con- 


voke  a  provincial  synod  of  the  African  Bishops.  At  this 
synod  sixty-six  bishops  were  assembled;  and  from  their  con- 
sistory an  answer  was  returned  to  an  epistle  of  one  Fidus, 
in  which  two  questions  had  been  submitted  to  Cyprian. 

Victor,  a  presbyter,  had  lapsed ;  and  Therapius,  Bishop 
of  Bulla,  had  received  him  to  communion,  before  he  had 
fulfilled  the  appointed  penitential  course.  Of  this  Fidus 
wrote  to  acquaint  Cyprian ;  and  he,  with  his  associates  at 
the  synod,  proceeded  to  reprimand  Therapius,  but  deter- 
mined that  Victor  should  retain  the  privilege  improperly, 
though  with  a  Bishop's  authority,  extended  to  him.  Here 
we  have  the  important  rule  recognized,  that  the  act  of  an 
ecclesiastical  minister  may  be  valid,  though  it  be  improper 
and  irregular.  For  the  judgment  of  the  Bishops  pro- 
ceeded upon  the  principle,  that  the  peace  of  the  Church 
once  given,  in  whatever  manner,  by  a  Bishop,  ought  not 
tO'  be  recalled. 

The  second  question  of  Fidus  related  to  the  baptism  of 
new-born  infants.  He  had  declared  his  opinion,  that 
they  ought  not  to  be  baptized  within  the  second  or  third 
days  from  their  birth  ;  with  a  doubt  whether  they  ought 
not  to  be  kept  unbaptized  even  till  the  eighth  day  :  argu- 
ing for  the  first  delay,  that  children  at  their  birth  were  in 
such  a  sense  unclean,  as  to  present  a  repulsive  appearance, 
and  to  make  us  naturally  unwilling  to  impart  to  them  the 
kiss  of  peace,  which  was  in  those  days  a  part  of  the  cere- 
monial of  baptism  :  and  grounding  his  preference  for  the 
still  longer  interval  on  the  analogy  of  baptism  with  the 
Jewish  rite  of  circumcision.  The  issue  of  this  appeal  to 
Cyprian  is  conclusive  against  the  doctrine  and  practice  of 
Anti-paedobaptists  :  it  was  simply,  that  baptism  is  to  be 
denied  to  none,  on  account  of  their  youth  or  age.  As  for  the 
strange  fancies  of  Fidus,  St.  Cyprian  reminds  him,  that  to 
the  pure  all  things  are  pure  ;  and  that  since  God  fashioned 
us  even  in  the  womb,  the  new-born  babe  coming  more  im- 
mediately from  the  hands  of  God,  rather  claims  our  more 
affectionate  and  reverential  embrace.  When  Elisha  raised 
the  widow's  son,  he  put  his  own  mouth  and  each  of  his 

CYPRIAN..  353 

limbs  on  the  mouth  and  corresponding  members  of  the 
child ;  a  thing  not  to  be  understood  literally,  or,  at  least, 
not  without  a  spiritual  meaning;  for  the  different  dimen- 
sions of  the  man  and  of  the  child  seem  to  forbid  such  a 
contact :  herein  then  we  are  taught,  that  when  once 
fashioned  by  the  hand  of  God,  all  men  are  in  a  spiritual 
and  divine  sense  equal.  As  for  circumcision,  the  type 
was  done  away,  when  the  antitype  appeared  ;  and  Christ 
rising  on  the  eighth  day,  procured  for  us  a  spiritual  cir- 
cumcision, into  which  we  may  be  baptized  at  any  time ; 
and,  in  a  word,  if  there  be  a  difficulty  in  the  admission  of 
any  to  the  laver  of  regeneration  and  the  sacrament  of 
remission,  it  should  rather  seem  to  affect  those  old  and 
hardened  offenders,  who  have  added  to  their  original  cor- 
ruption, many  and  long  offences  ;  and  not  infants,  who 
are  personally  guiltless,  and  bear  the  sin  and  death  only 
of  the  race  from  which  they  spring. 

We  must  pass  over  the  proceedings  arising  out  of  the 
attempt  of  certain  Bishops  (Fortunatianus,  Basihdes,  Mar- 
tialis,  and  Marcianus)  to  return  without  due  penance  and 
reconciliation  to  the  episcopal  honour  and  functions  which 
they  had  forfeited  by  apostacy  during  persecution,  and 
pass  on  to  the  controversy  concerning  the  baptism  of 
heretics,  which  is  perhaps  the  most  important  of  all  those 
in  which  Cyprian  was  engaged. 

The  question  agitated  was  really  one  of  vital  importance. 
Whether  or  no  those  who  had  received  baptism  from  the 
hands  of  a  heretic,  should  be  admitted  into  the  Church  by 
a  second  baptism:  or  rather,  (for  this  is  the  more  correct 
way  of  stating  the  question)  whether  the  spriniding  by  a 
heretic  should  be  accounted  any  baptism  at  all ;  and  there- 
fore, whether  one  who  had  received  such  a  sprinkling 
should  be  baptized.  This  question  had  been  debated  on 
several  occasions,  and  had  received  several  solutions  in 
different  provinces,  but  had  never  been  determined  with 
authority.  In  Asia,  synods  had  been  held  at  Synnada 
and  Iconium,  in  which  it  had  been  determined,  that 
heretical  baptism  was  invalid.  In  Africa,  Agrippinus, 

354  CYPRIAN. 

of  Carthage,  had  presided  in  a  council,  at  which  the 
same  determination  was  adopted  In  Rome,  and  in  the 
dioceses  in  its  provinces,  the  oi)inion  seems  always  to 
have  been,  that  they  who  came  over  from  heresy,  and  had 
received  baptism  in  their  separation  from  the  Church, 
should  be  received,  nevertheless,  without  a  second  ba{> 
tism.  Meanwhile  all  agreed,  if  not  in  the  particular  rule 
or  discipline,  yet  in  the  much  more  important  matter, 
that  the  Bishop  was  the  centre  of  authority  in  such  mat- 
ters to  his  own  Church,  or  the  synod  of  provincial  Bishops 
to  each  province ;  and  that  they  did  right  who  followed  the 
determination  of  their  Bishop  or  the  synod  respectively, 
until  the  paramount  authority  of  the  universal  Church 
should  determine  the  question. 

The  region  in  which  this  difference  first  created  dis- 
sension with  Rome,  was  in  Asia  Minor.  Perhaps  some 
Asiatic  Christians  may  have  expressed  their  opinion  upon 
the  subject  at  Rome  ;  and  if  th.-y  did  this  imprudently, 
still  more  if  they  did  it  intemperately,  they  were  highly 
culpable.  Perhaps  some  converted  heretics,  who  had  been 
received  into  the  Church  at  Rome  without  baptism,  may 
have  been  rejected  on  their  return  to  Asia :  or  some  who 
had  been  re  ected  in  Asia  may  have  been  received  at 
Rome  ;  and  in  either  case,  the  discipline  of  a  particular 
Church,  which  every  other  Church  ought  to  respect,  was 
dishonoured.  But,  from  whatever  causes,  Stephen  became 
all  at  once  highly  indignant  at  the  error,  as  he  thought  it, 
of  the  Asiatic  Churches,  and  wrote  to  Asia  concerning 
Helenus  and  Firmilian,  and  the  rest  of  the  Bishops  of 
those  parts,  threatening  to  withdraw  from  their  commu- 
nion, because  they  repeated  the  baptism  of  heretics. 

While  affairs  w^re  in  this  posture  between  Asia  and 
Rome,  a  question  was  put  to  Cyprian  by  some  Numidian 
bishops  upon  the  very  matter  which  was  then  embroiling 
the  Eastern  Church  with  Rome.  But  Cyprian's  answer 
will  put  us  in  possession  of  his  own  judgment  upon  the 
disputed  question,  with  that  of  the  thirty-two  bishops 
assembled  with  him  in  council. 

CYPRIAN.  355 

He  declares  it  then  to  be  an  undoubted  truth  that  "  no 
one  can  be  baptized  out  of  the  Church,  since  there  is  but 
one  baptism  appointed,  and  that  in  the  holy  Church ;  and 
since  it  is  written,  They  have  left  me,  the  fountain  of 
living  water,  and  have  hewn  out  for  themselves  broken 
cisterns,  which  can  hold  no  water.  And  again,  another 
Scripture  speaks  in  a  voice  of  warning ;  Abstain  from 
strange  water,  and  of  a  fountain  of  strange  water  drink 
not.  The  water,  therefore,  should  first  be  cleansed  and 
sanctified  by  the  priest,  that  it  may  avail  by  its  use  in 
baptism  to  w^ash  away  the  sins  of  him  who  is  immersed  in 
it.  But  how  can  he  cleanse  and  sanctify  the  water  who  is 
himself  unclean,  and  upon  whom  the  Holy  Ghost  is  not ; 
for  the  Lord  saith,  Whatsoever  the  unclean  person  touch- 
eth  shall  be  unclean  ? 

"  Besides,  the  very  interrogation  which  is  made  at 
baptism  is  a  witness  of  the  truth.  For  when  we  say, 
'  Dost  thou  believe  in  eternal  life,  and  in  the  remission  of 
sins  by  the  Holy  Church?'  we  mean  that  remission  of 
sins  is  not  given  except  in  the  Church  ;  but  that  among 
the  heretics,  where  the  Church  is  not,  sins  cannot  be 

"  Moreover,  he  who  is  baptized  must  also  be  anointed, 
that  when  he  has  received  the  chrism,  that  is,  the  unction, 
he  may  be  indeed  the  anointed  of  God,  and  have  in  him 
the  grace  of  Christ.  Now%  there  is  an  Eucharistic  oblation 
of  oil,  from  the  matter  of  which  the  baptized  are  anointed, 
after  the  oil  has  been  consecrated  on  the  altar ;  but  he 
cannot  have  consecrated  the  creature  of  oil,  who  had 
neither  an  altar  nor  a  church.  Whence,  again,  there 
can  be  no  spiritual  unction  among  heretics,  since  it  is 
quite  clear  that  oil  cannot  be  consecrated  and  made  an 
Eucharistic  oblation  by  them.  And  we  ought  to  bear  in 
mind  the  Scripture,  Let  not  the  oil  of  a  sinner  anoint 
mine  head.  And  this  warning  the  Holy  Spirit  gave 
beforehand  in  the  Psalms,  lest  any  leaving  his  proper 
course,  and  wandering  from  the  path  of  truth,  should  be 
aiiointed  by  heretics,  and  the  enemies  of  Christ. 

356  CYPRIAN. 

"And,  yet  again,  what  sort  of  prayer  can  the  sacrilegious 
and  sinful  priest  offer  for  the  baptized,  since  it  is  said, 
God  heareth  not  a  sinner  ;  but  if  any  worshippeth  Him, 
and^doeth  His  will,  him  He  heareth? 

"  But  who  can  give  that  which  he  hath  not?  or  how  can 
he,  who  has  himself  lost  the  Holy  Spirit,  minister  spiritual 
gifts  ? 

"  Finally,  to  consent  to  the  validity  of  the  baptism  of 
heretics  and  schismatics  is  in  effect  to  approve  of  it.  For 
in  this  case,  either  all  or  none  is  validly  performed.  If 
the  heretic  could  baptize,  he  could  also  give  the  Holy 
Ghost.  But  if  he  who  is  without  the  Church  canuot  give 
the  Holy  Ghost,  because  he  is  himself  without  the  Holy 
Ghost,  neither  can  he  baptize  the  convert :  for  there  is 
one  baptism,  and  one  Holy  Spirit,  and  one  Church, 
founded  by  the  Lord  Christ  upon  Peter,  [or  upon  a  rock .] 
so  that  in  its  very  foundation  it  may  bear  the  mark  of 
unity.  Hence  it  follows,  that  since  among  them  every 
thing  is  false  and  empty,  nothing  of  their  doing  in  such 
matters  ought  to  be  acknowledged  by  us." 

The  same  question  is  discussed  in  one  or  two  other 
epistles  about  this  time  ;  and  now  it  had  become  evident 
that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  proceeding  to  violent  counsels, 
and  Cyprian  was  the  more  anxious  to  obtain  the  highest 
authority  in  vindication  of  the  truth.  He  assembled,  there- 
fore, a  second  synod  of  seventy-two  bishops.  The  decision 
of  this'synod  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  preceding,  and 
Cyprian  lays  it  before  Stephen,  as  the  synodical  determin- 
ation of  the  province  over  which  he  presided. 

Another  opponent  to  the  rule  of  Cyprian  and  his  com- 
provincials  occurs  in  the  person  of  one  Jubaianus.  As  he 
proposes  some  new  arguments,  we  will  give  the  substance 
of  Cyprian's  answer.  Some,  it  seems,  argued,  that  since 
Nova ti an  affected  to  baptize  those  who  deserted  to  him  from 
the  Church,  therefore  the  Church  ought  to  receive  heretics 
without  baptism,  lest  Catholics  should  seem  so  far  to  sym- 
bolize with  Novatian,  and  to  have  borrowed  his  custom. 

In   answer  to   this  notable   argument,  St.  Cyprian  ob- 

CYPRIAN.  357 

serves  that  it  would  be  as  reasonable  to  put  off  the  proper 
conduct  of  humanity,  because  in  some  things  apes  have 
imitated  men  ;  as  for  the  Church  to  desert  her  customs, 
because  they  had  been  aped  by  Novatian.  And  he  argues, 
ad  hominem,  (and  the  argument  is  of  very  general  applica- 
tion, and  well  worth  repeating,)  *'  Is  it  really  to  be  held 
a  sufficient  reason  for  not  doing  this,  that  Novatian  has 
done  it  ?  What  then  ?  Since  Novatian  usurps  the  honour 
of  an  episcopate,  are  we  to  renounce  our  episcopacy  ?  Or, 
because  Novatian  endeavours  to  erect  an  altar,  and  against 
all  right  to  offer  sacrifice,  are  we  to  desert  our  altar,  and 
to  relinquish  our  sacrifice  ?" 

An  argument  more  worthy  of  Cyprian's  attention  occurs 
next :  one,  indeed,  which  hinged  on  the  very  principle  on 
which  the  Church  Catholic  afterwards  determined  the 
present  question.  I  find,  says  Cyprian,  in  the  letter 
which  you  transmitted  to  me,  a  notion,  that  we  ought  not 
to  enquire  who  was  the  minister  of  baptism  in  any  par- 
ticular case  ;  since  the  baptized  may  receive  remission  of 
sins,  according  to  that  which  he  believed ;  as  that  Mar- 
cionites,  for  instance,  need  not  to  be  baptized,  since  they 
have  received  a  semblance  of  baptism,  in  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ. 

Let  us  take  Cyprian's  solution  of  this  difficulty  in  his 
own  words. 

"  We  ought  therefore  to  examine  the  faith  of  those  who 
believe,  out  of  the  Church,  to  determine  whether  it  be 
such  as  that  they  can  on  account  of  it  obtain  any  grace. 
For  if  there  be  but  one  faith  common  to  us  and  to 
heretics,  there  may  be  one  grace  also.  If  the  Patri- 
passians,  for  instance,  the  Valentiniani,  the  Ophitae,  the 
Marcionites,  and  other  pestilent  sects.,  the  very  poison  and 
dagger  of  the  truth,  confess  the  same  Father,  the  same 
Son,  the  same  Holy  Spirit,  the  same  Church,  that  we 
confess,  they  may  share  with  us  in  our  baptism,  since 
their  faith  also  is  one  with  ours.  Let  us  examine  the  case 
of  Marcion  for  instance.  Now  does  Marcion  hold  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity  ?     Does  he  ascribe  creation  to  the 

358  CYPRIAN. 

same  Father  with  us  ?  Does  he  recognize  the  same  Son, 
Christ  born  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  Who  is  the  word  made 
flesh,  Who  bare  our  sins,  Who  by  His  death  conquered 
death,  Who  was  the  first-fruits  and  the  promise  of  the 
resurrection  to  us,  in  His  flesh,  so  as  to  assure  His  disci- 
ples that  they  also  should  rise  in  the  same  flesh  ?  Far 
different  is  the  faith  of  Marcion,  and  of  the  rest  of  the 
heretics  !  How,  therefore,  can  it  be  made  to  appear,  that 
they  who  are  baptized  among  them  can  receive  remission 
of  sins,  and  the  grace  of  God,  on  account  of  their  faith, 
when  their  very  faith  itself  is  a  lie  ?  For  if  as  some 
imagine,  one  who  is  without  the  Church,  can  receive  any 
thing  according  to  his  faith  ;  surely  he  must  receive  that 
which  he  believes  :  he  then  who  believes  a  lie  cannot 
receive  the  truth  ;  but  rather,  accoi'ding  to  his  faith,  he 
receives  impurity  and  profanation. 

"  Again,  if  one  could  be  baptized  among  heretics,  he 
might  also  receive  remission  of  sins :  and  with  remission 
of  sins,  sanctification ;  and  he  is  made  the  temple  of  God. 
But,  I  ask,  of  what  God?  Not  of  the  Creator;  for  in 
Him  he  believes  not.  Not  of  Christ ;  for  he  denies  that 
Christ  is  God.  Not  of  the  Holy  Ghost;  f)r  since  the  Three 
are  one  God,  how  can  the  Holy  Ghost  be  propitiated  by  him, 
who  is  the  enemy  either  of  the  Father  or  of  the  Son  ?" 

Such  expressions  were  of  course  open  to  the  imputation 
of  bigotry,  from  those  who  could  not  understand,  that  the 
most  energetic  maintenance  of  the  truth,  the  utmost 
hatred  of  error,  is  not  inconsistent  with  true  love,  and 
personal  forbearance.  Against  the  pseudo-charity,  there- 
fore, or  liberalism  of  some,  he  presents  the  following 
admirable  exposition  of  a  passage  from  the  epistle  to  the 
Philippiiins,  which  had  been  claimed  then,  as  it  is  con- 
tinually now,  as  favouring  such  principles. 

"  As  f(n'  the  fancy  of  some,  that  the  words  of  St.  Paul, 
Notwithstanding  every  way,  whether  in  pretence  or  truth, 
let  Christ  be  preached,  afford  any  sanction  to  the  proceed- 
ings of  heretics,  we  are  convinced  that  they  give  no  sup- 
port either  to  heretics  or  to  their  abettors.     For,  in  truth, 

CYPRIAN;  359 

St.  Paul  was  not  speaking  of  heretics,  or  of  any  thing 
concerning  them.  The  two  classes  of  persons  whose 
preaching  he  mentions,  were  both  of  the  brethren  ;  though 
some  were  disorderly  in  their  conduct,  and  regardless  of 
the  laws  of  the  Church,  while  the  rest  preserved  the  truth 
of  the  Gospel  with  a  due  reverence  and  fear.  Now  while 
some  of  these  constantly  and  boldly  preached  the  word  of 
the  Lord,  and  some  of  envy  and  ill  will ;  while  some 
maintained  a  sincere  love  for  his  person,  but  others  were 
filled  with  hatred  and  malevolence;  he  patiently  endured 
all,  since,  whether  in  pretence  or  in  truth,  the  name  of 
Christ,  which  he  also  preached,  came  to  the  knowledge  of 
many;  and  the  preaching  of  all,  though  perhaps  some 
were  novices  and  imperfectly  taught,  yet  prevailed  to  the 
spread  of  truth.  Now  surely  it  is  one  thing  for  those  who 
are  within  the  Church  to  speak  of  Christ ;  and  another 
for  those  who  are  without  the  Church,  and  its  enemies,  to 
baptize  in  the  name  of  Christ.  Let  not  those  then  who 
would  vindicate  the  proceedings  of  heretics,  adduce  the 
expressions  of  St.  Paul  concerning  brethren :  but  let  them 
point  out  some  place  in  which  he  grants  that  any  thing  is 
to  be  conceded  to  heretics,  in  which  he  approves  their 
faith  and  baptism,  in  which  he  has  taught  that  they  who 
are  in  schism,  and  are  blasphemers,  can  obtain  remission 
of  their  sins,  without  the  pale  of  the  Church."  He  then 
proceeds  to  note  what  St.  Paul  does  say  of  heretics,  and 
of  the  zeal  with  which  we  should  oppose  their  errors  ;  and 
the  fear  with  which  we  should  renounce  their  fellowship. 

The  argument  of  expediency  was  also  pressed  against 
St.  Cyprian's  rule ;  it  was  objected,  that  the  necessity  of 
being  baptized  would  repel  heretics  from  the  Church,  and 
that  it  would  bring  on  the  Church  unnecessary  odium. 
These  objections  St.  Cyprian  answers  with  characteristic 
courage  and  decision,  plainly  declaring,  that  in  such  cases 
the  boldest  way,  that  of  the  highest  principle  is  the  best. 
As  for  the  heretics,  if  their  baptism  be  admitted,  it  will 
tend  to  make  them  think,  from  the  very  testimony  of  the 
Church,  that  they  in  their  separation  are  not  cut  off  from 

000  CYrRIAN. 

(he  privilege  of  true  Christians  ;  but  if  they  find  that  their 
baptism  is  disallowed,  they  will  perhaps,  be  alarmed  into 
a  more  serious  view  of  their  position,  and  make  the  greater 
haste  to  regain  the  privileges  which  they  have  lost.  As 
for  the  dreaded  odium  of  rebajotizing :  if  we  dare  not  incur 
this,  shall  we  not  involve  ourselves  in  a  greater  difficulty? 
for  if  we  grant  a  true  baptism  to  heretics,  we  grant  that 
not  right  and  prescription,  but  mere  and  usurped  poiises- 
sion,  is  the  only  title  to  this  privilege :  and  thus  one  of 
the  noblest  parts  of  the  appanage  of  the  Church  is  not 
only  seized  by  others,  but  yielded  by  ourselves.  But  how 
perilous  it  may  be  to  surrender  our  rights  in  spiritual 
matters,  we  are  divinely  taught  by  the  example  of  Esau  ; 
who  found  no  place  for  repentance,  having  sold  his  birth- 

Stephen  from  the  first  interfered  in  the  question  with 
extreme  arrogance,  and  with  an  intemperance  which  we 
are  at  a  loss  to  reconcile  with  the  charity  of  a  Christian 
Jiishop.  Cyprian  and  the  Church  of  Carthage  laboured 
for  peace,  but  in  vain,  and  the  last  effort  which  the  Africans 
made  to  retain  peace  with  Rome,  seems  to  have  been  after 
Stephen  had  so  scandalously  abused  Cyprian,  as  to  call 
him  a  false  Christ,  a  false  Apostle,  a  deceitful  worker; 
and  after  he  had  fulminated  his  excommunications  against 
the  whole  Church  of  Carthage.  Even  after  this  the 
Africans  sent  messengers  to  Rome  to  bring  things  to  a 
better  state  if  possible ;  but  their  message  was  rejected, 
and  their  envoys  treated  with  disrespect  and  contumely. 

Things  being  now  in  such  a  deplorable  condition, 
Cyprian,  seeking  countenance  in  the  consent  of  good  and 
great  men  in  the  Church,  communicated  the  whole  affair 
to  Firmilian,  one  of  those  Asiatic  Bishops  who  were 
already  in  the  same  condemnation  with  himself,  and  for 
the  same  cause.  Firmilian  had  been  a  pupil  of  Origen  ; 
he  was  Bishop  of  Cesaraea,  in  Cappadocia,  and  was  a 
prelate  of  great  note  in  his  day :  and  his  long  reply  to 
Cyprian's  communication  amply  sustains  his  character 
with  posterity. 

CYPRIAN.  361 

It  is  enough  to  add,  that  his  judgment  is  wholly  the 
same  as  that  of  Cyprian. 

But  the  most  important  step  which  Cyprian  took  was 
the  calling  a  council  of  eighty-five  bishops,  at  which  also 
the  priests  and  deacons  with  much  people  were  present, 
and  at  which,  without  a  single  dissentient  voice,  the  judg- 
ment of  Cyprian  was  affirmed.  Thus  the  eighty-five 
bishops  assembled  at  this  council,  with  two  others  who 
voted  therein  by  proxy,  unanimously  agreed,  that  heretics 
ought  to  be  baptized  on  their  conversion  to  the  Church  ; 
and  thus,  by  their  synodical  act,  they  deliberately  chose 
the  condemnation  of  Stephen  and  his  Church,  before 
a  submission  to  that  authority,  when  their  consciences 
were  opposed  to  its  dictates.  They  were  already,  indeed, 
excommunicated  by  Stephen  ;  unless  we  rather  hold  with 
Firmilian,  that  Stephen,  by  his  excommunication  of  the 
African  churches,  had  cut  himself  off  from  the  Church  of 
Christ.  But  in  thus  voluntarily  binding  the  burden  of 
his  anathema  upon  themselves,  rather  than  bending  be- 
neath the  weight  of  a  new  custom  imposed  by  his  Church, 
surely  the  African  bishops  in  the  council  spoke  volumes, 
as  to  their  judgment  of  Rome  as  an  infallible  Church,  and 
of  her  bishop  as  the  centre  of  unity. 

The  external  peace  of  the  Church,  which  left  opportu- 
nity for  these  internal  discords,  was  disturbed,  before  they 
were  well  hushed.  Valerian  had  been  hitherto  most 
friendly  to  the  Christians,  but  now,  at  the  instigation  of 
his  minister,  Macrianus,  he  became  a  persecutor,  and 
issued  decrees  to  the  several  parts  of  his  empire,  for  the 
suppression  of  Christianity. 

In  September,  '^57,  the  imperial  edict  reached  Carthage, 
where  Paternus  was  pro-consul ;  and  Cyprian,  as  the  most 
prominent  in  character  and  office  among  the  Christians, 
was  the  first  to  be  summoned  before  the  heathen  tribunal. 
Of  what  passed  on  that  occasion,  we  have  a  circumstantial 
record  in  the  acts  of  St.  Cyprian,  bishop  and  martyr. 

"  The  most  sacred  Emperors,  Valerianus  and  Gallienus, 
-have  honoured  me  with  their  commands,"  said  Paternus, 

VOL.  IV.  2  M 

362  CYPRIAN. 

•'  to  exact  of  those,  who  worship  not  the  gods  of  Rome,  a 
due  recognitioD  of  the  Roman  rites.  I  would  examine 
you  therefore  concerning  your  name  and  profession  :  what 
is  your  answer  ?"  I  am  a  Christian",  said  Cyprian,  "  and 
a  Bishop.  I  know  no  other  gods  but  that  One  only  and 
true  God,  who  made  heaven  and  earth,  the  sea  and 
all  that  therein  is.  Him  do  we  Christians  serve :  Him 
night  and  day  do  we  supplicate  for  ourselves,  for  all  men, 
and  for  the  preservation  of  the  Emperors  themselves." 
Paternus  asked  ;  "Do  you  persist  in  this  determina- 
tion ?"  Cyprian  replied :  "  A  good  determination,  taken 
up  in  the  knowledge  of  God,  is  unchangeable."  "  Are 
you  ready,  then,"  said  the  j^ro-cousul,  "  according  to  the 
edict  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus,  to  be  exiled  to  the  city  of 
Gurubis?"     "  I  am  ready,"  said  Cyprian. 

Then  the  pro-consul,  having  thus  received  the  profession 
of  Cyprian,  and  appointed  the  place  of  his  banishment, 
endeavoured  to  extort  from  him  the  name  of  others  who 
were  obnoxious  to  the  same  sentence.     "  My  commission 
extends,"  said  he,    "  not  only  to  the  bishops,   but  also  to 
the  presbyters  of  your  party :  1  ask  you,  then,  who  are  the 
presbyters  in  the  city  ?"     The  bishop  replied,  "  your  laws 
have  well  provided  against  the  abuse  of  informers  ;  in 
obedience  to  them  I  refuse  to  betray  my  brethren  :  they 
may  be  found,  however,   in  their  own   places."     "  But  I 
will  know  who  they  are  now,  and  in  this  place,"  said 
Paternus.     Cyprian  said,   "It  is  equally  contrary  to  the 
discipline  of  their  order,  and  to  the  spirit  of  your  laws, 
that  they  should  expose  themselves  unforced  :  yet  they 
may  be  found  by  you,   if  you   do  but   seek  them  out." 
Paternus   said,   "They  shall  be  found  out:  for  I  have 
commanded  that  none   shall  hold  assemblies  any  where, 
nor  enter  your  cemeteries ;    and  if  any  venture  to  dis- 
obey this  wholesome  provision  they  shall  suffer  death." 
Cyprian    replied  :    "  Obey    the   orders  which   you   have 

Cyprian  had  been  eleven  months  in  his  exile,   and  in 
the  interval  Galerius  Maximus  had  succeeded  Aspasius 

CYPRIAN.  363 

Paternus  in  the  proconsulate.  The  new  proconsul  recalled 
Cyprian,  though  not  for  any  purposes  of  mercy ;  but 
rather,  in  all  probability,  that  he  might  be  more  entirely 
within  his  power. 

At  length  the  glorious  day  of  his  martyrdom  dawned, 
and  he  was  conveyed  to  the  residence  of  the  proconsul, 
still  accompanied  by  his  affectionate  children  in  the  faith. 
When  he  arrived  at  the  Praetorium,  the  proconsul  had 
not  yet  taken  his  seat  on  the  tribunal ;  he  was  permitted 
therefore  to  retire  to  a  less  public  place,  and  there,  hot 
and  tired  with  his  journey,  he  reclined  on  a  seat  which 
had  been  accidently  left  covered  with  a  linen  cloth  :  so 
that  in  the  very  article  of  his  passion,  he  was  not  without 
some  insignia  of  his  sacred  function.  One  of  the  guard, 
who  had  formerly  been  a  Christian,  offered  him  a  change 
of  vestments,  proposing  to  keep  the  garments  of  the 
martyr  as  a  valuable  relic ;  but  Cyprian  rejected  the 
proffered  luxury,  observing  on  the  folly  of  too  solicitous 
a  use  of  remedies  for  those  evils,  which  can  last  but  for 
a  day. 

At  length  Galerius  Maximus  assumed  his  place  in  the 
judgment-hall,  and  Cyprian  being  brought  before  him,  he 
said,  "  Art  thou  Thascius  Cyprian  ?"  Cyprian  answered, 
**Iam."  "Art  thou  he,"  said  Maximus,  "who  hath 
borne  the  highest  offices  of  their  religion,  among  the 
Christians  ?"  "  Yes,"  answered  the  bishop.  "  The  most 
sacred  Emperors  have  commanded  that  you  offer  sacrifice," 
said  the  proconsul.  "I  will  not  offer  sacrifice,"  replied 
Cyprian.  "  Be  persuaded,"  said  the  proconsul,  "  for  your 
own  sake."  Cyprian  replied,  "Do  thou  as  thou  hast 
received  orders  :  for  me,  in  so  just  a  cause,  no  persuasion 
can  move  me."  After  these  words  he  pronounced  from 
his  tablet,  "  Let  Thascius  Cyprian  be  beheaded." 

"  Thanks  be  to  God  !"  said  Cyprian  :  and  the  crowd  of 
Christians  who  surrounded  him  exclaimed,  "  Let  us  die 
with  him  !" 

The  holy  martyr  was  then  led  away,  followed  by  a  great 
concourse  of  people,  to  an  open  field  near  the  place  where 


he  had  received  his  sentence ;  and  having  put  o£F  the  rest 
of  his  garments,  and  committed  them  to  the  deacous,  he 
first  prostrated  himself  in  pra3^er  to  God,  and  then  stood 
in  his  inner  vestments,  prepared  for  the  fatal  stroke.  He 
tied  the  bandage  over  his  eyes  with  his  own  hands  ;  and 
that  he  might  owe  that  office  to  friends  which  he  could  not 
himself  perform,  Julian,  a  presbyter,  and  a  sub-deacon  of 
the  same  name,  bound  his  hands.  To  the  executioner  he 
appropriated  a  gift  of  twenty-five  pieces  of  gold  :  the 
Christians,  whose  avarice  was  not  mercenary,  sought  no 
other  memorials  than  handkerchiefs  dyed  with  the  blood 
of  their  bishop.  The  body  was  for  a  while  exposed  to  the 
gaze  of  the  heathen ;  but  having  been  removed  by  night, 
by  the  brethren,  it  was  buried  in  the  Mappalian  way. 
Two  churches  afterwards  marked  the  spots  which  had 
been  consecrated  by  his  death  and  by  his  burial. 

Thus  died  Thascius  Csecilius  Cyprian,  with  a  courage 
too  common  in  those  days  to  excite  our  surprise,  but  of 
such  intrinsic  merit  as  to  demand  our  admiration.  He 
was  the  first  Bishop  of  Carthage  who  had  attained  to  the 
crown  of  martyrdom ;  and  he  was  truly  worthy  of  this 
high  distinction.  Few  men  have  more  forcibly  arrested 
.the  affections  of  their  associates  :  few  have  more  powerfully 
influenced  the  opinions  of  others ;  none  have  been  more 
honoured  by  posterity.  The  wish  which  broke  from  the 
tumultuous  assembly  at  his  condemnation,  to  die  with 
him,  was  uttered  afterwards  coolly  and  solemnly  by  his 
deacon  Pontius  :  but  his  widowed  Church  rather  lamented 
her  own  misfortune  than  his ;  and  soon  learned  to  glory 
in  his  crown  more  than  she  lamented  her  own  loss.  His 
name  was  long  a  household  word  with  the  Church  which 
he  had  governed,  and  even  the  heathen  paid  to  his 
memory  the  tribute  of  respect. — The  Life,  or  rather  Pane- 
gyric, of  St.  Cyprian  by  Pontius  his  Deacon.  The  Life  of 
Cyprian  in  the  Benedictine  Edition  of  his  Works,  and  in 
that  of  Bishops  Pearson  and  Fell:  and  Poole s  Life  and 
Times  of  St.  Cyprian. 

CYRIL.  365 


Saint  Cyril,  of  Jerusalem,  was  born  probably  about 
the  year  315,  and  though  the  place  of  his  birth  is  unknown, 
he  was  certainly  educated  at  Jerusalem.  He  was  ordained 
deacon  probably  by  Macarius,  and  priest  by  Maximus, 
Bishops  of  Jerusalem,  the  latter  of  whom  he  succeeded  in 
349  or  350.  Shortly  before  this,  in  347  or  348,  before  he 
was  bishop,  he  delivered  the  Catechetical  Lectures  which 
have  come  down  to  us.  The  circumstances  of  his  conse- 
cration were  unfortunate,  it  being  certain  that  Acacius  of 
Oaesarea,  was  one  of  his  consecrators,  and  Acacius  was 
one  of  the  leaders  of  Arianism  in  the  East,  who,  in  347, 
had  been  deposed  by  the  council  of  Sardica.  It  ought  to 
be  remembered,  however,  that  the  council  of  Sardica  was 
at  first  as  little  acknowledged  by  the  Orthodox  as  by  the 
Arians,  and  Cyril  was  a  moderate  man,  avoiding  as  much 
as  possible  party  spirit ;  when,  therefore,  he  was  canonically 
consecrated  by  the  Bishops  of  the  province,  and  among 
them  Acacius  appeared,  he  did  not  object  to  him.  But 
St.  Cyril  did  not  remain  long  on  good  terms  with  Acacius. 
Acacius,  notwithstanding  his  deposition  by  the  council  of 
Sardica,  continued  to  occupy  the  see  of  Csesarea,  and  he 
soon  entered  into  a  controversy  on  the  subject  of  his 
metropolitan  rights  w^ith  St.  Cyril,  who,  possessing  an 
apostolical  see,  alleged,  that  he  was  independent  of  his 
jurisdiction ;  the  difference  between  them  was  augmented 
by  the  opposition  of  their  opinions  :  for  Acacius  preached 
up  Arianism,  and  St.  Cyril  followed  the  Catholic  faith, 
maintaining  the  consubstantiality  of  the  Son,  and  accusing 
the  other  of  error  in  his  faith.  Acacius,  who  had  a  piercing 
wit,  and  was  very  active,  was  before-hand  with  St.  Cyril, 
and  cited  him  frequently ;  but  St.  Cyril,  not  acknowledging 
him  as  his  superior,  took  care  not  to  appear.  During 
this  time  Acacius  made  use  of  the  pretence  of  his  not 
appearing  to  get  him  deposed  in  a  council,  for  having 
refused  for  two  successive  years  to  answer  the  accusations 

VOL  IV.  2n 

366  CYRIL, 

alleged  against  him :  the  chief  heads  of  the  accusation 
against  St.  Cyril  were,  that  he  had  sold  the  treasures  of 
the  Church.  True  it  is,  that  the  territories  of  Jerusalem 
being  afflicted  with  famine,  the  people  chiefly  applied  to 
St.  Cyril  for  relief ;  but  as  he  had  no  money,  he  sold  cer- 
tain vessels  and  rich  stuffs  which  were  reserved  for  the 
service  of  the  Church.  It  was  alleged,  that  after  this,  a 
certain  person  met  an  actress  dressed  in  a  rich  stuff  which 
himself  had  given  to  the  Church ;  upon  which,  he  with 
great  exactness  informed  himself  where  she  had  got  it, 
and  found  that  she  had  bought  it  of  a  shop-keeper  who 
had  bought  it  of  the  Bishop.  These  are  the  pretences 
which  Acacius  made  use  of  to  depose  St.  Cyril. 

Not  believing  himself  justly  condemned,  he  appealed  to 
a  higher  tribunal,  and  sent  the  appeal  to  those  who  had 
opposed  him ;  the  Emperor  Constantius  authorized  this 
appeal,  yet  was  it  esteemed  irregular,  and  St.  Cjril  accused 
for  being  the  first  that  ever  appealed  from  an  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  as  if  it  had  been  a  secular  tribunal.  Acacius 
not  only  deposed  St.  Cyril,  but  also  drove  him  out  of 
Jerusalem  :  Cyril  went  to  Antioch,  which  he  found  with- 
out a  Bishop,  for  Leontius  was  dead,  and  had  not  yet 
a  successor.  He  therefore  went  to  Tarsus,  and  lived  with 
Sylvanus  the  Bishop.  Acacius  being  informed  of  it,  wrote 
to  Sylvanus,  and  gave  him  an  account  of  St.  Cyril's  being 
deposed ;  but  notwithstanding  this,  Sylvanus  did  not  hin- 
der him  from  officiating  in  the  Church,  as  well  on  account 
of  the  respect  which  he  had  for  him,  as  in  consideration  of 
the  people  who  received  his  instructions  with  a  great  deal 
of  satisfaction. 

Although,  during  his  exile,  he  certainly  associated  occa- 
sionally with  Semi-Arians,  yet  his  orthodoxy  is,  from  his 
works,  unquestionable.  In  359,  two  years  after  his  depo- 
sition, he  appealed  with  success  against  Acacius  to  the 
council  of  Seleucia,  but  the' next  year,  through,  the  influ- 
ence of  Acacius  with  the  Emperor  Constantius,  he  was 
again  deposed,  and  banished  from  Palestine. 

CYRIL.  367 

On  the  accession  of  Julian  the  Apostate,  who  desired  to 
sow  the  seeds  of  confusion  in  all  the  Churches,  the  ban- 
ished Bishops  were  permitted  to  return  to  their  sees ;  and 
in  365  Cyril  returned  to  Jerusalem.  And  here  he  wit- 
nessed Julian's  attempt  to  rebuild  the  temple,  and  from 
the  prophecies  predicted  its  failure. 

To  rebuild  the  temple  was  thought  by  the  apostate 
Emperor  to  be  the  surest  method  of  refuting  Christianity, 
and  of  proving  our  prophecies  to  be  unworthy  of  credit. 
He  encouraged  the  Jews,  therefore,  to  set  about  the  work. 
Never  was  any  miracle  more  fully  confirmed  by  evidence 
than  this.  Bishop  Warburton  has  ably  answered  all  that 
can  be  advanced  by  the  sceptics,  and  even  the  sceptical 
Jortin  is  obliged  to  confess,  "after  all,  it  is  an  ugly  circum- 
stance, I  wish  we  could  get  fairly  rid  of  it."  The  uglines.s 
of  the  circumstance  being,  that  Archdeacon  Jortin  was 
determined  not  to  believe,  and  yet  could  give  no  sound 
reason  for  his  infidelity;  for,  as  Bishop  Warburton  remarks : 
*'  No  believer,  but  must  conclude  that  God  would  indeed 
interpose  to  vindicate  the  character  of  His  Son :  no  man, 
but  must  confess  that  to  support  a  religion  like  this,  was 
an  occasion  worthy  the  interposition  of  the  Lord  of  all 

The  account  of  the  failure  of  this  attempt  to  rebuild  the 
temple,  shall  be  given  in  the  words  of  Arminianus  Mar- 
cellinus,  a  heathen,  and  an  admirer  of  Julian.  "  Julian 
committed  the  conduct  of  this  affair  to  Alypius  of  Antioch, 
who  formerly  had  been  lieutenant  in  Britain.  When,  there- 
fore, this  Alypius  had  set  himself  to  the  vigorous  execu- 
tion of  his  charge,  in  which  he  had  all  the  assistance  that 
the  governor  of  the  province  could  afford  him,  horrible 
balls  of  fire  breaking  out  near  the  foundations,  with  fre- 
quent and  reiterated  attacks,  rendered  the  place  from  time 
to  time  inaccessible  to  the  scorched  and  blasted  workmen, 
and  the  victorious  element  continuing  in  this  manner, 
obstinately  and  resolutely  bent,  as  it  were,  to  drive  them 
to  a  distance,  Alypius  thought  best  to  give  over  the  enter- 

368  CYRIL. 

St.  Cyril  was  again  driven  into  banishment  under  the 
Arian  Emperor  Valens,  and  remained  in  exile  from  367 
to  378. 

Valens  was  the  last  of  the  x\rian  Emperors,  and 
with  him  the  Arian  party  fell  in  the  East.  A  union 
between  all  Christian  Churches  then  took  place,  as  they 
had  been  kept  asunder  rather  by  party  prejudices  than 
by  principles,  the  differences  having  been  fostered 
by  the  ambition  of  eloquent  Arian  preachers.  In  the 
second  general  council,  held  at  Constantinople,  in  381,  U> 
appease  the  troubles  of  the  East,  and  to  condemn  the 
heresy  of  Macedonius,  who  blasphemously  taught  that  the 
Holy  Ghost  was  a  creature,  we  find  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
Gregory  Nazianzen,  and  Meletius  of  Antioch,  sitting  with 
Cyril,  and  all  of  them  united  in  sentiment.  By  this 
council  he  was  restored  to  his  see ;  and,  as  if  to  refute  the 
calumny  of  his  being  an  Arian,  he  is  described  as  "  the 
Reverend  and  religious  Cyril,  in  many  ways  and  places  a 
withstander  of  the  Arians."     He  died  about  386. 

"  I  know  of  no  writer,"  says  Dr.  Waterland,  "  who  has 
given  a  fuller,  or  clearer,  or  in  the  main,  juster  account  of 
the  holy  Eucharist,  than  this  the  elder  Cyril  has  done  ; 
though  he  has  often  been  strangely  misconstrued  by  con- 
tending parties.  The  true  and  ancient  notions  of  the 
Eucharist  came  now  to  be  digested  into  somewhat  of  a 
more  regular  and  accurate  form,  and  the  manner  of  speak- 
ing of  it  became,  as  it  were,  fixed  and  settled  upon  rules 
of  art.  Cyril  expresses  himself  thus,  '  receive  we  [the 
Eucharist]  with  all  fulness  of  faith,  as  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ :  for,  under  the  type  [or  symbol]  of  bread,  you 
have  His  body  given  you,  and  under  the  type  [symbol]  of 
wine,  you  receive  His  Blood ;  that  so  partaking  of  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  you  may  become  flesh  of  His 
Flesh,  and  blood  of  His  Blood.  For,  by  this  means,  we 
carry  Christ  about  us,  in  as  much  as  His  Body  and  Blood 
are  distributed  into  our  members  :  thus  do  we  become, 
according  to  St.  Peter,  partakers  of  the  Divine  nature.' 
The  doctrine  here  taught  is,   that  in  the  Eucharist  wo 

CYRIL.  369 

receive  (not  literally,  but  symbolically)  the  natural  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ ;  just  as  the  priests  of  old,  in  eating 
the  sacrifices,  symbolically,  but  effectually,  ate  up  the  sins 
of  the  people,  or  as  the  faithful  Israelites,  in  eating  manna 
and  drinking  of  the  rock,  effectually  fed  upon  Christ. 
The  symbolical  Body  and  Blood  are  here  supposed  by  our 
author  to  supply  the  place  of  the  natural,  and  to  be  in 
construction  and  beneficial  effect  (not  substantially)  the 
same  thing  with  it ;  and  so  he  speaks  of  our  becoming 
by  that  means  one  flesh  and  one  blood  with  Christ,  mean- 
ing it  in  as  high  a  sense,  as  all  the  members  of  Christ 
are  one  body,  or  as  man  and  wife  are  one  flesh.  We  carry 
Christ  about  us,  as  we  are  mystically  united  to  Him. 
His  Body  and  Blood  are  considered  as  intermingled  with 
ours,  when  the  symbols  of  them  really  and  strictly  are  so  : 
for  the  benefit  is  completely  the  same ;  and  God  accepts 
of  such  symbolical  union,  making  it,  to  all  saving  pur- 
poses and  intents,  as  effectual,  as  any  the  most  real  could 
be.  Cyril  never  thought  of  any  presence  of  Christ's 
natural  Body  and  Blood  in  the  Sacrament,  excepting  in 
mystery  and  figure,  (which  he  expresses  by  the  word  type) 
and  in  real  benefits  and  privileges. 

"  He  goes  on  to  obseiTe,  that  our  Lord  once  told  the 
Jews  (John  vi.  54.)  of  eating  His  flesh,  &c.  And  they  not 
understanding  that  it  was  spoken  spiritually,  [but  taking 
the  thing  literally.]  were  offended  at  it,  as  if  He  had  been 
persuading  them  to  devour  His  flesh.  Hence  it  appears 
farther,  that  our  author  was  no  friend  to  the  gross,  literal 
construction.  He  proceeds  as  follows  ;  '  Under  the  New 
Testament  we  have  that  heavenly  bread,  and  a  cup  of 
salvation,  sanctifying  both  body  and  soul;  for  as  bread 
answers  to  body,  so  the  logos  suits  with  the  soul.'  This 
thought  may  be  compared  with  another  of  Clemens  above, 
somewhat  like,  and  somewhat  different.  But  both  agree 
in  two  main  points,  that  the  Eucharist  sanctifies  the 
worthy  receiver  both  in  body  and  soul,  and  that  Christ  is 
properly  present  in  His  divine  nature.     Wherefore  Cyril 

370  CYRIL. 

had  the  more  reason  for  pressing  his  exhortation  after- 
wards in  high  and  lofty  terms  :  '  consider  them  [the  ele- 
ments] not  as  mere  bread  and  wine  ;  for  by  our  Lord's 
express  declaration,  they  are  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ.  And  though  your  taste  may  suggest  that  to  you, 
[viz.  that  they  are  mere  bread  and  wine,]  yet  let  your  faith 
keep  you  firm.  Judge  not  of  the  thing  by  your  taste,  but 
under  a  full  persuasion  of  faith,  be  ye  undoubtedly 
assured,  that  you  are  vouchsafed  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ.'  This  he  said  to  draw  off  the  minds  of  his  audi- 
ence from  low  and  carnal  apprehensions,  that  so  they 
might  view  those  mysteries  with  the  eye  of  faith,  and  not 
merely  with  the  eye  of  sense ;  might  look  through  the 
outward  sign,  to  the  inward  thing  signified,  and  regale 
their  spiritual  taste  more  than  the  sensual.  This  is  what 
Cyril  really  meant :  though  some  mbderns,  coming  to 
read  him  either  with  transubstantiation  or  consubstantia- 
tion  in  their  heads,  have  amused  themselves  with  odd 
constructions  of  very  innocent  words. 

"  As  to  his  exhorting  his  audience  not  to  take  the  ele- 
ments for  mere  bread  and  wine,  it  is  just  such  another 
kind  of  address  as  he  had  before  made  to  them,  first  in 
relation  to  the  waters  of  Baptism,  and  next  with  regard  to 
the  Chrism.  '  Look  not  to  this  laver,  as  to  ordinary 
water,  but  (attend)  to  the  grace  conferred  with  the  water.' 
Would  any  sensible  man  conclude  from  hence,  that  the 
water  was  transubstantiated,  according  to  our  author,  into 
some  other  substance  ;  Let  us  go  on  to  what  he  says  of 
the  chrism.  '  Have  a  care  of  suspecting  that  this  is  ordi- 
nary ointment,  [or  mere  ointment;]  for,  like  as  the  sacra- 
mental bread,  after  the  invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  is 
no  more  bare  bread,  but  the  Body  of  Christ,  so  also  this 
holy  unguent  is  no  more  bare  ointment,  nor  to  be  called 
common,  after  the  invocation  ;  but  it  is  the  grace  of  Christ " 
and  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  endowed  with  special  energy  by 
the  presence  of  His  Godhead ;  and  it  is  symbolically 
spread  over  the  forehead  and  other  parts  of  the  body.     So 

CYRIL.  371 

then  the  body  is  anointed  with  the  visible  unguent,  but 
the  soul  is  sanctioned  by  the  enlivening  Spirit.' 

"  I  cite  not  this,  as  approving  all  that  Cyril  has  here  said 
of  the  chrism,  (not  standing  upon  Scripture  authority,) 
but  to  give  light  to  what  he  has  said  of  the  Eucharist, 
which  he  compares  with  the  other,  while  he  supposes  the 
cases  parallel.  He  conceived  the  elements  in  one  case, 
and  the  unguent  in  the  other,  to  be  exhibitive  symbols  of 
spiritual  graces,  instrumentally  conveying  what  they  repre- 
sent. The  bread  and  wine,  according  to  his  doctrine,  are 
symbolically  the  Body  and  Blood  :  and  by  symbolically 
he  means  the  very  same  thing  which  I  have  otherwise 
expressed  by  saying,  that  they  are  the  Body  and  Blood  in 
just  construction  and  beneficial  efifect.  What  Cyril  feared 
with  respect  to  Baptism,  and  the  Eucharist,  and  the 
Unction,  was,  that  many  in  low  life  (coming  perhaps  from 
the  plough,  the  spade,  or  the  pale)  might  be  dull  of  appre- 
hension, and  look  no  higher  than  to  what  they  saw,  felt, 
or  tasted.  Upon  the  like  suspicion  was  grounded  the 
ancient  solemn  preface  to  the  Communion  Service,  called 
Sursum  Corda  by  the  Latins :  wherein  the  officiating 
minister  admonished  the  communicants  to  lift  up  their 
hearts,  and  they  made  answer.  We  lift  them  up  unto  the 

"  To  make  the  point  we  have  been  upon  still  plainer, 
let  Cyril  be  heard  again,  as  he  expresses  the  thing  in  a 
succeeding  lecture.  '  You  hear  the  Psalmist  with  divine 
melody  inviting  you  to  the  communion  of  the  holy  mys- 
teries, and  saying,  Taste  and  see  how  gracious  the  Lord 
is.  Leave  it  not  to  the  bodily  palate  to  judge  :  no,  but  to 
faith  clear  of  all  doubting.  For  the  tasters  are  not  com- 
manded to  taste  bread  and  wine,  but  the  antitype  [sym- 
bol] of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ.'  Here  our  author 
plainly  owns  the  elements  to  be  types,  or  symbols,  (as  he 
had  done  also  before,)  and  therefore  not  the  very  things 
whereof  they  are  symbols ;  not  literally  and  strictly,  but 
interpretatively,  mystically,  and  to  all  saving  pui^poses  and 

372  CYRIL. 

intents ;  which  suflaces.  It  is  no  marvel  if  Mr.  Toutee 
and  other  Romanists  interpret  Cjril  to  quite  another 
purpose  :  but  one  may  justly  wonder  how  the  learned  and 
impartial  Dr.  Grabe  should  construe  Cyril  in  that  gross 
sense,  which  he  mentions  under  the  name  of  augmenta- 
tion. I  presume,  he  read  Cyril  with  an  eye  to  modern 
controversy,  and  did  not  consider  him  as  speaking  to 
mechanics  and  day-labourers  :  or,  he  was  not  aware  of  the 
difference  there  is,  between  telling  men  what  they  are  to 
believe,  and  what  they  ought  to  attend  to,  which  was 
Cyril's  chief  aim.  As  to  believing,  he  very  well  knew  that 
every  one  would  believe  his  senses,  and  take  bread  to  be 
bread,  and  wine  to  be  wine,  as  himself  believed  also  :  but 
he  was  afraid  of  their  attending  so  entirely  to  the  report 
of  their  senses,  as  to  forget  the  reports  of  sacred  Writ, 
which  ought  to  be  considered  at  the  same  time,  and  with 
closer  attention  than  the  other,  as  being  of  everlasting 
concernment.  In  short,  he  intended  no  lecture  of  faith 
against  eyesight :  but  he  endeavoured,  as  much  as  possi- 
ble, to  draw  off  their  attention  from  the  objects  of  sense 
to  the  object  of  faith,  and  from  the  signs  to  the  things 

'  "It  has  been  urged,  as  of  moment,  that  Cyril  compared 
the  change  made  in  the  Eucharist  to  the  miraculous 
change  of  water  into  wine  wrought  by  our  Lord  in  Cana 
of  Galilee.  It  is  true  that  he  did  so  :  but  similitudes 
commonly  are  no  arguments  of  any  thing  more  than  of 
some  general  resemblance.  There  was  power  from  above 
in  that  case,  and  so  is  there  in  this  :  and  it  may  be  justly 
called  a  supernatural  power;  not  upon  the  elements 
to  change  their  nature,  but  upon  the  communicants  to 
add  spiritual  strength  to  their  souls.  The  operation  in 
the  Eucharist  is  no  natural  work  of  any  creature,  but 
the  supernatural  grace  of  God's  Holy  Spirit.  Therefore 
Cyril's  thought  was  not  much  amiss,  in  resembling  one 
supernatural  operation  to  another,  agreeing  in  the  general 
thing,   differing  in  specialities.     In  a  large  sense  of  the 

CYRIL.  373 

word  miracle,  there  are  miracles  of  grace,  as  well  as 
miracles  of  nature  ;  and  the  same  Divine  power  operates 
in  both,  but  in  a  different  way,  as  the  ends  and  objects 
are  different." 

Socrates.    Sozomen.    Theodoret.    Cave.    Warhiirton.    Wa- 
terland.   Ammiamis  MarcelUnus. 

This  Father  was  raised  up  by  the  Providence  of  God 
to  defend  the  faith  of  the  Incarnation  of  His  only  Be- 
gotten Son,  of  which  mystery  he  is  styled  the  doctor,  as 
St.  Augustine  is  the  doctor  of  the  mystery  of  grace.  He 
was  brought  up  under  Serapion,  on  Mount  Nitria.  He 
displayed  great  diligence  in  study,  and  is  said  to  have 
known  the  New  Testament  by  heart.  After  five  years' 
abode  on  Mount  Nitria,  his  uncle  Theophilus,  Bishop  of 
Alexandria,  summoned  him  to  that  town,  and  ordained 
him.  He  expounded  and  preached  with  great  reputation. 
The  works  of  Origen  he  held  in  abhorrence,  and  would 
neither  read  them  himself  nor  have  communication  with 
those  who  did  ;  but  he  was  well  read  in  the  works  of  the 
Fathers  who  preceded  him.  In  the  year  412  he  suc- 
ceeded his  uncle  in  the  see  of  Alexandria.  His  election, 
however,  was  not  carried  without  difficulty,  as  many 
wished  to  elect  the  Archdeacon  Timotheus.  Abundantius, 
who  commanded  the  forces,  took  part  with  the  latter, 
and  a  tumult  actually  occurred  :  however,  Cyril  prevail- 
ed, and  was  enthroned  three  days  after  the  death  of 
Theophilus.  The  victory  which  he  had  gained  over  the 
opposite  party,  gave  him  more  authority  than  Theophilus 
himself  had  enjoyed  ;  and  from  that  time  the  bishops 
of  Alexandria  exceeded  a  little  the  limits  of  the  spi- 
ritual power,  and  assumed  some  share  in  the  temporal 
government.  The  first  thing  Cyril  did  was  to  shut  up 
the  churches  of  the  Novatians,  and  to  seize  on  all  their 

VOL.  ly.  3  o 

374  CYRIL. 

The  early  days  of  his  episcopate  were  days  of  trouble  ; 
a«d  several  circumstances  occurred  in  which  it  is  impos- 
sible to  justify  the  conduct  of  Cyril.  The  impetuosity  of 
his  temper  hurried  him  into  some  excesses.  He  was  thus 
active  in  driving  the  Jews  from  Alexandria,  under  the 
following  circumstances.  One  day,  as  Orestes,  governor 
of  the  city,  was  making  proclamations  in  the  theatre, 
several  Christians,  who  were  attached  to  the  bishop,  drew 
near  to  hear  the  ordinances  of  the  governor ;  and  among 
others,  a  certain  man  named  Hierax,  who  was  master  of  a 
crrammar  school,  a  zealous  auditor  of  the  bishop,  and  a 
most  active  man  in  exciting  plaudits  in  his  sermons. 
The  Jews,  always  hostile  to  the  Christians,  and  at  that 
time  particularly  provoked  on  the  subject  of  certain 
dancers,  seeing  Hierax  in  the  theatre,  immediately  cried 
out  that  he  only  came  to  excite  a  tumult.  Orestes  had 
been  long  offended  at  the  power  of  the  bishops,  which 
lessened  that  of  the  governors,  and  therefore  believing 
that  St.  Cyril  meant  to  control  his  ordinances,  he  caused 
Hierax  to  be  seized,  and  scourged  publicly  in  the  theatre. 
When  St.  Cyril  heard  this,  he  sent  for  the  principal  Jews, 
and  threatened  them  with  severe  punishments,  unless 
they  gave  over  raising  tumults  against  the  Christians ; 
but  this  only  exasperated  the  multitude  the  more.  They 
resolved  to  attack  the  Christians  by  night,  and  having 
taken  for  a  sign  of  recognition  among  themselves  rings 
made  of  the  bark  of  young  palm-branches,  they  cried 
through  the  city  that  the  church  of  Alexandria  was  on  fire. 
The  Christians  repaired  thither  from  all  parts,  and  the 
Jews  fell  upon  them,  and  killed  a  great  number  of  them. 
On  the  next  day  the  authors  of  this  massacre  were  dis- 
covered, and  St.  Cyril  went  with  a  great  body  of  people 
to  the  Jews'  synagogues,  and  having  taken  possession  of 
them,  he  expelled  the  Jews  from  the  city,  and  delivered 
up  their  property  to  be  plundered.  Thus  were  the  Jews 
expelled  from  Alexandria,  where  they  lived  ever  since  the 
time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  its  founder.  Orestes  took 
this  proceeding  very  ill,  and  looked  upon  it  as   a  great 

CYEIL.  375 

misfortune,  that  such  a  city  should  lose  at  once  so  great  a 
number  of  inhabitants.  He  made  his  rejoort  of  the  matter 
to  the  Emperor,  to  whom  St.  Cyril  likewise  wrote  an  ac- 
count of  the  crimes  of  the  Jews. 

However,  being  solicited  by  the  people,  he  sent  to 
Orestes  lo  propose  a  reconciliation,  and  conjured  him  to 
agree  to  it,  even  by  the  books  of  the  Gospels ;  but  Orestes 
would  not  hear  of  it.  Then  the  monks  of  Mount  Nitria, 
who  had  zealously  espoused  the  interest  of  the  Bishop 
Theophilus  against  Dioscorus,  and  the  Four  Brothers,  left 
their  monasteries  and  came  to  Alexandria,  to  the  number 
of  five  hundred.  They  kept  watch  for  the  governor 
Orestes  as  he  was  going  abroad  in  his  chariot ;  and 
coming  up  to  him,  they  called  him  pagan  and  idolater, 
with  other  injurious  names.  Orestes  suspecting  that 
Cyril  had  laid  a  snare  for  him,  cried  out  that  he  was  a 
Christian,  and  that  he  had  been  baptized  by  the  Bishop 
Atticus  at  Constantinople  :  but  the  monks  would  not  hear 
him,  and  one  of  them,  whose  name  was  Ammonius,  stnick 
him  on  the  head  with  a  stone,  which  covered  him  with 
blood.  His  officers,  terrified  at  the  shower  of  stones,  dis- 
persed ;  but  the  people  came  to  his  assistance,  and  put 
the  monks  to  flight.  Ammonius  was  taken,  and  carried 
before  the  governor,  who  brought  him  to  trial,  and  tortured 
him  to  death.  St.  Cyril  took  up  his  body  and  laid  it  in 
a  church,  changing  his  name  into  that  of  Thaumasius,  or 
"Admirable,"  and  would  have  had  him  acknowledged  for 
a  martyr,  but  the  wisest  among  the  Christians  did  not 
approve  of  this  proceeding,  for  they  saw  that  Ammonius 
had  undergone  the  punishment  of  his  rashness,  and  soon 
after  St.  Cyril  himself  suffered  the  affair  to  drop  into 
silence  and  oblivion. 

The  people  did  not  stop  there.  They  pretended  that 
an  illustrious  lady,  named  Hypatia,  prevented  the  prsefect 
Orestes  from  being  reconciled  to  the  bishop.  She  was 
daughter  to  the  philosopher  Theon,  and  so  learned  that 
she  excelled  all  the  philosophers  of  her  time.  She  had 
succeeded  to  the  Platonic  school,  and  taught  in  public,  so 

376  CYRIL. 

that  people  came  to  her  from  all  parts :  and  we  have 
several  letters  from  Synesius  to  her,  in  which  he  acknow- 
ledges himself  her  disciple.  Her  learning  was  attended 
with  great  modesty,  which  gained  her  much  respect  and 
influence  with  the  magistrates.  She  used  often  to  see 
Orestes,  which  gave  occasion  to  the  suspicion  that  she 
incensed  him  against  St.  Cyril.  On  this  a  set  of  violent 
men,  headed  by  a  reader  named  Peter,  watched  for  her 
one  day,  as  she  was  going  home  to  her  house,  pulled  her 
out  of  her  carriage,  and  dragged  her  to  the  church  called 
CsEsareum  ;  they  stripped  off  her  clothes,  killed  her  with 
the  blows  of  broken  pots,  tore  her  to  pieces,  and  burned 
her  limbs  at  a  place  called  Cinaro.  "  This  action,"  says 
the  historian  Socrates,  "  brought  great  reproach  upon 
Cyril,  and  on  the  Church  of  Alexandria  ;  for  such  acts  of 
violence  are  very  far  removed  from  Christianity."  Then 
he  adds,  "  This  happened  in  the  fourth  year  of  the 
episcopate  of  Cyril,  under  the  tenth  consulate  of  Hono- 
rius,  and  the  sixth  of  Theodosius,  in  the  month  of 
March,  during  the  Fasts,"  that  is,  in  the  Lent  of  tlie 
year  415. 

After  this  we  hear  little  of  St.  Cyril  until  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Nestorian  controversy  in  529.  We 
may  therefore  presume  that  he  was  growing  in  that  grace 
by  which  his  natural  impetuosity  of  character  ripened  into 
real  Christian  zeal.  He  shewed  himself  indeed  during 
this  time  open  to  conviction ;  for,  having  inherited  from 
his  uncle,  the  late  bishop,  certain  prejudices  against 
St  Chrysostom,  he  listened  to  the  persuasions  of  Isidore 
of  Pelusium,  and  set  down  his  name  in  the  Ecclesiastical 
Ptegister,  thereby  declaring  that  his  deposition  had  been 
unjust.  The  churches  of  Egypt,  Lilvya,  and  Pentapolis, 
had,  before  this,  taken  the  opposite  side  in  this  question. 
Tha  Pope  of  Rome  had  no  more  authority  in  those  days 
than  any  other  patriarch  ;  for,  from  the  time  of  the  depo- 
sition of  St.  Chrysostom  until  this  year  419,  the  churches 
of  Alexandria  and  of  Rome,  differing  on  this  subject,  were 
not   in    communion ;  the   communion   between   the    two 

CYRIL.  377 

churches  was  now  restored.  From  this  it  will  be  seen 
that  communion  with  the  see  of  Rome  was  not  regarded 
by  the  Alexandrians,  any  more  than  now  by  Anglicans,  as 

The  origin  of  the  Nestorian  controversy  was  this  :  Nes- 
torius,  being  aj^pointed  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  brought 
with  him  from  Antioch  the  priest  Anastasius,  his  syn- 
cellus  and  confidant.  He  preaching  one  day  in  the 
church  of  Constantinople  said,  "  Let  no  one  call  Mary 
mother  of  God  ;  for  she  was  a  woman,  and  it  is  impossible 
that  God  should  be  born  of  a  human  creature."  These 
words  gave  great  offence  to  many  both  of  the  clergy  and 
laity:  "for  they  had  always  been  taught,"  says  the  his- 
torian Socrates,  "  to  acknowledge  Jesus  Christ  as  God, 
and  not  to  sever  Him  in  any  way  from  the  Divinity." 
Nestorius,  however,  declared  his  assent  to  what  the  priest 
xlnastasius  had  thus  advanced,  and  several  sermons  which 
he  delivered  on  the  subject  are  still  extant. 

Immense  excitement  was  occasioned,  not  only  at  Con- 
stantinople, but  throughout  the  provinces  of  the  east  and 
west,  especially  when  certain  sermons  were  published  by 
Nestorius,  asserting  the  heresy  more  distinctly.  These 
sermons  were  circulated  among  the  monasteries  of  Egypt, 
and  were  discussed  among  the  monks. 

St.  Cyril,  apprehensive  that  the  error  might  take  root, 
wrote  an  encyclical  letter  to  the  monks  of  Egypt,  wherein 
he  says  that  they  would  have  done  better  wholly  to  have 
refrained  from  questions  of  so  great  difficulty,  and  that 
what  he  writes  to  them  is  intended,  not  to  keep  up  the 
dispute,  but  to  arm  them  in  defence  of  the  truth.  "  I 
wonder,"  says  he,  "  how  a  question  can  be  raised  as  to 
whether  the  Holy  Virgin  should  be  called  Mother  of  God ; 
for  if  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  God,  how  is  not  the  Holy 
Virgin,  His  mother,  Mother  of  God  ?  This  is  the  faith 
we  have  been  taught  by  the  Apostles,  although  they  did 
not  make  use  of  this  expression ;  it  is  the  doctrine  of  our 
fathers,  among  the  rest  of  Athanasius,  of  blessed  memory," 

^'8  CYRIL. 

and  he  quotes  two  passages  in  support  of  his  statement. 
He  next  proves  that  He  Who  was  born  of  the  Holy  Virgin 
is  God  in  His  ow^n  nature,  since  the  Nicene  Creed  sajs 
that  the  onl}^  begotten  son  of  God,  of  the  same  substance 
with  the  Father,  Himself  came  down  from  heaven,  and 
w^as  incarnate.  He  proceeds :  "  You  will  say,  perhaps. 
Is  the  Virgin,  then,  mother  of  the  Divinity  ?  We  answer. 
It  is  certain  that  the  Word  is  eternal,  and  of  the  sub- 
stance of  the  Father.  Now  in  the  order  of  nature, 
mothers,  who  have  no  part  in  the  creation  of  the  soul,  are 
still  called  mothers  of  the  whole  man,  and  not  of  the 
body  only;— for  surely  it  would  be  a  hypercritical  refine- 
ment to  say  Elizabeth  is  mother  of  the  body  of  John 
and  not  of  his  soul.  In  the  same  way,  then,  we  express 
ourselves  in  regard  to  the  birth  of  Emmanuel ;  t^ince 
the  Word  having  taken  flesh  upon  Him,  is  called  the  Son 
of  Man." 

Nestorius  was  extremely  irritated  by  this  letter,  and 
endeavoured  to  injure  St.  Cyril  by  suborning  men  to 
calumniate  and  accuse  him  to  himself  and  the  Emperor. 
St.  Cyril  wrote  in  vain  to  expostulate  with  Nestorius, 
whose  violence  against  his  opponents  exceeded  all  bounds* 
and  caused  a  petition  to  be  presented  to  the  Emperors 
Theodosius  and  Valentinian  to  assemble  a  general  coun- 
cil. St.  Cyril,  hearing  of  these  things,  wrote  a  second 
letter  to  Nestorius,  in  the  year  430. 

In  this  letter  St.  Cyril  first  observes  that  he  is  aware 
of  the  calumnies  with  which  he  has  been  aspersed,  and 
that  the  authors  of  them  are  known  to  him  ;  but  unwil- 
ling to  dwell  on  this  ungrateful  topic,  he  turns  to 
Nestorius  himself  and  exhorts  him,  as  his  brother,  to 
reform  his  doctrine,  and  by  giving  in  his  adhesion  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Fathers,  to  put  an  end  to  the  offence  he 
had  caused.  He  then  enters  upon  an  exposition  of  the 
mystery  of  the  Incarnation,  and  says,  "  We  must  admit 
in  the  name  of  Christ  two  generations ;  first,  the  eternal, 
by  which  He  proceeds  from  His  Father ;  second,  the  tern- 

CYRIL.  379 

poral,  whereby  He  is  born  of  His  mother.  When  we  say 
that  He  suffered,  and  rose  again,  we  do  not  say  that  God 
the  Word  suffered  in  His  own  nature,  for  the  Divinity 
is  impassible ;  but  because  the  body  which  was  appro- 
priated to  Him  suffered,  we  also  say  that  He  suffered 
Himself.  So  too  we  say  that  He  died.  The  Divine 
Word  is  in  His  own  nature  immortal,  He  is  life  itself ; 
but  because  His  own  true  body  suffered  death,  we  say  that 
He  Himself  died  for  us.  In  the  same  way,  when  His 
flesh  is  raised  from  the  dead,  we  attribute  resurrection  to 
Him.  We  do  not  say  that  we  adore  the  man  along  with 
the  Word,  lest  the  phrase  along  with  should  suggest  the 
idea  of  their  non-identity ;  but  we  adore  Him  as  one  and 
the  same  person,  because  the  body  assumed  by  the  Word 
is  in  no  degree  external  to  or  separated  from  the  Word," 
And  afterwards ;  "  It  is  in  this  sense  that  the  Fathers 
have  ventured  to  call  the  tloly  Virgin  '  Mother  of  God  ;' 
not  that  the  nature  of  the  Word,  or  His  Divinity,  did 
receive  beginning  of  His  existence  from  the  Holy  Virgin, 
because  in  her  was  formed  and  animated  with  a  reason- 
able soul  that  sacred  Body  to  which  the  Word  united 
Himself  in  hypostasis,  which  is  the  reason  of  its  being 
said  that  He  was  born  according  to  the  flesh."  In  the 
course  of  this  letter  he  frequently  repeats  the  words 
{■/My  vTvoo-roLo-i))  Evajo-i?)  'union  in  hypostasis;'  feeling  the 
inadequacy  of  the  Greek  word  it^oarwTtov,  which  we  ordi- 
narily render  '  person,'  and  which  does  not  express  the 
idea  of  unity  with  sufficient  strength.  The  first  time 
that  we  meet  with  the  expression,  '  hypostatical  union,'  is 
in  this  letter,  by  far  the  most  celebrated  of  all  that 
St.  Cyril  wrote  to  Nestorius. 

It  was  probably  about  the  same  time  and  on  the  same 
occasion  that  St.  Cyril  wrote  to  those  of  his  clergy  who 
resided  at  Constantinople,  commenting  on  the  proposi- 
tions of  peace  that  were  offered  on  the  part  of  Nestorius. 
"  I  have  read  the  memorial  you  sent  me,"  he  says,  "  and 
see  from  it  that  the  priest  Anastasius  has  been  convers- 
ing with  you  and  pretending  he  seeks  for  peace,  and  that 

380  CYKIL. 

he  said  to  jou,  '  Our  belief  agrees  with  what  he  has 
written  to  the  monks;'  and  then  proceeding  to  what  he 
really  had  in  view,  he  says  of  me,  '  He  has  himself  ad- 
mitted that  the  Nicene  council  nowhere  makes  mention 
of  the  word  Theotocos.'  I  wrote  to  say,  that  the  council 
did  well  not  to  mention  it,  because  this  matter  was  not 
at  that  time  a  subject  of  controversy ;  but  in  effect,  it 
does  say  that  Mary  is  Mother  of  God ;  since  it  says  that 
the  same  who  was  begotten  of  the  Father,  was  incarnate, 
and  suffered."  Afterwards,  speaking  of  a  writing  of 
Nestorius,  he  says,  "  He  takes  pains  to  prove  that  the 
body  alone  suffered,  and  not  God  the  Word;  as  if  in 
refutation  of  some  who  say  that  the  impassible  Word  is 
passible.  No  one  has  ever  said  anything  so  absurd. 
His  body  having  suffered,  He  is  said  to  have  suffered 
Himself ;  as  we  may  say  that  the  soul  of  man  suffers 
when  his  body  suffers,  even  when,  in  strictness,  the  soul 
is  in  its  own  nature  free  from  suffering.  But  what  they 
wish  to  insinuate  is,  that  there  are  two  Christs,  and  two 
sons,  one  properly  man,  the  other  properly  God,  and  to 
make  a  union  only  of  persons,  (Prosopwn) ;  this  is  the 
object  of  their  chicanery." 

There  are  several  other  letters  of  St.  Cyril,  in  which  he 
expresses  his  readiness  to  defend  himself  in  a  general 
council,  but  declares  that  instead  of  accepting  Nestorius 
as  a  judge,  it  was  his  intention  to  impeach  him  as  a 
heretic.  He  wrote  also  to  the  royal  family,  and  to  the 
Bishop  of  Rome ;  addressing  the  latter  as  his  equal  and 
brother  bishop,  and  seeking  only  from  him  that  friendly 
advice  which  he  sought  from  other  bishops  of  the  larger 
sees.  Celestine,  who  was  at  that  time  Bishop  of  Rome, 
agreed  with  St.  Cyril  in  opinion,  and  gave  him  full 
authority  to  refer  to  the  Roman  Church  as  agreeing  with 
the  orthodox  Churches  of  the  East.  Very  different  was 
the  treatment  which  St.  Cyril  received  from  another  cele- 
brated prelate,  John  of  Antioch,  who  was  the  friend  and 
ally  of  Nestorius. 

St.  Cyril  in  this  same  year,  430,  assembled  a  council 

CYRIL.  381 

at  Alexandria,  aad  in  the  name  of  the  council  wrote  a 
synodicai  letter  to  Xestorius,  calling  upon  him  to  declare 
in  writing  that  he  anathematized  his  impious  tenets,  and 
that  he  would  believe  and  teach  "  what  we  all  of  us 
believe  ;  and  when  I  say  ice,"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  include 
all  the  bishops  of  the  East  and  West,  and  all  who  guide 
the  people.  The  holy  council  of  Rome,  and  we,  are  all 
agreed  that  the  letters  which  have  been  written  to  you  by 
the  Church  of  Alexandria  are  orthodox  and  free  from 
error."  The  reader  will  here  observe,  that  he  mentions 
the  Eastern  before  the  Western  church;  and  that  he 
refers  not  to  the  authority  of  the  see  of  Rome,  but  to  the 
decisions  of  a  council  of  that  church,  quoted  simply  to 
shew  that  the  Western  church  agreeing  with  the  churches 
of  the  East,  there  was  universal  consent  as  to  the  ortho- 
doxy of  the  Alexandrian  canons. 

This  letter  concludes  with  twelve  anathemas. 

I.  If  any  man  confess  not  that  Emmanuel  is  very 
God,  and  consequently  the  Holy  Virgin,  Mother  of  God, 
(since  by  her,  according  to  the  flesh,  was  conceived  the 
Word  of  God  Who  became  flesh,)  let  him  be  anathema. 

II.  If  any  man  confess  not  that  the  Word  Which 
proceeds  from  God  the  Father  is  united  to  the  flesh 
hypostatically,  and  that  with  His  flesh  He  makes  but 
one  only  Christ,  Who  is  both  God  and  man,  let  him  be 

III.  If  any  one,  after  confessing  the  union,  divide 
the  hypostases  of  the  only  Christ,  joining  them  indeed 
together,  but  only  by  a  connection  of  dignity,  authority,  or 
power,  and  not  by  a  real  union,  let  him  be  anathema. 

»  IV.  If  any  attribute  to  two  persons,  or  to  two  hypos- 
tases, the  things  which  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists 
relate,  as  spoken  concerning  Christ  by  the  saints  or  by 
Himself,  and  apply  some  to  a  man  conceived  of  separately 
as  external  to  the  Divine  Word,  and  others  (such  as  he 
deems  worthy  of  God)  solely  to  the  Word  proceeding  from 
the  Father;  let  him  be  anathema. 

382  CYRIL. 

V.  If  any  dare  to  say  that  Christ  is  a  id  an  who  bears 
God  with  Him,  instead  of  saying  that  He  is  God  indeed, 
as  only  Son,  and  Son  by  nature, — inasmuch  as  the  Word 
was  made  flesh,  and  partook  of  flesh  and  blood,  even  as 
we  ; — let  him  be  anathema. 

VI.  If  any  dare  to  say  that  the  Word  proceeding  from 
God  the  Father  is  the  God  or  Lord  of  Jesus  Christ,  in- 
stead of  confessing  that  the  same  is  entirely  both  God  and 
man, — since,  according  to  the  Scriptures,  the  Word  was 
made  flesh  ; — let  him  be  anathema. 

VII.  If  any  man  say  that  Jesus  as  man  was  possessed 
by  God  the  Word,  and  clothed  with  the  glory  of  the  only 
Son,  as  if  He  were  not  identical  with  Him  ;  let  him  be 

VIII.  If  any  dare  to  say  that  the  man  assumed  by 
the  Word  ought,  along  with  the  Word,  to  be  glorified  and 
adored  and  called  God,  as  if  the  one  existed  within  the 
other,  (for  this  is  the  notion  suggested  by  the  perpetual 
repetition  of  the  phrase  along  with,)  instead  of  honouring 
Emmanuel  with  one  entire  adoration,  and  rendering  to 
Him  one  entire  glorification, — forasmuch  as  the  Word 
was  made  flesh; — let  him  be  anathema. 

IX.  If  any  say  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  glorified 
by  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  having  received  from  Him  a  power 
of  acting  against  unclean  spirits  and  working  miracles 
upon  men,  which  was  alien  from  Himself,  instead  of  say- 
ing that  the  Spirit  by  which  he  worked  them  belonged  to 
Him  essentially ;  let  him  be  anathema. 

X.  Holy  Scripture  says  that  Jesus  Christ  was  made 
the  High-Priest  and  Apostle  of  our  faith,  and  that  He 
offered  Himself  for  us  to  God  the  Father  as  a  sweet  smel- 
ling sacrifice  ;  if  any  man  therefore  say  that  since  the  time 
when  our  High-Priest  and  Apostle  was  made  flesh  and 
man  like  us.  He  is  not  the  Word  of  God  but  a  man  born 
of  a  woman,  as  if  this  man  were  a  diflerent  person  from 
the  Word  :  or  if  any  say  that  Christ  offered  the  sacrifice 
for  Himself,  instead  of  saying,  that  it  was  solely  for  our 

CYRIL.  383 

sakes,  (for  He  Who  knew  no  sin  stood  in  no  need  of  any 
sacrifice  ;)  let  him  be  anathema. 

XI.  If  any  man  confess  not  that  the  flesh  of  the  Lord 
gives  Ufe,  and  belongs  essentially  to  the  Word  Himself 
Who  proceeds  from  the  Father,  and  attribute  it  to  another 
who  is  only  joined  to  Him  in  respect  of  dignity,  or  by 
virtue  of  a  divine  indwelling,  instead  of  saying  that 
it  gives  life  because  it  belongs  essentially  to  the  Word, 
Who  has  the  power  of  quickening  all  things  ;  let  him  be 

XII.  If  any  man  confess  not  that  the  Word  of  God 
suffered  according  to  the  flesh,  was  crucified  according  to 
the  flesh,  and  was  the  first  born  among  the  dead, — foras- 
much as  He  is  life,  and  giveth  life,  as  God; — let  him  be 

These  are  the  twelve  famous  anathemas  of  St.  Cyril 
against  all  the  heretical  propositions  advanced  by 

Before  this  letter  reached  Constantinople,  the  Emperor 
(not  the  pope)  had  convened  a  general  council.  At  the 
same  time  John  of  Antioch,  a  personal  friend  of  Nestorius, 
who  had  nevertheless  entreated  him  to  use  the  word 
Theotokos,  took  offence  at  the  twelve  anathemas  of  St. 
Cyril,  thinking  that  they  savoured  of  Apollinarianism, 
and  he  employed  Theodoret  of  Cyras,  and  Andrew  of 
Samosata  to  write  against  Cyril,  who  replied  to  both. 

Immediately  after  the  feast  of  Easter,  St.  Cyril  set  out 
for  Ephesus,  the  place  at  which  the  council  was  directed 
to  meet,  accompanied  by  fifty  bishops,  nearly  half  of  the 
episcopate  of  his  province,  the  other  bishops  remaining 
behind  to  take  care  of  the  churches.  x\t  the  same  time 
Nestorius  repaired  to  Ephesus,  with  a  great  number  of 
troops  and  with  some  of  the  nobility.  But  John  of  An- 
tioch with  his  bishops  obliged  the  council,  under  various 
pretences,  to  wait  for  them  for  a  considerable  time. 

St.  Cyril,  while  the  assembled  prelates  were  waiting  for 
John,  preached,  with  his  usual  vehemence,  and  not  always 

384  CYRIL. 

with  discretion  or  good  judgment,  against  Nestorius. 
Acacius  of  Melitene  preached  on  the  same  occasion  and 
in  the  same  strain,  to  whose  sermon  allusion  is  here  made 
because  he  refers  to  "  the  cross  which  shines  in  front  of 
the  churches."  It  seems  evident  from  the  silence  of  all 
the  writers  of  the  three  first  centuries  that  crosses  were 
not  then  erected  io  churches.  Eusebius,  who  frequently 
describes  the  churches  of  Constantino,  and  others,  never 
once  alludes  to  it,  though  he  often  mentions  crosses  set 
up  in  other  public  places.  From  the  fourth  century 
downward,  it  became  more  common  ;  partly,  no  doubt,  in 
consequence  of  Constantino's  victory  over  Maxentius,  and 
the  invention  of  the  cross  by  Helena  (a.  d.  326).  Sozomen 
speaks  of  the  cross  as  laid  on  the  altar  in  his  day,  and 
Evagrius  speaks  of  silver  crosses  given  by  Chosroes  to 
one  of  the  churches  in  Constantinople  to  be  fixed  upon 
the  altar. 

John  of  Antioch  sent  to  Cyril  stating  that  if  his  arrival 
should  be  delayed,  the  council  need  not  on  that  account 
be  deferred,  but  should  proceed  with  the  necessary  busi- 
ness: and  fifteen  days  having  now  elapsed  beyond  the 
period  fixed  by  the  Emperor's  letter  for  the  assembling  of 
the  council,  St.  Cyril  and  the  rest  of  the  bishops  resolved 
to  hold  the  council  on  the  22d  of  June,  421,  notwithstand- 
ing a  protest  from  Nestorius  and  sixty-eight  bishops  of 
his  party,  who  declared  it  to  be  incumbent  upon  them  to 
wait  for  John  of  Autioch,  w^ho,  though  he  held  the  catholic 
faith,  was,  as  we  have  before  observed,  friendly  to  Nes- 
torius ;  Nestorius  had  indeed  come  from  Antioch,  and 
sentence  of  condemnation  could  hardly  be  passed  upon 
him  without  reflecting  disgrace  in  some  degree  upon  his 
instructors.  Candidian,  also.  Count  of  the  Domestics,  in- 
terfered to  prevent  the  opening  of  the  council  at  the  time 
proposed,  and  went  so  far  as  to  publish  a  protest  against 
their  proceedings  when  assembled. 

Nevertheless,  on  the  day  appointed,  June  22,  431,  the 
third  general  council,  the  council  of  Ephesus,  was  opened. 
St.  Cyril  presided  in  the  right  of  the  dignity  of  his  see. 

CYRIL.  385 

There  was,  indeed,  no  one  present  to  question  his  right ; 
the  patriarch  of  Antioch  had  not  yet  arrived,  the  patriarch 
of  Rome  was  not  present,  and  the  patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople was  the  part}^  arraigned.  According  to  Balsamon, 
Cyril,  as  "  Pope  of  Alexandria,"  wore  on  this  occasion  a 
golden  diadem,  such  as  Constantine  had  assigned  to  the 
**Pope  of  Rome."  Upon  the  episcopal  throne  of  the 
presiding  bishop,  which  was  in  the  centre  of  the  apse,  was 
placed  the  New  Testament  to  denote  Christ's  presence 
among  them  :  the  other  bishops  were  ranged  in  thrones 
along  the  apse  on  each  side  of  the  president. 

Nestorius,  though  summoned  three  times,  refused  to 
attend,  and  being  surrounded  by  troops  supplied  to  him 
by  Candidian,  he  treated  with  contumely  the  bishops  who 
were  sent  from  the  council  to  summon  him.  The  council 
then  proceeded  to  declare  that  the  letter  of  St.  Cyril  to 
Nestorius  was  conformable  to  theNicene  doctrine  and  to  the 
doctrine  they  had  received  from  their  fathers.  The  letter  of 
Nestorius  was  read,  the  second  which  he  wrote  to  St.  Cyril; 
and  after  several  bishops  had  spoken  declaring  it  to  be 
contrary  to  the  Nicene  doctrine,  and  accusing  Nestorius 
of  introducing  novelties,  the  other  bishops  all  cried  out 
together,  "  Whosoever  does  not  anatliematize  Nestorius, 
let  him  be  anathema.  The  orthodox  faith  anathematizes 
him,  the  holy  council  anathematizes  him.  Whoso  com- 
municates with  Nestorius,  let  him  be  anathema.  We  all 
anathematize  the  letter  and  doctrines  of  Nestorius.  We 
all  anathematize  the  heretic  Nestorius.  Those  who 
communicate  with  Nestorius  we  all  anathematize.  We 
anathematize  the  impious  faith  of  Nestorius.  All  the 
earth  anathematizes  his  impious  religion.  Whosoever 
does  not  anathematize  him,  let  him  be  anathema." 

Then,  but  not  till  then,  the  letter  of  Celestine,  "  Arch- 
bishop of  Rome"  was  read,  and  as  his  sentiments  accorded 
with  those  which  had  just  been  expressed  by  the  council, 
it  was,  with  another  of  St.  Cyril's,  entered  upon  the 
minutes,  the  name  of  Cyril  appearing  before  that  of  Celes- 

VOL.  IV.  2  p 

386  CYRIL. 

tine.  A  letter  was  also  entered  upon  the  acts  of  the  coun- 
cil froro  "  another  most  revered  metropolitan,"  Capreolus, 
Bishop  of  Carthage,  as  it  clearly  asserted  that  the  ancient 
opinions  concerning  the  faith  ought  to  be  maintained,  and 
the  new  to  be  rejected. 

The  depositions  against  Nestorius  having  been  received 
and  his  works  having  been  examined,  sentence  of  con- 
demnation was  pronounced  against  him  in  these  terms  : 
"  Nestorius  having,  among  other  things,  refused  to  obej 
our  citation,  and  to  receive  the  bishops  who  were  sent  on 
our  part,  we  have  been  obliged  to  proceed  to  an  examinar 
tion  of  his  impieties  ;  and  having  convicted  him,  as  well 
by  his  letters  as  by  his  other  writings,  and  by  discourse* 
which  he  lately  held  in  this  city,  [duly  attested,)  of  holding 
and  teaching  impious  doctrines ;  being  reduced  to  this 
necessity  by  the  canons,  and  by  the  letter  of  our  most 
holy  father  and  colleague  Celestine,  Bishop  of  the  Roman 
Church  ;  after  having  shed  many  tears,  we  are  agreed  upon 
this  unhappy  sentence.  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  Whom  h& 
hath  blasphemed,  has  declared  by  this  holy  council  that 
he  is  deprived  of  the  episcopal  dignity,  and  excluded  from 
all  ecclesiastical  assemblies.  Cyril,  Bishop  of  i\.lexandria; 
1  have  subscribed  to  the  judgment  of  the  council.  Juve- 
nal, Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  I  have  subscribed  to  tbe  judg- 
ment of  the  council."  All  the  other  bishops  present  sub- 
scribed in  the  same  way,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred 
and  ninety-eight  Some  called  themselves  bishops  by  the 
grace  anl  mercy  of  God  ;  others,  bishops  of  the  Catholic 
Church  of  such  and  such  a  place.  Some  subscribed  by 
the  hand  of  a  priest,  one  having  his  hand  disabled,  others 
being  sick.  Some  bishops  also  subscribed  who  were  not 
present  till  after  the  first  session  ;  so  that  Nestorius  was 
deposed  by  more  than  two  hundred  bishops,  for  some  of 
them  had  a  delegated  authority  as  well  as  their  own,  since 
they  represented  others  who  were  unable  to  get  to  Ephesus. 
This  was  the  first  session  of  the  council,  and  it  lasted 
from  morning  till   night,   although  the  days  were  then  at 

CYRIL.  387 

the  longest,  for  it  was  the  22nd  of  June,  and  at  Ephesus 
the  Sim  does  not  set  on  that  day  till  eleven  minutes  after 
seven  o'clock.  The  people  of  the  city  waited  from  morn- 
ing till  night  in  expectation  of  their  decision  ;  and  when 
they  heard  that  Nestorius  was  deposed,  they  began  with 
one  voice  to  bless  and  applaud  the  council,  and  to  praise 
God  that  the  enemy  of  the  faith  was  fallen.  The  bishops, 
on  coming  out  of  the  church,  were  conducted  to  their 
hotels  with  torches,  the  women  carried  perfumes  before 
them,  the  city  was  illuminated  with  lamps,  and  every 
thing  expressed  universal  exultation. 

On  the  next  day,  (June  the  t went}'- third,)  they  ac- 
quainted Nestorius  with  his  sentence  of  deposition,  in 
these  terms ;  "  The  holy  council  assembled  at  Ephesus  by 
the  grace  of  God,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  decree  of  our 
most  pious  Emperors,  to  Nestorius  the  new  Judas  :  know, 
that  for  thy  impious  doctrines,  and  disobedience  to  the 
canons,  thou  wast  deposed  by  the  holy  council  agreeably 
to  the  laws  of  the  Church,  and  declared  to  be  excluded 
from  all  ecclesiastical  dignities,  on  the  22nd  day  of  this 
present  month  of  June."  This  sentence  was  fixed  up  in 
the  public  places,  and  published  by  criers.  The  council 
wrote  on  the  same  day  to  Eucharius,  defender  of  the 
Church  of  Constantinople,  to  the  priests,  the  stewards, 
and  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  acquainting  them  that  Nestorius 
had  been  deposed  on  the  previous  day,  and  desiring  them 
to  take  care  of  the  goods  of  the  church,